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Diary of the

AMERICAN WAR

HESSIAN
JOURNAL

CAPTAIN

JOHANN

EWALD

Translated
and edited by
JOSEPH P. TUSTIN

Diary of the American War

A Hessian Journal

Captain Johann Ewald

Field Jager Corps

Translated and edited by Joseph P. Tustin

New Haven and London Yale-LJ diversity Press

1979

Royal Danish Lieutenant General Johann von Ewald, Chief of the Schleswig Jager Corps,
Commanding General in the Duchy of Holstein, 1744-1813. Photograph of painting by
C. A. Jensen (1835), after a drawing by H. J. Aldenrath, hanging in Frederiksborg Palace,
Hillerpd, Denmark.

When a man chooses a calling, he must do everything that
can be done in that calling, so that he can never suffer
reproach for having done only half of his duty. On this
account I keep among the mottoes in my portfolio, to serve
at times as a reminder, the following from Boileau.

Honor is like an island,

Steep and without shore:

They who once leave,

Can never return.

— Ewald

Diary of the American War, May 17, 1781

„ from The National Historical Society,

Published with assistance tro.n

Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.

Copyright © 1979 by ^niversny^ TplrXZ form
book may not be repro uc , Sections 107 and 108 ol the U.S.
(beyond that copying P e ™'“ iewe rs for the public press),

without written permission from P

, o C McCrillis and set in Baskerville t>p
uLd States of Aroerrca b, The Murray

Company, Westford, Mass. ^ ^ ^ (except Japan)

Published in Great Britain, ur p . {huteA m Australia

by Vale UniverS, ‘ y B^ &’ F Um Services, Artarmon, N.S.W.,
and New Zealand y Publishers, Tokyo

Australia; and in Japan by Harper

Office.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Ewald, Johann von, 1744-1813.

Diary of the American War.

Bibliography: p*

Includes index. 1744 _ 18 13. 2. United

1. Ewald, Johann von, 177 5_i783— German

States— History— Revo u 10 , States — History—

1. Tide.

1 111 q7 * o/ 4 2 79-623

E268.E9213 973.3 M

rr f t r» V T A _ ^nn-02 153-4

Contents

Illustrations

Preface x iii

Acknowledgments xvii

Introduction xix

VOLUME I: First and Second Campaigns, 1776 and 1777
Foreword

Letter from General Dumouriez to Ewald

Chapter 1. From the departure from Hesse to the expedition in

Chesapeake Bay. 5

Part One. From the departure from Hesse of the Second

Division, Hessian auxiliaries, which were bound for America,
until their arrival at Cuxhaven, where they were embarked. 5

Part Two. From the departure from Germany up to the arrival at

New York in North America. 6

Part Three. From the disembarkation from the transport ships

up to the landing at New Rochelle. 7

Part Four. From the departure from the vicinity of New Rochelle

up to the capture of Fort Washington. 8

Part Five. From the capture of Fort Washington up to the

crossing of the Hudson River at Philipsburgh. 15

Part Six. From the crossing of the Hudson River up to the arrival

on the left bank of the Raritan River. 17

Part Seven. From the crossing of the Raritan up to the arrival on

the left bank of the Delaware. 25

Part Eight. After the arrival of the English army at the Delaware

up to the surprise attack on Trenton. 30

Part Nine. After the surprise at Trenton up to the arrival in the

cantonment quarters in and around New Brunswick. 45

Part Ten. From the arrival of the army at New Brunswick up to

the opening of the second campaign. 50

Part Eleven. From the opening of the second campaign in the
year 1777 up to the embarkation for the expedition to
Chesapeake Bay. 64

Chapter 2. From the embarkation at Staten Island up to the

winter quarters at Philadelphia. 71

Part One. From the embarkation at Staten Island in the Hudson

vii

CONTENTS |

River up to the landing at Turkey Point in the Elk River in
Maryland.

Part Two. From the landing on Turkey Point until the army
arrived at Philadelphia.

VOLUME II: Third and Fourth Campaigns, 1778 and 1779

Chapter 1 . From the 1st of January, 1778, until the army arrived
at New York.

Part One. From the movement into the winter quarters in

Philadelphia up to the departure of General Howe from the
army.

Part Two. From the time General Clinton assumed the command
of the army until Philadelphia was abandoned.

Part Three. After the army left Philadelphia, with the retreat
through the Jerseys, and up to the arrival on York Island.

Chapter 2. From the arrival of the army in and around New
York up to the end of the year 1779.

Part One. From the arrival at New York until the end of this
campaign.

Part Two. From the beginning of the year 1779 up to the
opening of the fourth campaign.

Part Three. From the opening of the fourth campaign up to the
expedition to the southern part of North America.

117

129

132

140

157

160

VOLUME III: Fifth Campaign, 1780

Chapter 1. From the expedition from New York up to the
assault on the Charlestown fortress.

Part One. From the embarkation at New York up to the
disembarkation on Simmons Island in South Carolina.

Part Two. From the landing on Simmons Island up to the arrival
on James Island.

Part Three. March of the corps under Lord Cornwallis from
Jsmcs Island up to the Occupation of Fenwick s Point and
the post at Rose’s House.

Part Four. From the march of the army from James Island up to
the assault of Charlestown.

Chapter 2. From the siege of Charlestown up to the arrival at
New York Island.

Part One. From the siege of Charlestown.

Part Two. After the capture of Charlestown, from the departure
up to the arrival of the siege corps at Staten Island.

189

196

205

211

221

242

viii

CONTENTS

Part Three. From the disembarkation on Staten Island until the
siege corps rejoined the army on York Island.

Part Four. From the disembarkation at Philipsburgh up to the
end of the campaign.

VOLUME IV: Sixth Campaign, 1781, Up to the Return to Hesse, 1784

Chapter 1. From the embarkation at Denys’s Ferry on Long
Island up to the arrival at Portsmouth in Virginia.

Part One. From the embarkation at Denys’s Ferry up to the
arrival in the James River.

Part Two. From the disembarkation from the transport ships up
to the passage over the James River to Westover.

Part Three. From the march from Byrd’s plantation to
Richmond and return.

Part Four. From the embarkation at Byrd’s plantation up to the
landing at Hardy’s Ferry in the County of Isle of Wight.

Part Five. From the landing at Hardy’s Ferry in Isle of Wight
County up to the arrival at Portsmouth.

255

259

266

269

272

Chapter 2. From the arrival at Portsmouth and the union of the
army under Lord Cornwallis up to the arrival of the army at
York and Gloucester.

Part One. From the arrival at Portsmouth until after the affair
before Portsmouth, in which I was wounded.

Part Two. From my wounding until I received the post at
Norfolk.

Part Three. After I took over the post at Norfolk until I arrived
at the army under Lord Cornwallis.

Part Four. From my arrival at the army until it had recrossed the
James River.

Part Five. After the army had crossed the James River up to its
arrival at York and Gloucester.

276

294

297

304

316

Chapter 3. From the arrival of the army at York and Gloucester
until the surrender of the same.

Part One. From the arrival of the army at York and Gloucester
up to the concentration of the French and Americans.

Part Two. From the concentration of the army under

Washington, Rochambeau, Saint-Simon, and Lafayette up to
the surrender of both places, York and Gloucester.

Part Three. From the surrender of York and Gloucester up to
the end of this year.

322

327

342

CONTENTS |

Supplement. From the beginning of the year 1782 up to
the arrival in Hesse in 1784.

Appendix 1 : Publications of Johann von Evvald
Appendix 2: Letters from Ewald to Jeannette Van Horne,
January 30, 1777 -August 7, 1778
Notes

Bibliography

Index

347

363

365

375

439

451

Illustrations

Royal Danish Lieutenant General Johann von Ewald
Plan of Trenton

Plan of the Area of Bordentown and the Lewis Mill

Plan of the Area of Bordentown, Burlington to Mount Holly

Plan of the Area of Mount Holly

Plan of the Affair at Trenton, Which Occurred on the 26th of
December 1776
Plan of Quibbletown

Plan of the Area of Bound Brook, 20 April 1777
Plan of the Area Between Raritan Landing and Bound Brook
Where the Two Jager Companies Have Been Posted. From the
Beginning of the Year until 14 June 1777
Plan of the Area of Hillsborough
Post of the Jager Corps Near Norriton

Plan of the Attack on the Fort at Red Bank, 21 October 1777
Plan of the Attack on Mud Island
Plan of Mud Island

The Province of New Jersey Divided into East and West Called
jersey

Disposition of General Washington at Valley Forge, Which He
Occupied at the Beginning of the Year 1778, and Has
Maintained Until the 14th of June
Philipse Manor Hall in 1784
Ambuscade [August 31, 1778]

An Indian of the Stockbridge Tribe

Plan of the Area of Philipse’s Hill or Philipse’s Heights

Plan of the Jager Post on Herecland’s Creek

Plan of the Two Posts on Stony and Verplanck’s Points

Plan of Paulus Hook and Its Works

Plan of the Ambuscade at East Chester [October 3, 1779]

Plan of the Post at Harlem

Plan of Stono Ferry

Plan of the Post at Rose’s Plantation

Plan of the Area of Andrew’s Church

Plan of the Siege of Charlestown in South Carolina

Plan of a Part of Southern Virginia

Letter of Brigadier General Benedict Arnold to the OfFicer
Commanding the Party on Shore, January 1, 1781

frontispiece

101

107

113

125

142

147

148
155
165
171
177
181
185
201
207
213
223
257

263

ILLUSTRATIONS

Plan of Hood’s Point, Which Is Reckoned Thirty Miles from
Jamestown 265

Plan of the Skirmish with the Rebels at James’s Plantation in

Princess Anne County in Virginia 283

Plan of the Area of Scott’s Creek, Two Short Miles from

Portsmouth Up to the Causeway 293

Plan of Norfolk 301

Plan of the Action at Spencer’s House, Seven Miles from

Williamsburg 311

Plan of the Siege of York Town in Virginia 332-33

Letter from Ewald to Jeannette Van Horne, July 9, 1777 373

xii

Preface

The diary that Captain Johann Ewald wrote with "much toil and many a
drop of sweat” is an outstanding contribution to the literature of the
American Revolution. Certainly it is the most important and comprehen-
sive diary kept by a Hessian mercenary.

The discovery of the original diary came about in an unexpected man-
ner. After the Second World War I was assigned to intelligence and
historical duties with United States major commands in the United States
Zone of Occupation in Germany. In early December 1948 I was a histo-
rian with the Headquarters, United States Air Forces in Europe, at Wies-
baden. I had just returned from Berlin on a C-54 aircraft, which was
flying the Berlin Airlift, when a colleague and I decided to visit the Air
Section of the Headquarters, United States Forces in Austria, at Vienna.
Since the city was surrounded by the Soviet Zone of Occupation in Aus-
tria, it was necessary to obtain an official Russian clearance pass, called a
“gray pass,” to make the journey by air and by road through restricted
territory. Therefore we went to the office where the gray passes were
issued. When I reached the desk of a German civilian who was preparing
the passes, I heard him say to my colleague, “Sir, would you be interested
in an old diary of the American Revolution?” Uninterested, the historian
declined curtly and hurried by with his pass. On my part I was astonished
and asked, “Where is this diary?” The clerk replied, “My aunt in Essen
has it.” I told him to have the diary brought to Wiesbaden as soon as
possible and I would examine it after I returned from Vienna. Thus, by
an extraordinary coincidence, was this remarkable diary discovered.

I learned that the German clerk was former Lieutenant Colonel
Eberhard von Pfister, a member of a well-known Hessian family of dis-
tinguished soldiers and writers. Von Pfister had served as a transporta-
tion officer with the German army on the Eastern front during the war.
His great-grandfather, Major Gustav Ferdinand von Pfister, a Hessian
army general staff officer and historian, had obtained the diary in 1864
from the author’s son, Major General Carl von Ewald, then retired from
the Danish army.

When I returned from Vienna, I found the diary in von Pfister s small,
cold room in Wiesbaden. Those were hard times for Germans; food and
fuel were scarce, and the loss of the war and the occupation of the coun-
try weighed heavily upon the people. I presumed that the owner of the
diary, whose family had no relationship to the author, had decided to
part with their heirloom only out of dire economic necessity.

PREFACE

Since Essen was in the British Zone of Occupation in Germany, von
Pfister’s aunt had first approached the British Museum in London. That
institution had replied it was interested, but not yet ready for acquisition
at a time when the museum was recovering from the damage caused by
the war. Hence the owner of the diary had turned to the American Zone.

An inspection of the diary showed that there were three volumes, I, II,
and IV, written in an excellent eighteenth-century hand on handmade
paper and bound in calf. All three volumes were in a splendid state of
preservation, and the maps and plans folded within the pages were in
near-perfect condition. Volume III was missing, but the owner sent word
that as far as she knew her ancestor had originally acquired only three
volumes. I also learned that the volumes had survived the terrible bomb-
ings of Kassel and Essen during the war.

After I had received official permission from the Monument and Fine
Arts Division of the Office of Military Government in Wiesbaden, I pur-
chased the diary and received legal certificates of sale from the owner in
Essen. Thus this diary was not among those objets dart and rare articles
so conveniently acquired during the early occupation of Germany.

As for the original Volume III, I conducted a futile search for it for
several years during my service in Germany. In late 1957 I contacted Mr.
Edgar A. Holm, the Royal Danish Consul at Frankfort-on-the-Main, who
^SS^sted that I visit Copenhagen, since Ewald had been a Danish gen-
eral. The consul and Count Adam Moltke, chief of the Danish Travel
Bureau, furnished me with letters of introduction to archival and
museum officials in Copenhagen. Still on the trail of the missing volume,

I visited the Danish capital and interviewed various Danish officials con-
cerning Ewald’s later life in Denmark and its possessions. A retired
Danish army officer informed me that he had known General of Artillery
Otto Carl Ewald, the author’s great-grandson, who had died unmarried
in 1938. A search of Otto Ewald’s will revealed that he had left his niece
two wooden boxes. When the niece was contacted, she said that she had
not opened the boxes since receiving them twenty years earlier. With
uncertain feelings I awaited word of the contents of the boxes. Was the
missing volume there? My hopes were dashed with the news that Volume
III was not in the boxes.

My search finally led me to the Schleswig-Holstein State Library at Kiel,
where I learned that His Serene Highness, Prince Friedrich Ferdinand of
Schleswig-Holstein-Gliicksburg, possessed certain books and papers
which had belonged to Ewald. The prince later informed me that his
library contained Ewald’s diary, which I was invited to inspect.

In August 1959 I visited the prince at his beautiful ancestral water-
castle, Schloss Gliicksburg, at Gliicksburg, near the Danish border. His
Serene Highness explained that a part of Ewald’s library had been inher-

XIV

PREFACE

ited by his ancestor the Duke of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Beck
after Ewald’s death in 1813. At that time, Ewald was the commanding
general of the Duchy of Holstein under Danish control. I found that the
prince’s diary was a four-volume handwritten copy of Ewald’s original
diary. The title page of a fifth volume, containing small pen-and-ink
copies in watercolor of Ewald’s original maps and plans, was dated 1831,
presumably the date that the original diary was also copied. Prince Fried-
rich Ferdinand not only gave his permission to have his copy of the
missing Volume III photographed, but graciously assisted with the proj-
ect and agreed to its publication. This volume contains Ewald’s account of
the siege of Charleston in 1780. Since it was now obvious that the original
Volume III was irretrievably lost, I considered myself fortunate to pos-
sess a photographic copy of the Glucksburg copy of the text, handsomely
bound in calf.

The complete diary of Ewald’s experiences covers eight years, from
1776 to 1784. Volume I contains the first and second campaigns, 1776-
1777; Volume II, the third and fourth campaigns, 1778-1779; Volume
III, the fifth campaign, 1780; and Volume IV, the sixth campaign, from
1781 to 1784. The diary was originally written in the field and was copied
under Ewald’s supervision into the volumes I now possess in 1791, after
the author had entered the Danish service. Many corrections, additions,
and marginal remarks in Ewald’s handwriting are visible. The diary also
contains personal remarks dated 1787 and 1798, the whole including the
later text of Volume III amounting to 1,150 pages.

The four volumes contained forty-one colored pen-and-ink maps and
plans. The majority of them were no doubt made in the field; most of
them are small, folding within the pages of the diary. Thirty-five of the
forty-one are original maps and plans found in the three original vol-
umes, while the remaining six are copies of the plans from the missing
Volume III made by another hand in 1831. Only one is dated, but none
have scales or signatures. Ewald’s handwriting is evident on most of them,
but several appear to be the work of others. Thirty-three of the maps are
illustrated here, along with five pen-and-ink sketches in the text used to
explain certain tactical situations. Three of the maps shown here, The
Province of New Jersey Divided into East and West Called Jersey, Plan
of a Part of Southern Virginia,” and “Plan of the Siege of York Town in
Virginia,” have been redrawn because the original material was unsuitable
for reproduction. The artist has made every attempt to retain the qualities
of the original maps.

Due to its length the diary has necessarily been abridged, omitting in
particular Ewald’s careful transcriptions of secondhand reports of actions
and activities in which he did not personally participate as well as a miscel-
lany of superfluous details. Otherwise the translation is as literal as possi-

PREFACE

ble consistent with intelligibility and the sense and spirit of the original
text. Nothing essential to the integrity of the diary has been omitted. The
task of verifying Ewald’s statements and experiences, many of which
throw new light on military activities of the Revolution, was not always
rewarded with success. Some enigmas of course remain, but I have iden-
tified persons, places, and events in the notes wherever possible. The
misspellings of proper names and place names have been corrected
where known; the names of individuals and places which could not be
identified are followed by editorial brackets with a question mark or
possible emendation.

Joseph Philips Tustin

XVI

Acknowledgments

Many individuals and organizations have contributed in various ways
toward the completion of the diary for publication, giving of their time
and efforts to furnish information, research, preliminary translation,
photographs, and personal assistance. My grateful thanks and apprecia-
tion are due the following persons: Mrs. William R. Bates, Lieutenant
Colonel Arnold W. Brown, U.S. Air Force (Ret.), Mrs. Marie T. Capps, C.
Clinton Carpenter, Samuel Chew, Mrs. Gladys M. Coghlan, Charles B.
Cross, Jr., Mrs. Harry G. Dashiell, David C. Dutcher, Mrs. Edgar Emer-
son, Dexter L. Freeman, James N. Haskett, Charles E. Hatch, Jr., Ralph
L. Hazeltine, John W. Jackson, John M. Jennings, Edward P. Kennedy,
Reverend William J. Kingston, Jr., Doris E. Krudener, Robert M. Lunny,
William McClellan, Helen G. McCormack, L. Wagner McCullough, Cap-
tain Fitzhugh McMaster, U.S. Navy (Ret.), Edmund G. Maul, Robert
Mueller, Colin T. Naylor, Jr., Mrs. Granville T. Prior, C. J. Quadri, Wil-
liam M. E. Rachal, Colonel Merle Sheffield, U.S. Army, Donald A. Sin-
clair, John E. Spring, Bruce W. Stewart, Zack Taylor, Carl V. Thulin,
Jr., John B. B. Trussed, Jr., Lieutenant Colonel Robert J. Ulrich, U.S.
Air Force (Ret.), George Vaux, Elwood S. Wilkins, Jr., and my brothers,
Edward B. Tustin and Henry O. Tustin.

My appreciation is also extended to the following persons: in En-
gland: Lady Antonia Fraser, Nottingham; and the Reverend John Morris,
Vicar of Battersea, London. In the Federal Republic of Germany: Frau
Margit Becker-Thimey, Delkenheim; Dr. Hans W. Dyckerhoff, Fraulein
Charlotte Todt, Frau Helga Hause, and Frau Nieves Roll, Wiesbaden;
Hans Gerbracht, Mainz; Hans Jessen, Eckernforde; and His Serene
Highness, Prince Friedrich Ferdinand zu Schleswig-Holstein-Glucksburg,
Gliicksburg/Ostsee. In Copenhagen, Denmark: Lieutenant Colonel John
Nordentoft, Harens Arkiv; Colonel J. Poulsen and Dr. Arne Hoff,
Tpjhusmuseet; Captain Gordon Norrie, Royal Danish Army (Ret.),
Count Adam Moltke, Hon. Edgar A. Holm, and Alex E. Herreborg,
formerly U.S. Air Force.

Special mention is due the following organizations: Archaeological So-
ciety of Delaware, Newark, Del.; Atlantic City Public Library, Atlantic
City, N.J.; Berks County Historical Society, Reading, Pa.; Bordentown
Historical Society, Bordentown, N.J.; Brandywine Battlefield Park
Commission, Chadds Ford, Pa.; British Museum, London; Burlington

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

County Historical Society, Burlington, N.J.; Burlington County Library,
Mount Holly, N.J.; Camden County Historical Society, Gamden, N J ’
Chester County Historical Society, West Chester Pa.; Colonial National
Historical Park, Yorktown, Va.; Gibbes Art Gallery, Charleston, S.C.,
Grand Lodge Library, Masonic Temple, Philadelphia, Pa.; Hessisches
Staatsarchiv Marburg, Marburg/Lahn, West Germany; Historical Society
of Delaware, Wilmington, Del.; Historical Society of Pennsylvania,
Philadelphia, Pa.; Hopewell Village National Historic Site, Elverson, Pa.;
Landesbibliothek, Kassel, West Germany; Long Island Historical Society,
Brooklyn N Y.; Morristown National Historical Park, Morristown, N.J.;
Nassauische Bibliothek, Wiesbaden, West Germany; National Grand
Lodge of Denmark, Copenhagen, Denmark; New Jersey Historical Soci-
ety, Newark, N.J.; New-York Historical Society, New York, ^Y.; Manu-
scripts and Archives Division, New York Public Library, New York, N.Y.;
Norfolk County Historical Society, Chesapeake, Va.; Palisades Interstate
Park Commission, Englewood, N.J.; Peekskill Historical Society,
Peekskill N Y • Pennsylvania Historical- and Museum Commission, Har
risburg ’ Pa;’ Public Record Office, London; Richmond National
Battlefield Park, Richmond, Va.; Royal Library, Copenhagen, Denmark;
Rutgers University Library, New Brunswick, N.J., Schleswig-
Holsteinische Landesbibliothek, Kiel-Wik, West Germany; Sleepy Hollow
Restorations, Tarrytown, N.Y.; South Carolina Historical Society Char-
leston S.C.; Staten Island Historical Society, Richmondtown, Staten Is
land N Y • U.S. Military Academy Library, West Point, N.Y.; Valley
Forge Historical Society, Valley Forge, Pa.; Virginia Department of
Highways, Public Information Office, Richmond, Va.; Virginia Historical
Society, Richmond, Va.; Virginia State Library, Richmond, Va.; Wyom-
ing Historical and Geological Society, Wilkes-Barre, Pa.; and the Manu-
script Division, The Library of Congress, Washington, .

Finally I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to Professor Hug .
Rankin of Tulane University for his painstaking review of the manuscript
and his valuable advice, and for the many useful suggestions offered for
the improvement of the notes. I also wish to express my grateful appreci-
ation to John Bakeless for his scholarly comments and assistance. I owe
Mrs. Linda C. Peterson special thanks for her excellent editing of the

manuscript.

xviii

Introduction

No attempt is made here to describe any of the German troops sent to
America other than the Hessian Jagers, the particular troops with which
Ewald’s Diary is chiefly concerned. The broader subject of German
troops serving in the American War and the treaties between Great Brit-
ain and the German principalities regarding their hiring are treated at
length in the pertinent works cited in the notes.

England did not have a sufficient army for the American War. After
efforts to hire twenty thousand soldiers from Empress Catherine II of
Russia had failed, England turned to her old military allies and other
princelings in Germany, with several of whom she had dynastic relations
and all of whom were eager to sell their wares for large profits. The
liberal school of writers and public men in England and in Europe de-
nounced this traffic, and even that enlightened despot Frederick the
Great wrote to Voltaire on June 18, 1776: “If the Landgrave had come
out of my school, he would not have sold his subjects to the English as one
sells cattle to be dragged to the slaughter house. This is an unbecoming
trait in the character of a prince who sets himself up as a teacher of rulers.
Such conduct is caused by nothing but dirty selfishness. I pity the poor
Hessians who will end their lives unhappily and uselessly in America.” 1

Except for about 250 Hanoverians, all the German troops hired for
service in America came from six states, almost two thirds of the total
being from two Hessian states. King George III of Great Britain, who was
the Elector of Hanover, sent 2,365 Hanoverians to Gibraltar and Minorca
to relieve British troops there for service elsewhere. Of the estimated
29,867 German troops sent to America, 16,992 were from Hesse-Cassel,
5,723 from Brunswick, 2,422 from Hesse-Hanau, 2,353 from Anspach-
Bayreuth, 1,225 from Waldeck, and 1,152 from Anhalt-Zerbst. In the
rebellious colonies all these German troops were indiscriminately termed
“Hessians,” just as all German immigrants were formerly called
“Palatines.”

During the early part of the war, the German troops were feared by the
American troops and civilian population alike, partly because they were
foreign mercenary soldiers who were charged with cruelty and wanton
pillaging. The Hessians were held in contempt and bitter hatred by the
Pennsylvania Germans because the patriotic German citizenry saw these
soldiers, speaking their native tongue, brought to their area as prisoners
after fighting against their adopted country in its struggle for indepen-

XIX

INTRODUCTION |

dence. The feeling against the Hessians was so strong among the
Pennsylvania Germans that for many years thereafter the strongest
epithet one bov could hurl at another during a quarrel was “der Hess. '
An example of this resentment may be noted in a conversation between
Ewald and a Palatine German woman near Philadelphia.

As the war dragged on, the German troops were better liked and more
civilly treated than were the British soldiery, particularly in Virginia,
where most of the Brunswick and Hessian prisoners were finally sent
after the capture of Burgoyne’s army. Earlier, Congress had offered the
Hessians inducements to desert and promised them safety on the western
frontier, a plan which met with some success.

The Hessians were not the ogres they were represented as being in
school books, nor were they inhuman or rapacious, although they tought
ruthlessly at times. The charge that they were cruel barbarians was un-
true and was used as a political weapon. Most of them appear to have
been well-meaning men. In their defense, Washington wrote on Feb-
ruary 5 , 1777 : “One thing I must remark in favor of the Hessians, and
that is, that our people who have been prisoners generally agree they
received much kinder treatment from them than from the British oth-
ers and soldiers.” 3 The German soldiers did their duty bravely and faith-
fully with loyalty to a service into which they had been sold with little or
no profit to themselves and with little understanding of the causes of the
conflict. Many of the officers were professional soldiers or the sons of t e
lower nobility, most of whom were imbued with a strong sense of duty and
a desire to distinguish themselves, with the hope of improving their tor-
tunes in America, not unlike many foreign officers fighting for the Ameri-
can cause. The officers were well paid and sometimes received shares ot
booty money, considered lawful spoils of war at that time. They also had
expectations of remuneration if England won the war. Ewald re ates
afterward that the officers had been promised monetary rewards and
plantations to remain in an army of occupation to keep the colonies
subjugated. Moreover, there was still a strong tradition that soldiering
was an honest trade like any other, and that it was an honorable calling to
help sovereigns maintain order and put down revolts.

More than one third of the troops from Hesse-Cassel, Brunswick, and
Hesse-Hanau did not return to Germany. At least 1,200 of the German
mercenaries were killed in action or died of their wounds, and an esti-
mated 6,354 died of illness, accident, or drowning. Some thousands ot
Hessian and Brunswick deserters and prisoners, with others who had
received their discharges, remained in America after the war, but the
precise figure is unknown. Historian Rosengarten states the number ot
Germans that remained was “roughly estimated at considerably over ten
thousand,” but this high figure appears to be more traditional than

INTRODUCTION

trustworthy. More likely, the (estimate of five thousand mentioned by
Lowell is nearer the mark. 4

Although most of the Hessian soldiers returned home without military
success, some felt that their efforts were not entirely in vain: “Thus re-
turned the thirteen thousand Hessians, after seven bloody years. — Not
with victory, it is true, but still crowned with health and honor. — And not
without having shown their valor and loyalty for their sovereigns and the
king, in whose pay they served as brave Germans in America.” 5

The jagers were the elite of the Hessian troops, usually called “chas-
seurs” by the British and Americans. As the name Jdger implies, the jager
or rifle companies first drew their rank and file from among hunters,
foresters, and others who were experts at shooting. The German word
Jdger is retained throughout the text because of its special significance.
The jagers served both mounted and on foot. They were equipped with
rifled guns with hexagonal bores and better sights than those of the
smoothbore musket. 6 At that time the jager rifles were not equipped with
bayonets, but the men carried hunting swords which they used in hand-
to-hand combat. To protect them from enemy bayonet attacks, the jagers
were usually supported by infantry with bayonets. The jagers wore green
coats with carmine collars, cuffs, and lapels, with green vests trimmed
with gold. As a result they were sometimes called Griinrocke or “green-
coats” by the British and Americans.

Ewald’s detachments often consisted of mounted and unmounted ja-
gers, British or Scottish infantry, and sometimes dragoons. Ewald himself
was usually mounted. The jagers frequently operated as detachments
and were employed to great advantage in reconnoitering and patrol
duties and in guarding foraging parties. They were especially effective
against American riflemen and artillery positions during sieges. The ja-
gers often led the vanguard of British and Hessian forces, and just as
often formed the rear guard which covered a retreat or withdrawal.
Ewald’s jagers specialized in partisan operations, particularly in ambus-
cade. The jagers were greatly feared by the Americans because of their
accurate fire and their valor. In 1777 Ewald’s 2d Jager Company was
combined with the newly organized Hessian Field-Jager Corps, in which
he became known as “the famous jager captain.” 7

The part that Ewald played in the American Revolution first became
known through his published military treatises, especially the last and
most important one, Instructions on War* in which he used some of his
experiences in America to illustrate the various lessons on tactics he de-
scribed in his treatises. But it remained for his original diary, unknown
save to a few since the foreword was signed in 1791, to reveal the full and
fascinating account of his exploits.

XXI

INTRODUCTION

Ewald often wrote down his experiences and impressions on the day
they occurred or shortly afterward, frequently using a dramatic mode of
expression, seasoned sometimes with dry humor. Since he was always
active in the field, he did not have the information or the viewpoint of a
headquarters staff officer. Nevertheless, he kept in touch with friends in
the British headquarters, who occasionally gave him useful information
on plans and events. But by far his most important contact was General
Cornwallis, with whom he had a long association.

Ewald was a keen observer, overly careful of details, and shows consid-
erable acumen in his remarks. He did not hesitate to criticize either his
superiors or his opponents in his diary if he felt it was warranted, nor was
he stinting of deserved praise to friend or foe. As a military tactician he
earned high praise during the war, and for the most part his remarks and
views on the tactics used or not used were apparently grounded in his
own solid and detailed field knowledge. The basic soundness of his tacti-
cal principles was borne out by his later achievements as a Danish general
and by the success of his treatises on partisan warfare, which were widely
read and used to train British troops for the Peninsular War in Spain
against Napoleon. But the diary itself serves as an excellent exposition of
partisan warfare as practiced during the Revolution. It reveals in detail
the tactics used by small units in the field on both sides, particularly in
wooded country, which are not much different from the guerrilla tactics
employed in modern times.

Every effort has been made to verify Ewald’s statements wherever pos-
sible. His accuracy and reliability are clear not only from corroborating
evidence but from the commendations and praise he received, the esteem
in which he was held, and the innate honesty of the man himself.

The diary is especially notable for Ewald s critical opinions of British
generals and their conduct of the war, and for his disclosures of impor-
tant evidence relating to military activities and incidents which are still
puzzling to this day. Prominent among these events is Cornwallis’s refusal
to capture the American troops retreating from Fort Lee. Ewald raises
the serious charge of British foot-dragging through New Jersey, stating
that Cornwallis had orders not to pursue Washington too closely on his
route to the Delaware River. He felt that General Howe and his brother,
Admiral Richard Howe, did not want to capture Washington.

The descriptions of the skirmish at Mount Holly and the occupation of
the town are the best contemporary accounts available. Ewald’s comments
on the battles of Trenton and Princeton are incisive and illuminating.
Part of the blame for the disaster at Trenton is placed upon the Hessian
commander at Mount Holly, who was detained there by a beautiful
young widow.

The surprising details of the British envelopment of Washington’s

XXII

INTRODUCTION

right wing at Brandywine, with Ewald leading the column, are
graphically told. Ewald believed that Howe did not want to destroy
Washington’s army for political reasons. The Battle of Germantown is
preceded by a cryptic warning of Washington’s approach, from an un-
likely source, and the dramatic account of the Battle of Red Bank ex-
plains why the faulty attack failed.

The occupation of Philadelphia is an interesting interlude preceding
Clinton’s retreat across New Jersey, with an exciting account of the fight
to save the baggage train at the Battle of Monmouth. Ewald’s description
of the siege of Charleston in 1780 is probably the best British contempo-
rary account extant, with unknown incidents and amusing reflections.

Ewald’s experiences in the Virginia Campaign of 1781 at Richmond,
Portsmouth, Norfolk, Yorktown, and Gloucester are highlights of the
diary; particularly his service under Benedict Arnold, then a British
brigadier general, with whom Ewald clashed over military tactics used.
His dislike of Arnold is revealed in an interesting character study of this
celebrated American. But Cornwallis remained Ewald’s hero to the end
of his life.

Ewald’s most interesting postwar experience was his visit to West Point,
where he was permitted to inspect the fortifications and was entertained
by Major Generals Henry Knox and Alexander McDougall. On
November 25, 1783, Ewald sailed with the British troops from New York
to England where he spent the winter. He arrived back in Cassel on May
18, 1784, after an absence of just eight years.

What manner of man was Ewald? Undeniably he was courageous and
humane; but he also possessed a rare combination of daring and self-
reliance, far beyond that of the average officer, which was based upon a
steadfast belief in his superior knowledge, judgment, and military talents.
He was an ardent advocate of the military doctrine of surprise and attack,
as opposed to the principles of defense, by which he was recognized as a
master of partisan warfare. As a soldier, he had a strong sense of duty
and discipline. As a man he had an upright and humane character, show-
ing a compassion for the unfortunate which is surprising, since the Hes-
sians are not generally credited with humanitarianism. Sentimentally, he
was always correct, even gallant, toward women, but his love letters betray
the true emotion which his diary conceals. Spiritually, he had a firm faith
in a divine providence and a philosophical attitude toward death.

The British generals Howe, Cornwallis, and Clinton acknowledged
Ewald’s outstanding services and abilities, as did the Hessian commander
in chief. Lieutenant General Baron von Knyphausen. In letters quoted by
Ewald in his diary, Howe testifies “to the extreme satisfaction I have
always had in your distinguished conduct,” while Cornwallis writes, “I
shall ever remember the distinguished merit and Ability’s of Captain

xxiii

INTRODUCTION

Ewald ” Clinton praises Ewald several times, once thanking him for sav
ing the army a longer march in the retreat across New Jersey. Von
Knyphausen writes, “I cannot fail to take pleasure in mentioning the very
special trust which I have always placed in your well-known ability and
bravery.” Lieutenant Colonel John Graves Simcoe, commandant of the
Queen s Rangers, calls him “that gallant and able officer, and during the
war the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel bestowed upon him the highest Hes-

^^railes of Ewald span the years. In a letter of 1798 fastened to the back
of the foreword to the diary, French General Charles Dumounez epi -
omizes Ewald as “upright and gifted,” and a modern British genera
calls him a “remarkable troop leader.” 9 The nineteenth-century German
historian Max von Eelking writes: “His exceptional ability and bravery in
partisan warfare provided him on diverse occasions with the command
over larger, mixed detachments. Few officers in the British-Hessian army
had such a reputation and possessed the high esteem and confidence ot

the commanding generals to such a degree.

Those who knew him best confirm these judgments. Baron Andreas
von Liliencron, the son of Ewald’s adjutant, speaks of him as a man of
keen intellect, great courage, with an exceedingly honorable, strictly mili-
tary character.” 11 In his biography of his father, Carl von Ewald portrays
him as follows:

He was of medium height, slender, and kept himself very erect up

to his last days On duty he was always serious, and, as he showed

the strictest respect toward his superiors in every regard, he also
demanded it from his subordinates, punishing any negligence im-
mediately by a sharp reprimand Ewald was very intelligent,

he comprehended quickly and had a good even excellent mem-
ory; but above all, he was a man of sound judgment. Besides his
courage and presence of mind, a rare coup d’oeil distinguished him
as a soldier. . . . Though his military talents were excellent, he himself
did not think much of them. He ventured only to think of himselt as
an experienced officer of light troops, an able detachment command-
er, and, at the utmost, a general capable of commanding the ^anguar
of an army. ... He was moderate in all pleasures of life, and though
rough and straightforward, he was a man of the finest manners and
always chivalrous in his relations with the beau sexe . 1

Johann (later von) Ewald was born in Cassel the modern Kassel, on
March 30, 1744, the son of Georg Heinrich Ewald, a bookkeeper with th
general post office there. 13 His mother was Kathanna Elisabeth nee
Breithaupt, the daughter of Ernst Breithaupt, a Cassel merchant. After
his father’s death Ewald was educated by his mother, and after her deal

XXIV

INTRODUCTION

by his grandmother, whose love he always remembered gratefully, but
who was unable to suppress his inclination for military service.

On July 23, 1758, an aged uncle took the fourteen-year-old boy to the
battlefield near Sandershausen, where he was much surprised to hear
young Ewald exclaim, “Oh, how happy are they who die for their country
in such a way!” After this utterance his uncle, grandmother, and all who
had influence upon Ewald’s fate gave up the hope that he would ever be
willing to take up a profession other than that of soldier.

When he was sixteen, in 1760, Ewald joined the Infantry Regiment
Gilsa as a cadet. He left Cassel on June 24 and arrived the next day at his
regiment, which was bivouacked near Neustadt. There it had joined the
Federal army under Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick, who commanded the
German troops opposing the French in the Seven Years’ War.

After Ewald had taken part in the actions at Corbach, Vollmessen,
Warburg, and elsewhere in that year, his regiment was assigned in Feb-
ruary 1761 to the Count of Buckeburg, who then besieged Cassel. During
a sortie by the French on March 4 the Regiment Gilsa was ordered to
succor the trench guards, and Ewald was wounded by a musket ball in the
right leg above the knee. He returned to his regiment on June 3, and two
weeks later was promoted to the rank of ensign for bravery. Ewald par-
ticipated in the actions at Unna, Fillingshausen, Kloster Bredlar, and
Hoxter; and in 1762 in the battle of Wilhelmsthal, the beginning of the
second siege of Cassel in October, and the severe action at Brucker Muhle
which ended the Seven Years’ War. Peace was announced to the allied
British-German army on November 20, 1762.

After the war the Regiment Gilsa was reduced by fourteen officers, but
Ewald was retained and transferred with his regiment to the fortress of
Ziegenhain. He went on furlough to Cassel, where he had the good
fortune to meet Lieutenant Colonel Baron Frederick von Jungkenn, the
adjutant general to Landgrave Frederick II. On May 30, 1765, Ewald was
transferred to the 3d Battalion of the Guards at Cassel, and in 1766 he
was promoted to second lieutenant. In 1769, however, he was transferred
to the Leib Regiment at Cassel due to the Landgrave’s order that only
officers of the nobility should serve with the Guards.

On the night of February 20, 1770, a great misfortune struck the
hotheaded young lieutenant, which almost put an end to his life. This
incident is best told in Ewald’s own words:

Merry and glad, I went with a few good friends to one of the best
inns in Cassel, called the “Hof von England. We greatly enjoyed
supper — but alas! — the excellent wine made us fly into a passion, we
started arguing, and I immediately fought a duel with one of my
friends outside the inn in the darkness. I was severely wounded I
lost my left eye. No sooner was I hit, than we all came to our senses. I

XXV

INTRODUCTION

swam in blood, while my friends shed tears. They called for a physi-
cian and a surgeon and carried me to my quarters.

For eleven days my life was in danger, and I had to undergo three
extremely painful operations. Only after thirteen months had passed
could I leave my room. The cure cost a tremendous sum, but I must
say that he who was so unfortunate as to injure me supported me tc
the utmost. Not for a single moment was I angry with him, but 1
never saw him again. We were both at fault; and who knows whethei
my soul would have been saved if I had been killed, and due to m)
own fault left the position assigned to me?

At the beginning of June, 1771, I had recovered. To better th<
appearance of my disfigured face, I wore a glass eye which one coulc
hardly notice, but it bothered me often enough. However, I ate m)
heart out in sorrow, for according to rumors the Landgrave hac
decided to send me to the fortress of Spangenberg for three months
convalescence. I worried very much about this thought, and at <
review I reported for duty to His Grace. The Landgrave remarkec
simply, “When a horse has run out of the stable, one closes th<
door” — and that was my whole punishment! Who was happier that
I? I gladly forgot about the loss of my eye. 14

Ewald studied at the Collegium Carolinum at Cassel under the well
known Professor Jakob von Mauvillon, who taught military science anc
economic theory. With the latter’s advice and encouragement, Ewalc
published in 1774 his first military treatise, Gedanken eines hessischen Oj
ficiers iiber das, was man bey Fiihrung eines Detaschements im Felde zu thun ha
[Thoughts of a Hessian officer about what he has to do when leading ;
detachment in the field]. This book was dedicated to Landgrave Fred
erick II, who sent Ewald a letter of appreciation.

On March 6, 1774, Ewald was promoted to captain in the Liebjage
Corps, which, his son relates, “amazed the nobles. Ewald s compan
consisted of skilled foresters stationed at the romantic town of Waldat
situated half a mile from Cassel. Here he dedicated himself to the servic
of light troops and tried out in the field what he had devised at his desl
Thus he could practice in maneuvers what he would later demonstrate £
a master in war. Ewald’s pecuniary circumstances were very limited,
had to go to bed hungry many a night, and I did not have fuel throug
several winter months. During this time, however, I used to work mo:
effectively, and I rejected many an invitation for dinner lest anyon
should take me for a sponger.”

Despite his distress, Ewald was respected as a man and a soldier, livin
only for his service and the improvement of his knowledge, until tw

XXVI

INTRODUCTION

years later when he went to America, where he had opportunities enough
to make use of his knowledge and talents, as his diary relates.

No description of Ewald’s life would be complete without some men-
tion of his distinguished career after the American Revolution.

On the day Ewald returned to Cassel, the Jager Corps was reduced and
reassigned, and he was assigned to the Regiment von Dittfurth, stationed
at Rheinfels. He continued the writing of military treatises on light infan-
try tactics, and in the spring of 1785 he published his Abhandlung iiber den
kleinen Krieg [Essay on partisan warfare], which was honored with the
approbation of Frederick the Great.

In October 1785 Landgrave Frederick II died and was succeeded by
his son William IX, who had ruled Hesse-Hanau. The new Landgrave
relieved Ewald from his regiment on December 20 and ordered him to
reorganize the Hanau jagers.

Despite his outstanding wartime and excellent peacetime services,
Ewald had not received a promotion since 1774, although his sovereign
had recognized his services for ten years. During these years he bore his
lot patiently, but in late 1787 he was passed over for promotion in favor
of two officers who had no understanding of the use of light troops,
possibly because he was not of noble birth. This last slight was too much
for him, and he requested the Landgrave and Prince Charles of Hesse to
recommend him to the King of Prussia. The Landgrave attempted to
dissuade Ewald from giving up hopes of promotion in his native country;
but finding him firm in his resolve, Prince Charles drew his attention to
service in Denmark, where his brother-in-law, later King Frederick VI of
Denmark, was the crown prince.

In the meantime Ewald married Susanne Ungewitter of Cassel on Feb-
ruary 3, 1788, and patiently awaited muster time, when he was again
passed over for promotion. As word spread that Denmark would enter
the war between Sweden and Russia, Ewald offered his services to Crown
Prince Frederick, who accepted him at once. After Ewald had received
his discharge from the Hessian army, he set out for Denmark on August
23, regretfully leaving his native country, whose colors he had honorably
worn for twenty-eight years.

Ewald’s hopes of winning new laurels in the north vanished when
peace brought an end to the hostilities between Denmark and Sweden.
Soon after his arrival at Schleswig, Ewald organized the Schleswig Jager
Corps, which he levied and commanded with the rank of lieutenant col-
onel. In 1790 he was elevated to the Danish nobility and appointed chief
of the Schleswig-Holstein Battalion of Light Infantry stationed at Kiel,
while his Jager Corps was transferred to Eckernfdrde. With the increas-

xxvn

INTRODUCTION

ing benevolence and favor shown Ewald by Crown Prince Frederick and
by Prince Charles, a Danish field-marshal, the prejudice displayed toward
him as a foreigner at the beginning of his service gradually disappeared.

Ewald was promoted to colonel in 1795 and to major general in 1802.
For over ten years he lived and worked to perfect the training of his
troops, and constantly tried to improve the military knowledge of his
officers. He founded a corps library and established a school for non-
commissioned officers, a complete innovation. Noncommissioned offi-
cers were taught to write, calculate, compose written reports, and use
maps, while privates were properly trained and instructed in their duties.
During this time Ewald wrote and published four military treatises, which
are described below in his list of publications.

Incidents demonstrating Ewald’s sound judgment and tact occurred
during civil disturbances in 1794 and 1801. On October 5, 1794, Field-
Marshal Charles, who became the Hessian Landgrave, sent Ewald with a
detachment to suppress riots among the peasants of Kaltenkirch com-
munity, caused by the incorrect measures of a subordinate government
official. It was left to Ewald’s discretion to reestablish order as quickly and
mildly as possible. He marched into Bramstead, where he found two
angry crowds. Without hesitation he ordered his troops to remain at a
distance while he rode alone into the midst of the mob. He admonished
the people in a friendly but determined manner, reasoned with them
over their complaints, and dispersed the mob peacefully, without force or
bloodshed. When the Danes occupied Hamburg and Liibeck in 1801
Ewald was appointed military commander of Hamburg. He was so well
liked that a citizens’ committee secretly asked him to become the German
governor of Hamburg, but Ewald declined; his loyalty belonged to his
adopted country.

In 1803 French aggression against Hanover caused the Danish gov-
ernment to concentrate a part of its army in the duchies of Schleswig and
Holstein to maintain neutrality. At the end of July, General von Ewald
was sent to the southeastern boundary of Holstein with about four
thousand men. Most of this force remained there for two years, but in
October 1805 political events caused Denmark to concentrate an army
corps of twenty thousand men in the duchies, under command of the
crown prince. Ewald was entrusted with the vanguard and remained at
Segeburg until early November 1806, when the theater of war unexpec-
tedly extended up to the boundary of Holstein.

After the disastrous battle of Jena on October 14, 1806, the Prussian
army under General Gebhard Lebrecht von Blucher was pursued by
Napoleon up to the Holstein boundary, where Ewald stood guard against
any territorial violation. On November 5 Blucher occupied Liibeck, pur-
sued by Prince Joachim Murat and Marshal Nicholas Soult. Ewald wrote

INTRODUCTION

to Bliicher requesting hiip to respect Danish territory, and notified him
that he would resist the retreating Prussians as well as the French if they
trespassed on Danish territory. The French attacked Bliicher on
November 6 and Prussian parties tried to cross the Holstein boundary. A
French column of three to four thousand men advanced to Fackenburg
and demanded free passage under the presumption that a Prussian party
had been permitted to cross the boundary.

Realizing that his few advanced troops could not long resist the
superior French force, Ewald decided to speak with the French com-
mander personally. He tried to stop the firing by waving a white cloth,
and jumped on horseback over a ditch more than six feet wide and twelve
feet deep. Accompanied by his aide-de-camp Baron Andreas von Lilien-
cron he met a French chasseur who led him to Prince Murat, Napoleon’s
brother-in-law, commander of a strong cavalry column near Lubeck.
Prince Murat received Ewald in a very impolite manner, claiming that
Bliicher had passed the border town of Fackenburg. Ewald tried in vain
to persuade him that no Prussian troops had been allowed to cross the
boundary. Prince Murat grew very angry and shouted at Ewald, “You
deserve to be shot!” (“Vous meriteriez d’etre fusille!”). When Murat
asked Ewald about the retreat of the Prussians, Ewald finally lost his
patience and declared that he was a Danish general and no French spy.
This ended the conversation, and Prince Murat rode off without provid-
ing Ewald with an escort to return safely through the dissolute French
soldiery. Fortunately he met a French grenadier who offered to accom-
pany him and his horses safely to the Holstein boundary for a good price.
At dawn Ewald arrived at Stockelsdorf, which was crowded with French
marauders after the Danes had resisted and withdrawn. Ewald had to
conceal himself for safety and proceeded on foot by night to escape the

marauders. . ,

Although Ewald’s conversation with Prince Murat had promised little,
it resulted in the French being ordered to leave Danish territory. The
probable reason for Murat’s bad conduct was discovered later, when it
was learned that he had received the news of the death of a favorite
aide-de-camp in action against the Danes during his conversation with
Ewald, which contributed greatly to his excitement. Later Ewald forgave
him for his incivility and menacing remark, but he considered it u PP ar
donable that he had been refused an escort. After a few days the life at
the boundary became quiet once more. Napoleon did not approve o
Murat’s methods, and the French thereafter respected Denmark s neu-
trality strictly.

In 1807 the British bombarded Copenhagen and captured the city. In

. early September, Ewald was ordered to transfer the vanguard of the
army to the northeast coast of Holstein and to cross over to the islands o

XXIX

INTRODUCTION

Laaland, Falster, and Mpen for further operations. When the Britisi
evacuated Zealand, Ewald crossed over and established his headquarter
at Letraburg. He remained in command of the entire island except fo
Copenhagen and Kronborg until relieved by the crown prince. The sur
render of the Danish fleet and the British demands following the captur
of Copenhagen finally drove Denmark into an alliance with Napoleon.

In the winter of 1808-09 a Danish attack was prepared against Swedei
but was prevented by the inadequacy of the ice-bridge across the Sound
which separates the two countries by only two and a half miles at it
narrowest point. Ewald had received orders to lead the vanguard, an<
the troops looked forward to an active campaign which never mate
rialized. In 1809 the crown prince ascended his father’s throne as Kinj
Frederick VI, and Ewald was rewarded with the Grand Cross of th.
Dannebrog Order.

When the famous partisan Major Ferdinand von Schill left Berlin witl
five hundred troops in 1809 and revolted against Napoleon’s dominatioi
in Prussia, Dutch forces under Lieutenant General Gratien were sent t(
subdue Schill, who retreated to the fortified city of Stralsund in Swedisl
Pomerania on the Baltic coast. Ewald’s contingent of two thousand met
joined three thousand Dutch troops, and the combined forces attackec
and overwhelmed Schill on May 31, 1809. Ewald calmly conducted th<
movements of his troops in the midst of heavy grapeshot fire; Schill wa
killed by a Danish hussar. Ewald was promoted to lieutenant general b’
the king as of that very day. Shortly afterward he was appointed a Com
mander of the Dutch Order of Union and an Officer of the Frencl
Legion of Honor.

In late 1809 the king ordered Ewald to drive the British from Cuxha
ven, destroy their ships on the Elbe River, and carry out a coup de mair
against Heligoland in conjunction with the Danish and French fleets
However, the British withdrew to their ships in early August and re
mained at anchor near Cuxhaven. Ewald advanced to Bremerlehe or
August 7, but without the additional reinforcements promised fron
Hamburg and Westphalia he was forced to notify the king that his force:
were insufficient to oppose the British and was ordered back to Holstein
In November, Ewald was appointed Commanding General of the Duch\
of Holstein with headquarters at Kiel, under the supreme command o:
his old sponsor, Field-Marshal Charles.

In April 1812 a mobile army division of ten thousand men was leviec
and divided into two smaller divisions in Schleswig and Holstein. Thi:
division was attached to the French XI Corps, Napoleon’s reserve force
commanded by Marshal Pierre Augereau. In addition to his Holsteir
command, Ewald was appointed the commander of the Holstein division
which did not accompany Napoleon to Moscow. During this same yeai

XXX

INTRODUCTION

the king awarded Ewald the Order of the Dannebrog Man. Fabled in
song and verse in his later years, Ewald was regarded as a national hero in
his adopted country.

Early in 1813 the ravages of a chest dropsy which afflicted him wors-
ened, and Ewald retired from active duty on May 1, after fifty-three years
of military service. He lingered in heavy pain for almost two months at his
country estate near Kiel, surrounded by his children, a son and five
daughters. On June 25 at noon Johann von Ewald died in his seventieth
year. He was buried on June 29 in St. George’s Cemetery at Kiel.

In 1814 Ewald was eulogized thus in the Neuen Schleswig-Holsteinischen
Provinzialberichten : “He was a man of extensive accomplishments, inde-
fatigable energy, and superior abilities combined with an unshakable
integrity and a true devotion to the interests of his new father-
land. . . . That by which this hero — this name may be attributed unhesitat-
ingly to him — distinguished himself on behalf of his character was his
excelling in all things in peace by his humanity and probity, bound by a
sincere sympathy and considerate philanthropy, as much as he had
triumphed irresistibly in war by his courage. ... In all places where one
meets an officer or a private of his jagers, they speak with heartfelt
sympathy and true respect of their dead general as of their own departed
fathers or their irreplaceable wives. . . . His spirit was pure and noble.” 15

For one hundred and thirty years his remains rested peacefully at Kiel,
until the Second World War, when saturation raids by Allied bombers in
1943 and 1944 devastated Kiel and destroyed the cemetery. The old
partisan’s grave was blown up and his bones were scattered to the winds,
but his diary was spared for posterity.

Volume I

First and Second Campaigns, 1776 and 1777

Foreword

It is not a cohesive and complete history of the American War which I
have preserved, but merely a diary of the war incidents that involved me
or the Corps in which I had the honor to serve as captain. For as I was
continually active during the hottest campaigns, I had no time to spare
for such a history. The little that I have recorded here cost me much toil
and many a drop of sweat. Often, while others rested their weary limbs, I
sat uncomfortably upon the ground with a board across my knee, and
with half-closed eyes wrote down what I had encountered and any relate
circumstances worth considering.

I never had, and never shall have, any intention of publishing this
incomplete work in order to boast about the little that I have experienced
in this world. Had I remained unmarried perhaps I would have torn it
up as more than once I was inclined to do. But since Providence has
blessed me with two healthy boys 1 I am encouraged to have the following
copied, so that it may be used some day to instruct them, if I should live
that long. But should I not enjoy such good fortune, at least they can see
from this diary how difficult and troublesome a trade is the service of
light troops in the field; and that their father served as an upright man,
who did not seek his fortune along a path of roses. Perhaps they will be
encouraged to follow his example.

Ewald

Eckernforde, 26 April 179 1 2

Letter from General Dumouriez to Ewald Fastened to the
Back of the Foreword
(Translated from the French)

My Dear Colonel,

It is with the utmost interest that I have read the reports of your tv
campaigns of 1776 and 1777. They are very instructive and give as mu<
honor to both your spirit and soul as to your talents. The letter whit
Lord Cornwallis wrote at the time of his departure is a most honorab
document which I have read with the greatest pleasure.

With regard to yourself, the British did more justice to you than d
your own sovereign, who instead of assigning you a superior from Hes
to pluck the fruits of your most brilliant campaign of 1776 should ha’
given you a promotion, as he did in the case of Captain Wreden. Mor
over, he should merely have reinforced your companies and left yc
independent.

I wish to thank you for having made available to me this volume, <
which I shall retain even the smallest events. I have no doubt that thei
exists a continuation, which I would ask you kindly also to let me hav
You may rest assured that the perusal of this volume has increased n
esteem for you, and it has also made me share your troubles. I hope thei
will be glorious days ahead for you in the war, and I wish you all the goc
luck which an excellent officer like you— so upright and gifted-
deserves. I shall always remain your sincere friend.

1 5 October 1798

Dumourie:

CHAPTER 1

From the departure from Hesse to
the expedition in Chesapeake Bay.

PART ONE

From the departure from Hesse of the Second Division,

Hessian auxiliaries, which were bound for America, until
their arrival at Cuxhaven, where they were embarked.

On the 9th of May, in the year 1776, the Second Division of Hessian
troops, under the command of Lieutenant General von Knyphausen, 1
left its quarters in the vicinity of Cassel. It consisted of:

1. A company of foot jagers 2 125 men

2. One artillery company 160 men

3. Grenadier Battalion Kohler 500 men

4. Landgraf Regiment 3 625 men

5. Huyn Regiment 625 men

6. Wissenbach Regiment 625 men

7. Bunau Regiment 625 men

8. Stein Regiment 625 men

In all 3,910 men

This corps marched past Gottingen, Hanover, through Hadeln state
and Ritzebiittel, and arrived at Cuxhaven on the 3d of June, after a
march of twenty-one days. The English Colonel Faucitt mustered the
regiments when they arrived. As soon as they had passed inspection, they
were embarked in the estuary of the Elbe River, where the transport
~ ships were anchored under the supervision of Captain Hill of the English
- -- ■navy. For my part, I boarded a Dutch ship named the Two Brothers , 5 a
. three-master of three hundred tons, with the jager company along with

fh;Ci75 men from the Wissenbach and Stein regiments.

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS. 177(1 f\ND 1777

PART TWO

From the departure from Germany up to the arrival at
New York in North America.

On the morning of the 9th at half-past four a cannon shot gave I
signal to weigh anchor, and within a half an hour the fleet, consisting
eighteen transport ships under command of Captain Hill, was under sa

After a voyage of thirteen days, which was not unpleasant desp
adverse winds because of the beautiful and clear weather, we arrived
the evening of the 21st in the Spithead Roads at Portsmouth. The fl
dropped anchor there, where we found the Second Division
Brunswickers and the Waldeck Regiment at anchor. The former v
destined for Canada; the latter came under the command of General v
Knyphausen, augmented by three thousand English recruits.

On the 28th at six o’clock in the evening the fleet weighed anchor a
set sail at once for New York. It consisted of sixty-one transport ships a
three frigates under command of Commodore Fielding. The wind v
steadily from the west and the air was thin, which caused the fleet to r
into Plymouth harbor and drop anchor on the 6th of July. Because
constant adverse winds we were obliged to remain there until the moi
ing of the 20th.

Since the fleet waited for a favorable wind, and no one could go
from his ship, our opportunity of seeing England was wasted. We had
confine ourselves to the vicinity of Plymouth, using our time to obsei
the admirable and costly docks, the harbor fortifications, the citadel, l
ordnance and supply depots — where much abundance prevails — and 1
hospitals for seamen and soldiers; all of which reflected the greatness a
wealth of England.

On the 20th at seven o’clock in the morning a cannon shot gave t
signal to weigh anchor and the fleet set sail. Because of headwinds
first passed the western estuary of the Channel on the 28th, and c<
tinual calms with adverse winds accompanied us on our voyage. For t
reason, many of our company began to swear up and down that we h
already sailed past America, and no protest of our sailors could convii
them otherwise.

Contributing much to this discontent, our fresh provisions and c
stock of wine — which had cheered up many a man at times — were u;
up. Now we had to content ourselves with the rough ship’s fare, bram
and water.

On the 29th of September we caught sight of a vessel in the distan
One of our frigates immediately gave chase, capturing it before our e
after a short engagement. It was an American privateer of sixteen gt

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

which by its own admission had been roving around us for several days in
the hope of seizing one of the ships straying from our fleet.

The crew of the ship was distributed among the fleet, and for my share
I received the captain and the doctor. Both were trembling when they
came aboard, and we eyed each other with the same attention and curios-
ity one gives a strange animal. However, they were quite good fellows
through whom, fortunately for the commodore, our malcontents learned
that with favorable winds we might reach New York in five or six days.
Now everyone was in fine spirits, and a few more glasses of brandy were

downed for lack of wine. , , ,

On the morning of October 17 one of our sailors, who had climbed to

the pinnacle of the main mast, sighted the coast of America and cried,
“Land' Land!” Only a person who has rediscovered land after a strange
sea voyage can imagine the joy we felt on sighting the coast. For twelve
weeks we had seen nothing but water, and had lived over twenty-one
weeks in a sort of imprisonment on board these floating palaces. More-
over it was high time to be released from our environment, since scurvy
was raging among our men so violently that in the past eight days ten
men had died and almost twenty more looked forward to death, which in

their misery they regarded as fortunate.

Toward noon we discovered land with our own eyes and our joy was
redoubled. On the 18th we could clearly see the mountains of Navesink.
About midday we entered the estuary of the Hudson River and an-
chored toward ten o’clock in the evening on the south side of the city of

New York. _ , . .•

On the morning of the 19th we rode into town to refresh our bodies

and souls. The fresh meat and tasty vegetables, which our stomachs could
not digest, upset and weakened us for some time, because we had been
accustomed to salted food and meager fare for so many weeks.

After finishing our meal we looked around the city, which consisted ol
certainly three thousand houses. A great many were beautiful buildings
which now appeared desolate, since all the houses were deserted by their
inhabitants and plundered by General Howe’s army. More than a
thousand houses which had formed the most attractive part of the city lay

in ashes. 8

PART THREE

From the disembarkation from the transport ships up to
the landing at New Rochelle.

the 21st the Knyphausen Corps received orders to be ready for
|a§lte.disernbarkation, and earlv on the morning of the 22d the flatboats ap-

Wi rife-- '

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS. 1776 AND 1777

peared and took in the troops. As soon as the boats, each containing fi
men, had assembled on the western side of the city, the journey tow;
land was started up the East River. It was very pleasant. On the right
observed the well-cultivated shore of Long Island, and on the left i
shore of York Island. Everything was new to us and we liked it all.

Night overtook us and we continued our journey for several m<
hours in utter darkness. Since no one knew when or where we woi
land, we were plagued with boredom and curiosity. But at last we set fi
on the coast of the Province of New York in the vicinity of New Rochell

The regiments marched in column, one behind the other. My place v
with the jager company in front of the Landgraf Regiment, which con:
tuted the lead column. In the darkness all we could see was that the ai
was wooded. Dogs were barking nearby, hence we could assume tl
people must reside in the area.

The Commanding General ordered the regiments to encamp and lij
fires in the same order of march, which was carried out promptly. ]
sooner had several fires blazed than we heard cries of chickens, gee
and pigs which our resourceful soldiers had discovered. Within the hoi
several roasts hung from long sticks before each fire. The whole car
was as busy as an anthill. From this one can see how easily a good sold
knows his way about.

PART FOUR

From the departure from the vicinity of New Rochelle up
to the capture of Fort Washington.

On the morning of the 23d I received orders to march at once
headquarters, escorted by the English Adjutant General Payne. 8 I v>
delighted with the message, for there was nothing I dreaded more in tl
world than a rest camp, and I wished for nothing more than to get
know the enemy. My wish was actually fulfilled within four or five hour

After a march of two hours I arrived at the headquarters of Sir Willia
Howe, which were situated on a plantation along the road between N<
Rochelle and East Chester. General Howe and the English Quarterm;
ter General, Sir William Erskine, 9 reviewed my company and express'
their satisfaction with its attractive appearance. At that moment Color
Donop 10 arrived, who two months earlier had marched with the Fii
Division under General Heister, 11 commanding the jagers and gre
adiers. The First Division of Hessian auxiliaries consisted of eight tho
sand and several hundred men. 12

After Colonel Donop had inspected my company, he ordered me to s
out on the road and follow it until I met the 1st jager Company und

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

Captain Wreden, 13 which had followed the First Division, was to await
further orders there. The colonel informed me that General How t won
reconnoiter the enemy position at Mile Square 1 today, and I would be

US As sooI^asThe two companies met they commenced the march, fol-
lowed by the English light infantry - The colonel ordered that as soon as
the 1st Jager Company drew up on the right side of the road I should
nroceed on the left side and try to keep abreast.

P The colonel asked me whether it would not be better to intermix the
two companies during the march, since the 1st Company had some
knowledge of warfare in this country and knew the enemy. I requeste
however S that this should not be done, because I wished to get acquainted
S mv men. The colonel seemed to be disgruntled over this and
exclaimed, “Your wish, your privilege!” and rode off. I informed each
officer and corporal what they were to do during the march a
exhorted the jagers to demonstrate their good conduct, since they would

cret their first test tod^v • . j. .i i

The signal was given to begin the march. The companies were divided

into four platoons. I retained the first; the second, under Lieutenan
Trautvetter, fell out at once in a skirmishing formation to cover our iro
and the left flank. The third platoon, under Lieutenant Rau and the
fourth, under Lieutenant Grothausen, deployed to the left at intervals of
eighty to one hundred paces and then dispersed.-
1 followed as soon as I saw that Lieutenant Trautvetter, marching

ahead with the first platoon, had gained a lead of about unh and fields
fiftv paces. The area was heavily intersected by woods, hills, and fields
enclosed by walls; hence it was impossible to see far around, and
sight of most of my company.

We had marched only a few minutes when several shots rang out on
our left. As I tried to gain a hill from which I could look around, our le
wing suddenly came under fierce fire. With the half of the platoon I a
taken with me I rushed toward the sound of the firing, where I found a
handful of mv jagers engaged with several battalions of Americans^
could not retreat, especially as I assumed that I was supported, and
could not advance with my few men, since I caug t sig t o a camp
nearby which must have belonged to the enemy aim\.

I maneuvered as well as I could to cover both my an s, w ic a
formed into a circle lying an acre’s length apart under heavy fire. I
ri) discovered a house on a hill to the right toward which sev era jagers w ^re
fe- crawling. Through their fire I gained some air 17 on the right flank, but

my left I was completely hemmed in. , ,

^ Suddenly Colonel Donop appeared with a few dragoons and shouted
me to retreat. I replied that I could not do so, because 1 a an one

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1770 AND 1777

this position the greater part of my company would be captured,
retorted: ‘You want to conquer America in one day! You write rules 7
then violate them.” 18 Thereupon he rode off. Shortly afterward he
turned with a battalion of English light infantry with two guns, wh
bayonets and grapeshot provided the precious air by which I was save<
got off with a loss of six dead and eleven wounded, including Lieuten
Rau, who was shot in the foot, and two taken prisoner.

The entire misfortune had resulted from the fact that what the
Company took for an advance was, in my opinion, more of a retn
Thus I continued to move forward while the rest withdrew. 19

After I had assembled my men, all the general officers appeared on i
battlefield. General Heister, who seemed to be unfriendly, gave mi
sharp reprimand. But General Howe, who apparently noticed that i
Hessian general must have said something unpleasant to me, express
his satisfaction to me through one of his adjutants. This was repeated
the order of the army the following day, which said: “It is to be regret!
that so many brave jagers have been sacrificed through a misunderstai
ing.”

The army was encamped as follows: the right wing and the center w<
situated along the heights of East Chester; the left, under General Ht
ter, faced a brook. The 28th Regiment stood at Frog’s Neck 20 and t
Rogers’ Corps at Mamaroneck. 21 General Knyphausen’s corps was (
camped at New Rochelle, where a large depot was situated.

On the 24th General Washington’s army abandoned its camp at Kir
Bridge, the principal pass on York Island, which is surrounded b)
range of rocky mountains. Fort Washington and its outer works wt
garrisoned under Brigadier Magaw, 22 and the army was stationed on t
heights of White Plains.

On the 25th the English army departed in two columns, marched
ward Philipse Manor, and encamped at Ward’s plantation, where t
headquarters were situated. The front of the army was covered by t
Bronx River. From this day on it was decided that the Donop Jag
Company, 23 under Captain Wreden, should constantly cover the rig
wing, and I with my company the left wing. Moreover, when the arr
marched in wing formation, or in two columns, a jager company was
serve as advanced guard, supported by a battalion of light infantry. (
this march, I had the advanced guard of the column on the left under t
Hessian General Heister.

At the camp I received my post at a plantation on the main road frc
East Chester on the left wing of the army. Here I was left alone for t
first time with my own theory of partisan warfare, which I had acquin
through much reading. I took my post in a large apple orchard sc
rounded by a wall of fieldstones, behind which, since it lav on a hill

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

thought I could defend myself well against an enemy attack. I placed two
pickets 24 on two knolls from which we could see tar around, and dis-
patched constant patrols as far as Mile Square.

On the morning of the 26th a loyalist came to me and revealed that
there was an enemy provisions depot at a plantation along the road to
White Plains which was guarded by only several hundred men, and which
could be approached without discovery. He would guide me to it it I
would give him a reward. I gave the man a small recompense, reported it
to headquarters, and requested permission to carry out this stroke, al-
though I had only some eighty jagers. But toward noon Quartermaster
General Erskine arrived at my post with a hundred dragoons from the
17th Regiment and the 1st Battalion of Light Infantry. He ordered me to
march with sixty jagers and form the advanced guard, which was to be
reinforced bv one officer and twenty dragoons.

We had marched scarcely an hour 25 when we encountered an enemy
patrol of riflemen which gave fire and ran back. Several dragoons gave

chase, but could not overtake any of them.

Toward six o’clock in the evening we discovered the plantation, which
lav on a hill. The jagers deployed, supported by the light infantry, with
the dragoons following. The enemy guard drew up behind the stone
walls which surrounded the plantation and received us with a lively lire. 1
quickly separated the jagers into four to five parts to surround the enemy
and advanced under steady fire from wall to wall. The light inf antry
likewise divided into three to four parts and attacked the guard with the
bayonet Nearly everyone was struck down and only a few officers and
men were taken prisoner. The loss on our side was not over thirty men.

As soon as the guard was disposed of, we marched forward a hall an
hour along the road leading to the enemy camp in order to cover the
depot. As much as possible was carried away on wagons, and what could
not be transported was destroyed. Several enemy patrols which ran into
our outpost withdrew quickly after a few shots. After midnight we with-
drew, the light infantry covering the rear, and at daybreak of the 27th we
arrived back at the army. I had the honor to receive a compliment from
the Commanding General.

The same morning the army set out in the following order to attack the
enemy at White Plains. The first column on the right, under General
Clinton, consisted of the Donop Jager Company, half of the lbth Regi-
ment of Dragoons, the 1st and 2d Battalions of English Lig t n antr\
i under Colonel Abercromby, 26 the three Hessian grenadier battalions,
* Linsing, Minnigerode, and Block, commanded by Colonel Donop, tour
-light 6-pounders, and the English Guards. The Campbell provincias
covered the right flank. The second column on the left, under Genera
' Heistcr, consisted of my jager company, half of the 17th Regiment ot

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

Dragoons, the 3d Battalion of Light Infantry under Major Maitland, 27 :
12-pounders, the 1st and 2d English brigades, eight 6-pounders, and t
Lossberg and Mirbach brigades. The Grant provincials covered the L
flank, and the remainder of the dragoons followed the left column. T
light baggage, which was covered by the 7 1st Scottish Regiment, follow
both columns.

The army had marched scarcely two hours when the left column e
countered an advanced corps of the enemy, which I had to engaj
supported by the light infantry. The area was intersected by hills, wooc
and marshes, and every field was enclosed with a stone wall. This ener
corps had taken a stand behind the stone walls on the steep hills betwe'
two plantations. Several guns were set up on the main road at sor
distance, which were covered by cavalry. General Heister immediatt
mounted a battery on the main road and cannonaded the enemy, wl
withdrew to his own lines behind a creek with high banks 28 and deploy
upon the steep hills. 29

During this action General Clinton occupied a small hill that lay on t
left flank of the enemy, where he remained inactive while the enemy w
being cannonaded. But why he did not move forward and resolutt
attack the enemy is a riddle to me, for he had no more difficulties
overcome than the left column had. 30 General Heister’s column starti
up from the road to the left and deployed, a movement which went ve
slowly.

After the 1st and 2d English brigades had taken a hill in front of tl
enemy’s left wing, the remaining troops followed. The right wing of tl
enemy was situated upon particularly steep heights, overgrown wi
woods, and the center was covered by a light wood that extended fro
the foot of the hill where the creek ran by up to the steep hill. Hen
General Erskine took the Hessian regiments, Leib, Knyphausen, ai
Rail, and placed them in the slight depression where the hills and thi
woods converged on our side of the creek, in order to prevent the enen
from advancing into this terrain. The 2d English Brigade and the r
maining Hessians continued their advance up to the opposite height, b
were obliged to form one regiment behind the other because of tl
crowded terrain.

The regiments and a part of the heavy artillery moved into position
drive the enemy out of the thick woods. Then the Leib, Knyphausen, ar
Rail regiments crossed the creek and began climbing up the foremo
hill 31 in spite of fierce enemy fire, but were compelled thereby to draw i
the left. The 2d English Brigade and the Alt Lossberg Regiment crossc
the creek to the left of the foregoing regiments and climbed up the h
occupied by the enemy, whereby they were exposed to very severe sma
arms and grapeshot fire. They drove the enemy from hill to hill throug

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

the woods, without giving him time to establish a position again The
Hessian Land Grenadier Regiment under Colonel Rail contributed
CTeatlv to the successful ending of the engagement, since he had attacked
the enemy with the bayonet without firing first and took him in the flank.

While this assault by the left column was taking place, Colonel Donop
hurried around from the right wing with the Hessian grenadier brigade
to support the mounting attack, and tried to keep in alignment as muc
as possible. The two jager companies had to work their way, under the
heaviest enemy cannon fire, through the ravines and marshes which lay
between the two wings. Here we came upon a number of riflemen who
were hiding in these ravines, and who withdrew when they caught sight

of us after sharp firing.

Toward six o’clock in the evening, the enemy gave way on all sides. But
since we could not pursue him further because of the extremely inter-
sected terrain, he was able to take up a new position in the mountains
within an hour’s distance. Since the soldiers had climbed over nothing but
hills cliffs, and stone walls the whole day, constantly dragging their guns
over all obstacles, it was impossible to ask anything more from them. I
think that the losses were nearly equal on both sides. When I rode over
the battlefield the next day, I counted about one thousand dead. Gen-
eral Howe’s army made its camp upon the battlefield. The Knyphausen
Corps had departed from New Rochelle on that same day, and after a
short engagement took possession of the passes at Kings Bridge on New
York Island and invested Fort Washington.

General Washington entrenched his camp on both wings and enclosed
the center with an abatis, 34 which General Howe sought to prevent by the
fire of the jagers and light infantry. The camp was frequently alarmed,
which caused constant hard skirmishing. .

On the morning of November 3 the left wing under General Heister
made a demonstration against the enemy’s right, during which the rig t
wing under General Clinton prepared for action. Two battalions ot En-
glish light infantry, which I joined with fifty jagers, tried to seize a woo
in front of the enemy’s right wing. This resulted in a skirmish and a
cannonade from both sides, through which several men were lost. But
since the enemy remained quite immovable, the Heister Corps marc e
back to its old camp toward morning. I had my outpost in a thick wood in
. front of the left wing of the army, and a meadow of about a thousand

paces separated me from the enemy.

On the 5th the Knyphausen Corps was reinforced by the English
brigade under General Agnew, 33 and the roads to the rear of the army
rr,. were repaired.

'L Before daybreak on the morning of the 6th the army began marc in §
;to the rear, but because of the bad roads, the guns and baggage cou not

Sl.v

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS. 1776 AND I77j

get away until about three o’clock in the afternoon. The march back t(
place in three columns. The right column, under General Clinton, c
sisted of the English grenadiers, the Guards Brigade, the heavy guns,
1st Battalion of Light Infantry, and the jiiger company, which formed
rear guard. The New York provincials covered the right flank.

The second or center column, under General Leslie, 36 consisted of
2d Brigade, the 3d Battalion of Light Infantry, the 1st Division of C
goons, and some guns.

The third column, or the one to the left under General Heister, c
sisted of the Hessian regiments and the grenadiers, the remaining he
guns, the 1st English Brigade, the dragoons, the 2d Battalion of Li
Infantry, and my jager company, which formed the rear guard.

General Howe thought he could draw the enemy out of his camp,
not a single man followed close at hand. On the 7th the army encam]
on the heights of Dobbs Ferry; the left flank rested on the Hudson Rh
In this position the army provided cover for the siege of F
Washington.

In the afternoon various enemy parties were observed. The jagers w
sent out at once in four parties to annoy the enemy, to roam through
entire area in front of the army, and to follow the enemy as soon as he
back. We soon discovered the reason why the parties had put in
appearance. The dwellings of the loyalists in the entire vicinity of 1
rytown and White Plains had been set on fire, which produced a deplc
ble sight. I was so enraged over this incendiarism that I decided to fol
the enemy farther than I should have, in order to get my hands on sc
of these home-burners, whom I was willing to throw into the flame:
the burning houses. But I could not attain my end.

On the 8th the jagers and two battalions of light infantry occupied
height of DeLancey’s plantation, 37 in order to cover the army’s rear ;
to maintain the connection between the army and the Knyphau
Corps.

On the 10th the Mirbach Brigade reinforced the Knyphausen Coi
and on the 11th, batteries of heavy guns were mounted in front of
right wing of this corps, whence they could fire upon the outlying wc
of Fort Washington.

Today a frigate and two other armed ships passed up the Hud
River and dropped anchor at Dobbs Ferry to hinder the use of the ri
by the enemy. The enemy guns of Fort Washington and those of Fort
lying opposite tried to prevent the passage of the ships, but they cz
through undamaged because the batteries lay too high and their rou
were only solid shot.

The enemy army had retired behind the Croton River, and on the 1
the English army marched back to the heights of Van Cortlandt Man

FROM HESSF. TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

PART) FIVE

From the capture of Fort Washington up to the crossing of
the Hudson River at Philipsburgh.

On the 14th I was cordially asked by Colonel Donop to reconnoiter the
debouches to Fort Washington and the enemy works as closely and care-
fully as possible, without risking capture or loss of life. He disclosed to me
in strict confidence that it probably would be his turn to take part in the
attack on the fort. He persuaded Captain Pauli 38 of the artillery to go on
the survey with me. I took two of my bravest jagers, who were to cover us
if we needed to direct our attention on one point. We tried to crawl along
the bushy bank of the North [Hudson] River to a steep cliff without being
discovered by the enemy. Here we could see a long way off and observed
the following.

The fort is situated on a steep hill between the Hudson River and the
Harlem Creek, where a single road winds. The terrain has been leveled
for the distance of rifle or grapeshot range. The road runs up the hill
through a wood which is cut through with rocks and deep ravines, and
which has been made completely impassable by many abatis. Several
small works lie in the wood on the steepest height in front of the fort, one
behind the other, which can fire upon the entire road. 39

On the 15th it was decided that General Knyphausen was to take the
fort by force. The English Lieutenant Colonel and Adjutant General
Paterson 40 was sent to the commandant of the fort to summon him to
surrender; he replied he would resist as long as possible. Therefore Gen-
eral Knyphausen immediately made the following disposition for the
attack, which consisted of two columns.

The right-hand column, making the attack along the Hudson River,
marched in the following order: a jager detachment of twenty men under
Captain Lorey, 41 an officer with forty grenadiers, Major von Dechow
with one hundred and fifty men, the Grenadier Battalion Kohler, the
Hessian regiments Rail and Lossberg, and the regiment of the Prince of
Waldeck.

p' -'i'i The left-hand column, under General Schmidt, 43 consisted of the jager

i*i§^f : detachment of twenty men under Lieutenant Hinrichs, an officer with
forty men, and the Wutgenau, Knyphausen, Huyn, and Bunau reg-
intents. During the attack the Stein and Wissenbach regiments occupied
^ terrain where the pickets of the Knyphausen Corps had been posted.

~ • the night of the 1 5th and the early morning hours of the 1 6th a

of flatboats arrived in the Harlem Creek at Kings Bridge, which
vere boarded by the following troops: the jagers, the 1st and 2d battal-
is of Light Infantry, and the English Guards Brigade under General

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

Mathew, 45 which were directed to land on the right side of the enem
fortifications. The 1st and 2d battalions of English grenadiers, the 33
and 42d regiments, and the 2d English Brigade under Lord Cornwall
were to cross the Harlem Creek in flatboats at the Morris House 46 t
support the attack made from this direction. Lord Percy 47 with sever;
English regiments and the Leib and Erb Prinz regiments was to make
feint from the New York side, where the terrain ran enpente douce 48 to th
enemy fortifications, in order to divert the enemy’s attention toward th
side which nature had not favored much, and where the fortificatior
were strongest. Moreover, most of the enemy guns were placed there.

On the 16th, two hours before daylight, the Knyphausen Corps move
into the wood, and the troops under General Mathew proceeded dow
the Harlem Creek. But because of the shallowness and marshy groun
only the two boats with the jagers and some of the light infantry undt
Colonel Abercromby could work their way through, with much difficult
Therefore the remaining troops returned and camped partly before th
wood and at Kings Bridge, to be available if the attack of the Knyphause
Corps should be unsuccessful.

At dawn General Howe gave the signal for the attack with sever;
cannon shots, whereupon the Knyphausen Corps began the attack undt
the fire of six hundred riflemen who were lying in the wood in front c
the fortifications. All obstacles including the almost inaccessible cliffs an
an abatis two hundred paces deep were overcome successfully, and or
outwork after another was captured under the heaviest grapeshot an
small-arms fire. In the meantime, the jagers and light infantry ha
landed and scaled the steep wooded height on the right side of the fo
under the strongest fire.

As soon as the corps under Lord Cornwallis had perceived Lord Pe
cy’s troops, it crossed Harlem Creek at the Morris House to attack tf
enemy fortifications from the York side, and discovered a fortified po
of the enemy in the wood. It attacked the post, routed the enemy, an
captured over one hundred and fifty prisoners.

Since the enemy was attacked from all sides and driven back after
four- to five-hour fight, all who were still alive and not captured withdre
into the fort, which resembled a regular pentagon. General Knyphausei
who had to be constantly on foot during the action because of the vei
rocky terrain, summoned the enemy again after the entire corps ha
seized the whole plateau upon which the main fort was situated, when
upon the enemy surrendered at discretion. 49

By the surrender of the fort, four 32-pounders, two 18-pounder
seven 12-pounders, five 9-pounders, fifteen 6-pounders, eigl
3-pounders, and two howitzers were captured. 50 In addition to this

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

great quantity of ammunition and provisions to supply two thousand

men for a quarter of a year were found. .

The enemy did not lose many men because he fought behind dills,
abatis, and trees. On our side, the loss is said to have been between seven
and eight hundred men, among whom were very many officers. 5 *

The abatis and outwork were laid out by a French engineer and mer-
ited all respect. The fort itself, which an American engineer had planned,
was too small. This was a disaster for the garrison, which had to surren-
der so quickly because at the end it was crammed full of people who were

a burden to each other. , TI , , ,

The work upon the height on the left bank of the Hudson River had
been much better situated. 52 It had a very high embankment, broad and
deep ditches, and was surrounded by an abatis of pointed trees from

three to four paces deep. , „ ,

The rallying cry of the Hessians was “At them! At them! but General

Knyphausen had forbidden firing. 53 After the attack the army rested on
its arms and later moved back with the Knyphausen Corps into its former
encampment. Fort Washington was renamed Fort Knyphausen.

PART SIX

From the crossing of the Hudson River up to the arrival on
the left bank of the Raritan River.

As soon as General Washington had received the news of the capture
of the fort, he crossed the Hudson River at King’s Ferry with five
thousand men and occupied Fort Lee, which lay opposite Fort
Knyphausen in the Province of Jersey. He placed himself and his army

behind the Raritan River at New Brunswick. 54 ...

At eleven o’clock on the night of the 19th [of November] the jagers the
English and Hessian grenadiers, and five English brigades marched
under command of Lord Cornwallis to Philipsburgh on the Hudson
River. 55 At daybreak this army crossed the river in flatboats, the crossing
being covered by several frigates on the left. We climbed ashore along a
steep bluff and scaled the rocky and bushy height as quickly as possible.
At the top we found several plantations in a district called Tenafly, where
the jagers and light infantry deployed in a semicircle behind the stone
inwalls and posted sentries by platoon at distances ofThree hun re paces.

■ V. Fo rt Lee lay two hours away from us on the left.

^As soon as the grenadiers joined us, the corps advanced a half an hour
farther into the country, and both jager companies were post on t e
ighway somewhat forward toward New Bridge. 1 saw a plantation ying

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

at a distance of a thousand to twelve hundred paces, whither I proceed*
with several jagers to learn from the inhabitants just where I was. T1
owner of the house approached and informed me that this highway r;
to New Bridge, a small place where there was a bridge over the Secot
River, 57 which joined another road from Neighborhood 58 that one mu
take to get to Fort Lee.

During this conversation I discovered a great glitter of bayonets and
cloud of dust in the distance.— Who is that?— That must be the garrisc
of Fort Lee! — Can’t we cut them off from the bridge? 59 — Yes, you ha
only two English miles from here to there! — I ran back to Captain Wr
den and told him of my discovery. He believed that these people were tl
second column of our army. I wanted to know the truth and took sevei
jagers with me to draw near this column in the flank, crawling from stoi
wall to stone wall, and discovered that it was American. 80 I began
skirmish with them and sent back a jager to fetch more men, but inste;
of the jagers, I received an order from Lord Cornwallis to return at one
I had to obey, and informed him what I had discovered. — “Let them g
my dear Ewald, and stay here. We do not want to lose any men. One jag
is worth more than ten rebels.” 81

Toward four o’clock in the afternoon the entire army assembled. Tl
remainder of the troops with the guns had taken a steep road to the rig!
which we covered and upon which they could make fairly good progrt
with the guns. The entire army then set out to the left toward the fort; t
1st Jager Company formed the van and I covered the right flank. Sine*
could now discern the column of the enemy army, I moved further to t
right in hopes of catching some baggage. A coach and four with sevei
men actually fell into my hands, but I hardly wanted to pursue my gar
further, and I received new orders to keep closer to the column. Nov
perceived what was afoot. We wanted to spare the King’s subjects ai
hoped to terminate the war amicably, in which assumption I w
strengthened the next day by several English officers.

At dusk we arrived at Fort Lee, in and around which the army camp
in great disorder. At Neighborhood there was a huge magazine of foraj
flour, and biscuit. A number of cannon and a part of the ammuniti
were captured in the fort, where some fifty men who had straggled f
into our hands. 62

During the night all the plantations in the vicinity were plundered, a
whatever the soldiers found in the houses was declared booty. 83

Toward morning on the 21st the 1st Battalion of Light Infantry unc
Colonel Abercromby and the Donop Jager Company under Capti
Wreden occupied New Bridge, where there is a bridge over the Hackt
sack River for which there is no detour. The Americans had occupied t
houses on both sides of the bridge and defended themselves very w<

FROM HESSF. TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

but in spite of this the post was forced pnd the greater part were killed,
wounded, or captured.

After we had mastered this position, Lord Cornwallis’s army moved
into cantonment quarters on the plantations along the road from Bergen
Point to Tappan, where I with the jager company had to cover the right
flank, seven English miles from Tappan. New Bridge was about five
English miles from my post.

On the 22d I was notified by headquarters that a corps of riflemen and
horsemen had arrived at Tappan, and that I should be on my guard,
since I now had no communication with the army and my post hung in
the air. 64 Thus my entire safety depended upon reports of the enemy and
constant patrolling which crossed around my outposts. 65

The area was heavily wooded and hilly, and the owner of the plantation
where I stayed was a captain with the enemy. Consequently, I had noth-
ing to hope from these people but that they would get the enemy on my
neck. To be sure, I could plunder these prosperous inhabitants according
to our rules, but to convince these people that there were humane per-
sons in our army, and to invite their good will and gratitude, I gave them
every protection, and they forfeited nothing by my visit but several dozen
chickens and one young ox.

About noon I conducted a patrol toward Tappan to collect information
on the enemy. I took twenty-four jagers and left orders behind with the
senior officer of the company to proceed toward me with as many men as
soon as he heard footsteps, so that my withdrawal was secure.

After a march of a good half hour I ran into an enemy outpost in a
wood, which I attacked at once with twelve jagers to discover what lay
hidden behind it. The enemy party withdrew and I followed it for a good
quarter hour, whereupon the thought struck me that it must have been a
patrol. I had one jager wounded, and we found blood on the road that
the enemy had taken, from which we could easily surmise that the enemy
also had some wounded. Since all the plantations I passed were aban-
doned by their occupants and were plundered and destroyed, and I was
not fortunate enough to take a prisoner, which had been my intention,
nothing much was accomplished.

On the 23d, several hours before daylight, I conducted the same pa-
trol, but with the difference that I tried to sneak through the wood. I
remained until broad daylight in the area where I had hidden the day
before. Not a soul appeared and I went back.

Toward two o’clock in the afternoon, the army marched past New
. . - B ridge and Hackensack and camped on the hills around the village. 66
gggSince the latter place was full of loyalists, we received news here that

ashington would be awaiting us on the right bank of the Raritan River.
§gg|p&t daybreak on the 25th the army marched in one column to the

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

Second River. 67 The jagers joined up here. About ten o’clock we coul<
make out the hills on the right bank of the river, on which an enem
corps was stationed with guns in position. There had been a woode:
bridge in this vicinity which the enemy had burned down. The jager
advanced immediately to the left bank of the river and skirmished wit
the enemy.

In the meantime Lord Cornwallis had cannon brought up, whereupo
the enemy withdrew after several dozen rounds. The jagers immediatel
crossed the river with the aid of a ford several hundred paces to the lei
of the bridge in order to occupy a hill opposite on which a plantation wt
situated, where we exchanged shots with the rear guard.

Both companies deployed in a semicircle, with the river as the diamt
ter, to cover the crossing of the army, which followed at once. We ha
several dead and wounded. Toward evening the army encamped in th
district of Acquackanonck. 68 Both jager companies were assigned pos
on the right flank in a wood through which the road ran to Newark. Th
area was very woody and hilly- The posts were so distant that our entii
security depended upon vigilance and patrolling around us.

Early on the morning of the 26th we were informed by a Negro, wh
had been caught by our patrol, that an enemy corps stood in the vicinii
of Newark, and also that there was a plantation situated an hour awe
which was not deserted by its occupants and had a stock of wine and bee
Since the jagers had had nothing to drink but water for a long tim
Captain Wreden and I decided to conduct a party to the plantation. W
took along two able corporals and twelve jagers, and the Negro led i
along a footpath through the wood. We surprised the inhabitants :
thoroughly that none could escape, and after a few threats, the lady <
the house admitted that several detachments of the enemy had bee
jj-jgj-g during the previous night and had inquired about the Englis
army. Therefore we hurried to finish our business as quickly as possibl
loaded several barrels of beer and wine on two wagons, and carried the
off under escort of two jagers.

Since we still wanted to look around further in this area, we made 01
way to the highway that we wanted to take on our way back. It was rainii
very hard. We had hardly turned onto the highway when we discovered
great many similar footprints which crisscrossed, from which we co
eluded that complete patrols must have gone forward and backward <
the road. Thereupon we immediately ordered a corporal and five jage
to proceed along each side of the road.

The entire area almost to our outpost was a forest, through which tl
road ran. As Captain Wreden and I rode along the highway, we order,
the jagers to attack the enemy with shouts as soon as they discovered hii
for we sensed nothing good. Meanwhile, we hoped that when we met t

'20

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

enemy on his way back, where he did not expect us, we could catch him
off guard and get out of the affair with honor.

Just as we decided upon this plan, we ran into two riflemen at a bend in
the road who, because of the hard rain and wind behind us, had their
faces so hidden under their round hats that they were not aware of us
until Wreden and I put our sabers to their necks. They were surprised
and looked at us with astonishment. — “Throw away your weapons or you
will be cut down!” — “Where are the rest of your men?”— “They are right
behind us!” — “How strong is your party?” — “A colonel and two hundred
men t” — At that instant, firing and shouting were heard from our jagers.
Wreden and I hurried to our men in the wood, and the Americans
dispersed after firing a volley, since they believed they must be cut off
and that we could successfully pass through the middle of them.

As soon as we believed the rear to be clear, we shouted “Forward!” and
pursued the apparently alarmed enemy several hundred paces, where-
upon we took a prisoner who had tried to hide behind a bush. Through
him we learned that a corps of three thousand men under General Lee
stood at Newark, and that they had patrolled this road during the previ-
ous night with two hundred men almost to our outpost, in order to learn
if the English army was approaching them.

This foray for refreshment could have been costly for us if the enemy
had retained his composure. Meanwhile, this stroke taught us novices in
the art of partisan warfare what resoluteness can do.

Since we could presume after this incident that the enemy would cer-
tainly appear again in this vicinity, we decided in the afternoon to set an
ambuscade in the area where we had met the enemy, using thirty volun-
teer jagers whose hearts were now strengthened with wine and beer. We
laid in wait here until around evening, but the enemy did not appear.

I then took eight jagers, kept the captain on my left, and sneaked along
the road through the wood to the right where the forest seemed less
dense, hoping to observe the enemy camp a little closer. At the end of the
wood I found a hill, from which I detected an enemy post in the distance.
During my observation I had ordered the jagers to stand behind trees
around me and to keep watch on all sides. Suddenly the corporal
shouted, “Captain, here they are!” I looked around and saw a body of the
enemy who seemed to be watching us, two hundred paces away in the
■' wood on the left. I cried out, “Advance! Advance!” d he jagers fired; the
4 enemy also fired and withdrew.

Arf •- Since I could not know what this meant, or whether these people were
gffiKsent out to decoy me, I withdrew toward Captain Wreden, who met me
sfissnhalfway; he was quite concerned about me, since he knew that I had only
fright jagers with me. But 1 now knew where the enemy was situated and
efforts were rewarded.

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

On the 28th the army marched in one column to Newark, where it
encamped on this side. The enemy corps withdrew at our approach.
During the march I covered the right flank, and both jager companies

protected the right flank of the camp.

On this march we looked upon a deplorable sight. The region is well
cultivated with very attractive plantations, but all their occupants had
fled and all the houses had been or were being plundered and destroyed^
At daybreak on the 29th the army marched off, passed Newark and
Elizabethtown, and cantoned in and around the latter place. T ^e jager
company under Captain Wreden covered the highway to Rahway, and I
received my post at the country manor of Governor Livingston on the
road to Springfield. 1 received orders to patrol steadily past Springfield.
Someone gave me a hint that this man was one of the first and most fiery
rebels. But I was not inclined to turn robber, and everything was left

undisturbed save for a few provisions.

Early on the morning of the 30th the army marched in one column to
the vicinity of Rahway and Woodbridge, where it went into cantonment. I
received orders to march to Connecticut Farms™ with the jager company
and an officer and thirty horse of the 16th Regiment of Dragoons. I was
to take post there until the 2d Battalion of English Light Infantry under
Maior Maitland from Mountain Meeting House 71 had passed the defile in
this area But as soon as the battalion had arrived there, I should try to
take my post between Mountain Meeting House and Rahway to maintain
communications between the battalion and the army, and to follow the

army with the battalion the next day.

N.B. The army was marching to the left, and Major Maitland and 1
covered the right flank and rear of the army against the Lee Corps, which
followed us on the right flank during the entire march. 72

To perform this little feat for the first time was no small task. I received
neither further instructions nor guide, except that I was told this road
would lead there, and I would no doubt find someone on the way. I had
nothing but my theory from which I could obtain advice, and knew the
heavily intersected country only by a miserable map. My officers were
young and inexperienced in this kind of warfare. Bag and baggage, t e
detachment consisted of ninety-three men. Honor was not to be gamed
with them, for what I did no one would see. But should I suffer a reverse,
I would lose my honor and the good opinion which they had of me.
Hence there was no other cure but Physician, heal thyself.

I began my march in a dispersed order, since the country was greatl>
cut through with defiles. I was determined to resolutely attack any of the
enemy I encountered, and to sell my life dearly should I be defeated, foi
I had no safe retreat as the army was marching to the left and I to t t
right.

FROM HKSSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

Fortunately I came upon a man at the First plantation whom I forced to
serve as my guide, but who immediately gave me the pleasant news that
Colonel Morgan 73 was roving about in the area with a strong corps of

riflemen. _ , ..

The outpost which I was ordered to occupy was about five hours from
Elizabethtown. Toward one o’clock in the afternoon the guide pointed
out a church 74 which lay beyond the defile at a distance of a good half
hour, and from which the defile could be defended. I immediately took
eight'jagers and the detachment of dragoons to reconnoiter the pass close
at hand and to see if it was occupied. The pass consisted of a brook that
wound through a ravine, across which was a stone bridge. A sunken road
ran from there to the hill upon which the church and a number of houses
were situated.

In the vicinity of the bridge I discovered several persons who tired as 1
drew near them; a few also fired from the top of the defile. I threatened
the man with death unless he told me whether or not the water could be
crossed above or below the bridge, and he admitted it would be possible
on both sides. At this time the jagers approached and I quickly sent off
the dragoons to the right, led by the guide, in order to cut off the retreat
of the enemy. I ordered Lieutenant Grothausen to try to get through on
the left with twenty men and attack the enemy from the rear. As soon as I
thought that both detachments had a sufficient start, I made my attack on
the bridge and defile with the remaining jagers. The enemy, who saw the
dragoons move to the right and expected to be cut off, abandoned his
position after a little resistance, and I became master thereof with a loss of
one dead and two wounded. 75

The dragoons pursued the fleeing enemy, cut several to pieces, and
took one prisoner, from whom I learned that this detachment consisted
of one hundred men belonging to the Morgan Corps, but he did not
know where his corps was posted. The captured rifleman resolutely de-
clared that he was my prisoner but not my spy. I admired this worthy

lUdll.

I was glad that I had accomplished my purpose, for this little affair
almost gave me the confidence which a partisan needs for his ticklish
trade. I occupied the churchyard, which was surrounded by a brick wall,
k stationed small pickets of foot jagers on the road, and with the dragoons I
5* followed for a little way the road which the enemy had taken.

, There were individual houses along the road from which the inhabi-
tants had not fled. I ordered quarters in these houses for two battalions of
ife-g renadiers, who were to move in at once, after which I took the road back
ggBLmy outpost. I could learn nothing further about the enemy.
^r-T oward evening Major Maitland arrived, whereupon I immediately set
again. The major gave me a good guide, who led me to a plantation

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND

• , M -,t n crossroad halfway between the outpost and Rah-

which was situated at a cross 7 nothin but the crossroad. I

way. It was a dark mg t an t d sentries around me, and had

^ ” ° ff,Cer " Uh

the road patrolled as tar as t / . back no neW s.

twenty jagers and six dragoons who^brough ^ ^ as soon as Major
On the morning of December se ^ Rahwav, which place was

Maitland had joined me. Towar " forms a defile, and which had

named after the river that traverses it detachm ent of the Donop

“fealtd' "here to £T2Ty had marched reward rhe Rariran and

1 rrrng rhe afternoon . heard h.av^unftre in rhe = , whe^>
upon I encouraged the men to , - e a w hich had deployed upon
too late. Toward evening I jo erected batteries which can-

opposite side. The enemy returned

th There W wa h s abridge^cross butted on^mh

had broken off, and where ^ j sid ^ had been occupied by enemy
sides. 77 The houses « n the opposUe § Captain WredeI1) whom i

riflemen and ^fred my report to Colonel Donop. The firing

joined as soon as I had render y F during which we lost

continued on both sides unti a . e ■ ^ the S los ’ s of a very good friend

several brave men. E *P e ^JJ y ’ • te ? sha usen 78 of the Hessian grenadiers,
on this day. He was Captain rifle shot that

who wanted to watch the action and lo 1 d ^ next day.
shattered his spine, of which woun e below the bridge,

On this occasion the jagers captured wo ^ iafge quandty of

loaded with stocks of dot which came at just the right time,

shoes and long trouser nroceed in their own boots,

because our men could no ong P . bank of the Raritan

During the dark night the Amencans efi the ■ "J with his

River. Captain Wreden immetto^ crowed *e <l g » and the

jagers and took post on the height at Barker l J P

bridge was quickly re P^ d ’ , t follow the road upstream for an

sk -- - - — -

M Thre°„”my 2 ^ ^ £

patnshouM^^n'aed her^' Bu, iince so many loyaiiscs arrived .

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

headquarters from the country who assured the Commanding General
that Washington and his army were in a wretched condition, and that if
the campaign were continued the enemy army would disperse and break
up, it was decided to follow the enemy farther. This information, that
Washington was not stronger than eight thousand men and that large
numbers deserted his colors daily, was confirmed during the march,
especially in the vicinity of Hackensack, where we found many loyalists. 82

Several distinguished persons arrived from Pennsylvania, who im-
plored the general to press General Washington as closely as possible so
that we might overtake him in the vicinity of the Delaware, by which his
retreat would be cut off. There we could surely destroy or capture his
disheartened army. Indeed one of them, Mr. Galloway, 83 was so enraged
over the delay of the English that he said out loud, “I see, they don’t want
to finish the war!”, which every honest man must think.

For seriously, why did we let the corps of five to six thousand men

withdraw so quietly from Fort Lee?

Secondly, why did we tarry so many days until the enemy had peace-
fully crossed the Second River?

Thirdly, why did we march so slowly that the enemy could cross the
Raritan safely?

And fourthly, why did we not pursue the enemy at once, instead of
lingering here for five days?

One had to -conclude, therefore, that we had hopes of ending the war
amicably, without shedding the blood of the King’s subjects in a needless
way. 84

PART SEVEN

From the crossing of the Raritan up to the arrival on the
left bank of the Delaware.

On the afternoon of the 6th [of December] toward four o’clock the
army began marching in two columns. The column on the right, consist-
ing of the jagers, Hessian grenadiers, the 42d Regiment of Scottish High-
landers, and two troops of the 16th Regiment of Dragoons, which Lord
Cornwallis personally accompanied, marched up the Raritan to Van
Veghten Bridge, 85 where it bivouacked on the road during the night.
The column on the left, which consisted of the English infantry under
'General Leslie, crossed over the Raritan bridge at the landing and re-
gained on the heights beyond New Brunswick, likewise in bivouac dur-
the night.

-oward nine o’clock in the evening I was ordered to report to Lord
►rnwallis, where I was given the mission of going with two reliable

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

iagers to Van Veghten’s plantation, 87 which was situated an hour and a
half away from the bridge. I was to pick up the master of the house, a<
well as a mounted guide who knew the Morristown area, and bring them
back Lord Cornwallis advised me not to risk many men, since patrols ol
the Lee Corps roamed constantly as far as this plantation, whereas a fe«
men could easily get through without noise. If I should be c apj ure jJ: ste P'
would be taken at once for my exchange, and I was selected for this tasl

because he relied on me fully.

I was given the following information about the route and the area
The road led straight to a bridge, in the vicinity of which another roac
descended on the right from the mountains 88 that the Lee patrols hac
taken. Beyond the bridge was the plantation, which had a courtyarc
surrounded by a wall.

I then took two iagers upon whose bravery I could depend, as well a
my groom, who was well armed, and carried out the prescribed order
The night was very dark and I arrived safely at the bridge, where I fount
a sunken road to the right which led to the mountains. I ordered on
jager to follow this road for a short distance and the other to remain a

crossed the bridge and rode up along the wall of the courtyard seek
ing the entrance. I found it and ordered my groom to stand there and lc
no one out. Then I rode into the courtyard, where I found many peopl
with horses harnessed to wagons. I asked the first person I met: Wher
is the master of the house? Take me to the house and tell him to come ot
at once, because there is an adjutant of General Lee here who must spea
to him.” The owner appeared and I put my saber to his throat, sayinj
“Sir I am a Hessian! You must immediately bring me a good mounte
guide who knows the country to the right. Then you will come with tr
up to the bridge where Lord Cornwallis stands with the army, who wan
to talk to you! Your whole courtyard is occupied by jagers. If you don t d
what I want at once, I shall set fire to everything, but if you do, all yot

property shall be protected.” .

The man was thunderstruck, begged forbearance for his life ar
asked permission to go back in the house for a moment to fetch his hat.
permitted him this and he came back quickly and ordered a Negro
harness a horse to a wagon and follow him. We no longer talked, for I w
extremely uneasy about the whole business. I reached the bridge, callt
away the jagers, and continued on my way back for a good quarter hoi
without speaking a word. At last the good man asked me: Where is tl
general? Where is your army?”— “There, where you see the fire! — Y<
dared to come up here with only three men?”— I began laughing loud
for I was in safety once more. Toward midnight I arrived safely at
army and Lord Cornwallis was glad to see me again.

On the morning of the 7th, an hour before daylight, Quartermas

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

General Erskine went with the jagers, a detachment of Scots, and one
hundred horse toward the mountains of Morristown to collect informa-
tion on the corps of General Lee. 89

During this march I was sent with twenty jagers and as many dragoons
to the vicinity of Blacker’s [?] copper mine to seize a very disaffected man.

I tried to approach the dwelling of this rebel by aid of a guide without
being discovered, but I did not find the man at home. His family was on
the point of following him with bag and baggage, consisting of seven
loaded wagons and a coach. I rummaged through the entire house, while
the mistress of the house followed at my heels with three children, and
with tears in her eyes continually begged me not to take everything away
from her. I assured her that I wanted nothing but her husband, which,
however, she did not seem to believe. She gazed in astonishment when I
marched off again, leaving her wagons and coach standing, and content-
ing myself with forty-five bottles of Madeira wine which I divided among
my men, and for once drank myself. On my way back I met with the
detachment under General Erskine, and we followed the army, which we
met again at Rocky Hill.

Toward evening the two columns united at Princetown, in and around
which place the army went into cantonment. Both jager companies were
assigned posts in a wood a half an hour from the town on the road to
Trenton, where we were repeatedly alarmed during the night by enemy
parties and remained under arms the whole night.

On the 8th the army marched in one column to Trenton, where it
arrived in the afternoon. The village lies on a height less than half an
hour from the left bank of the Delaware River. The jagers were detached
immediately to Falls Ferry 90 to seize the rear guard of the enemy at the
crossing, but the last boats were already leaving the shore when we were
still about three hundred paces away. The enemy, who discovered us
from the right bank, rendered us the honor of firing eighteen heavy guns
at us until we were all dispersed; without great damage, however, for we
lost only one jager in spite of the devastating fire. 91

The jagers were assigned posts in a small wood near Falls Ferry to
protect this crossing over the Delaware. The army was quartered in the
following cantonments: in and around Pennington, to the right of Tren-
ton, were the headquarters and the English infantry; in 1 renton, Colonel
Sfe Donop and the Hessian Grenadier Brigade; at Trent Ferry, the 1st Battal-
l^'y ion of English Light Infantry; and at the drawbridge, 92 the 2d Battalion.
..t'i'y The troops were to rest in these positions. But as soon as the Delaware,
wS^w hich freezes almost every winter in this area, was covered over with ice,
Ippfihe'army was to cross the river and capture Philadelphia, where it was
” Jl^expected to end the war, since Washington’s army consisted of only three
giphousand men, of which the majority were dispirited. 93
¥ ' But should the winter be mild, as might be expected, since no snow had

pa®;-:

PLAN OF TRENTON

This plan shows the village of Trenton before the battle. Like
the plans of the Bordentown, Burlington, and Mount Holly
areas that follow, it may have been drawn during the period
between the occupation of Trenton and the abandonment ot
Mount Holly, December 8 through 26, 1776. Assunpink Creek,
crossed by a bridge, runs through the village. The roads to Upper
Falls, Pennington, Maidenhead, and Bordentown branch out
in various directions. The asterisk may represent the wheel of
a mill. Below on the left bank of the Delaware River is Falls Ferry,
and to the right Trent Ferry, the dotted lines indicating their
crossings. The small dark squares in larger shaded squares rep-
resent houses surrounded by gardens or fields. Between the two
ferry landings on the left bank is Trent House, with the Eagle
Tavern across the road to its right. Still further to the right the
drawbridge over Crosswicks Creek is indicated. The batteries of
American guns are shown drawn up on the opposite bank of
the Delaware.

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FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS. 1776 AND 1777 !

;Ta« i-jj

a wa ^' j u cqjj Thev will not and dare not act oth

Therefore no more need be said. 1 ney wi

PART EIGHT

After the arrival of the English army at the Delaware up to
the surprise attack on Trenton.

, • i, f Qth Colonel Donop received information to b

a false alarm. Colonel Donop took the jagers and thn

On the morning of the 10th Colonel IJO^ amuse J [tes to rec „ n n,

ter^urHr^tom'Tlhs place '^g^^^^j^a^t^warrntended^'o^

detachment of about one hundred men, “^flurlS
ttpromaedby six"™* galleys-’ »htch had the command of th.s .

“t’nTafternoon our detachment arrived on this side of the towm 1

adjutant of the ^colonel ““ “ ‘ 0 ' *™Maware, failing wh
asking im 1 e \ 99 Th commodore requested two hoi

t'm^^^hSlnfrvtd^^andth^o

- “

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

Everyone sprang from the table, but instead Ojf the reply, there was a rain
of bullets from the topmasts which accompanied us on our way out of the
town. Since we had no heavy guns with us to drive off the galleys, we left
the town and marched back.

On the morning of the 11th the detachment arrived at Bordentown,
which place lies on the Delaware between Burlington and Trenton,
where there is another ferry crossing. The jagers took post here with
orders to patrol diligently toward Burlington, and the colonel returned to
Trenton with the grenadiers. The village was deserted by its inhabitants,
save for a few, and was therefore plundered clean.

Colonel Rail, who had followed the army with the three Hessian reg-
iments, Alt Lossberg, Knyphausen, and Land Grenadier, marched into
Trenton on the 14th to occupy it. Since the army lay much too crowded,
the quarters were extended and changed on that day in the following

manner.

Pennington was abandoned, and Trenton covered the right flank or
the quarters where the Hessian Colonel Rail was billeted with his brigade.
Two companies of the Knyphausen Regiment covered the Falls and
Trent crossings on the Delaware, and a detachment of a major and one
hundred and fifty men took their post at the drawbridge to keep open
communications between Bordentown and Trenton. Colonel Donop took
up his quarters in Bordentown together with the Grenadier Battalion
Minnigerode. The Battalion von Linsing was billeted on the plantation
along the road from Bordentown to Crosswicks. Colonel Stirling 101 oc-
cupied Black Horse 102 with the 42d Scottish Regiment and the Hessian
Grenadier Battalion Block, which covered the left flank of the army. I
was stationed at the Lewis Mill 103 with the jager company to protect
communications between Black Horse and Bordentown. Captain Wre-
den was posted along the route from Black Horse to Field s 104 crossing on
the Delaware. Lieutenant Grothausen, with a detachment of fifty jagers,
took post at Dickinson’s house 100 on the Delaware to the left of Trenton
with instructions to patrol constantly to Pennington.

Lord Cornwallis took up his quarters at Brunswick with his brigade, the
Grant Brigade, and the English grenadiers. General Leslie and his
;■ brigade received quarters at Princetown, the light infantry occupied
^llgfeMaidenhead 106 and Kingston, and the regiment of dragoons was distrib-
^;&Uted in and around Princetown.

On the 13th I went on a patrol beyond Slabtown 107 toward Mount
^feHolly with one hundred men, partly Scots and jagers, where I ran into an
^gen emy party which had driven together several hundred head of cattle. I
'tacked them, captured several men, and took some forty head of oxen
am the enemy. I learned that General Mifflin 108 had crossed the Dela-
yre with one thousand men and had taken his position at Mount Holly,

PLAN OF THE AREA OF BORDENTOWN
AND THE LEWIS MILL

The mill of Lieutenant Colonel William Lewis is shown on Black s
Creek in the lower part of the plan. Bordentown appears in the
lower right-hand corner, with references to the direction of the
drawbridge and the location of two 6-pounders along the bank
of the Delaware River. The roads above lead to Black Horse (now
Columbus), Bustleton, and Burlington. Ewald’s plan shows Cap-
tain von Wreden quartered at the Field Tavern (“Miss Witfield
house”), with two 3-pounders mounted in a work below to cover
the river.

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 177b AND 1/77

in order to attack the left flank of the army if Washington should cross
The Delaware. 1 reported this at once to Colonel Donop. who tor a mo-

menr was tempted to drive Mr. Mifflin away.

On the 19th Colonel Donop ordered me to accompany him to B ack
Horse to inspect the cordon of the left wing. The colonel took along Cap-
“r n Lore w P Uh twelve mounted yagers. an officer and , tarty Scots, and
Monel Stirling to reconnoiter the area of Mount Holly. We armed a
the village Unhindered , where we obtained informat, on that Colonel
Griffin with two thousand men was stationed at Eayrestown. seven mi e.
from Mount Holly. A, eight o'clock in the evening we armed back tr

Bt jM three o’clock on the morning of the 20th, Colonel Donop orderec
me m proceed at once to Burlington with a detachment of thtrty yager
and fifty grenadiers to learn the true situation of the enemy row galleys
He said h! had requested heavy artillery from the Command, ng General
which he expected any day under escort of the fourth Hess, an grenadte
battalion 109 As soon as it arrived he would march to Burlington to riv
rff the row galleys there and occupy the town, whereupon he prom.se.
°o mve me fhe post a, Mount Holly with all the advantages accrum
therefrom. I thanked him for his kindness, but I could not resist saytn
that 1 feared the cordon was extended too far, and that I firm y e teve
deso ,e all the talk of the wretched condition of Washington s army, th.
Washington wou Id still undertake something, especially when he was m

P °I marchedM SoBurUngton. The atr was filled wnh such a 1 heat

the height of Hancock’s Bridge, where I halted and sent out a p
which reconnoitered the area on the other side of the bridge, where t
was a deep defile. The patrol returned but had learned nothing a o

e ‘Tleft here a noncommissioned officer with two jagers and eight gre
adiers to cover my rear. Two English miles further on I found a seco
. r . near which a road from Slabtown led to the highway. I learn
"e thauen mts away, beyond Mount Holly. Colonel Griffin stood w,
fifteen hundred men, whom I had passed to the left and in m> rec .

I posted a noncommissioned officer with twelve grenadiers heit.
the rest of the detachment I approached the Yorkshire Bridge," wh
was situated only one English mile from Burlington, where the road
SrHSLd the highway. There were a few .houses on bojh «
of the bridge, where I learned from one of the inhabitants that the
galleys stilUetained their station. Another one assured me that t ie>

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

lying off Bristol, and someone even told me that they had sailed to

Philadelphia. T , , , ,

Now, since I desired to submit a correct report, I had the officer and

the remaining men occupy two houses here to cover my rear. But in case
this officer was attacked by a superior force of the enemy, he was to try to
escape along the Delaware and report the incident to the colonel. I then
took two jagers and two grenadiers, whom I instructed to follow me but
watch carefully to see if I encountered anything unpleasant. In case firing
should come from the houses or in the streets of the town and they saw I
had fallen into enemy hands, they should return the fire, withdraw, and
report it to the officer at the Yorkshire Bridge, who would retreat

^Trode into town and ordered my groom to follow me. I inquired after
the galleys at the first house, where I obtained information that they were
anchored near the town. At the next house I was assured the opposite.
Finally I became annoyed over the different reports, galloped through
the town to the bank of the Delaware, and found six galleys and two
schooners anchored in the middle of the river. I rode back without meet-
ing the slightest unpleasantness, although people gathered from all sides
in town and looked at me and my four men as though we were strange

a TJode up to the front of the house of the mayor, 111 who lived in the
center of the town, and ordered him to provide quarters at once for two
thousand men and to procure provisions, as they would march in within
an hour. I left the town, marcheci back, and arrived in the afternoon on
the other side of Assiscunk Creek, where I rested my men. I had scarcely
arrived there when a wagon appeared with the town councilor^ who had
followed me and who asked to speak to the Commanding General. I
laughed in his face and dragged the gentleman along with me for com-
: pany to Bordentown, where I arrived around midnight and rendered my
: report to Colonel Donop, who was not pleased that the galleys had been
reinforced by two schooners.

The reason for my successful patrol was probably the extremely stormy
weather, because the enemy parties which constantly crossed this road
-< had avoided doing so. But if Colonel Griffin had gotten the slightest win
v^i'of it, I certainly would have been cut oft.

!§§ In the afternoon of the 2 1st I was ordered to take my post at Bustleton,
which was halfway between Bordentown and Burlington.

|§§: In the afternoon of the 22d I was reinforced with an officer and fifty
#|j^grenadiers and took post at the Bunting house. This post was situated

~ rther on from Black Horse and Bustleton and consisted of a plantation

ing upon a hill where the roads coming from Mount Holly and Bur-

PLAN OF THE AREA OF BORDENTOWN, BURLINGTON
TO MOUNT HOLLY

On the left the plan shows Bordentown and the Lewis Mill on
Black’s Creek. The lower road from Bordentown leads to the
“Miss Wietfield house” (now Fieldsboro) and to the Three Tuns
Tavern and Bustleton. The road crosses Hancock sCreek, named
for a local landowner, and continues to the Yorkshire Bridge over
Assiscunk Creek (not Ankokes Creek, an old spelling of Rancocas
Creek, as Ewald has it). Rancocas Creek flows into the Delaware
River southwest of Burlington. The upper road from Borden-
town leads to Black Horse (Columbus) and Slabtown (Jackson-
ville), continuing past the Friends Meeting House to Mount Holly
at the upper right. Near the center is the Bunting house, where
Ewald had his outpost on December 22, 1776.

FIRST AND SF.COND CAMPAIGNS, 1770 AND 1)777

lington intersected. Toward the enemy I had woodland, through which
these roads ran. and behind me was an extensive meadow.

I had scarcely arrived at this post when the enemy appealed m it
wood. I took the jagers to reconnoiter him and to earn with whom had
to deal. I skirmished with the enemy, who, since I attacked him quit y
withdrew toward Burlington with a loss ot several dead and wounded
pursued him for a short distance, and after I was certain of his retreat 1
returned to my post. One of mv jagers was killed and another severely

W °No' toner had this skirmish ended than I heard heavy small-arms fin
mixed with cannon fire in the vicinity of Black Horse or Slabtown. Thi
firing caused me no little embarrassment because it was in my rear,
decided to investigate the firing and to fall upon the enemy s rear dunnj
his own attack. I hurried as fast as I could; however the enemy hat
already been driven back by the grenadiers with heavy losses. - Colone
Donop ordered me not to return to the Bunting house, but to choose

Dost in front of Black Horse. 113 ...

? During the night I received orders to draw back with the jagers behin,
the pickets of the grenadiers to give the men a few hours rest, becaus
the colonel intended to seek out and defeat the enemy the next day.

On the morning of the 23d at five o’clock Colonel Donop set or
toward Mount Holly with the 42d Regiment of Scots, the two grenadie
battalions, Linsing and Block, the twelve mounted jagers under Captai
Lorey, and my jager company. I formed the advanced guard, supporte

bv Captain Lorey and a company of Scots. 114

In the wood behind Slabtown we ran into an enemy party which took
new position at a Quaker church lying on a hill at the end of the woo,
behind which the entire enemy corps was deployed. The co
mediately ordered the Linsing Battalion to attack the hill on which t
church stood. The Block Battalion was ordered to the left, and the jag
with four companies of Scots under Colonel Stirling, moved to the rig
through the wood to cut off the enemy from Mount Holly or to ga
mastery of the bridge across the Rancocas Creek, which intersects

t0 The enemv, discovering this movement, withdrew in the greatest d
order through Mount Holly and across the bridge after the grenadie
had taken possession of the church. Since the jagers and Scots piess
close behind them, a part sought to throw themselves into the ho
near the bridge, but they were soon dislodged by the fieldpieces. H
ever the greater part of the enemy gained the wood lying beyond
town, through which the highway ran to Philadelphia, and by which
enemy saved himself. The jagers and Scots pursued the enemy for s
eral miles through the wood, but he made no further stand. Almost t

FROM HKSSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

hundred men vvenp captured, two cannon seized, and somewhat over one
hundred men may well have been killed on both sides. 116

The entire corps under Colonel Donop took up quarters in the
town, 117 and I received mine at the exit to Philadelphia. 118 Because of its
position, this town is a very excellent trading place and inhabited by many
wealthy people. Since the majority had fled and the dwellings had been
abandoned, almost the whole town was plundered; and because large
stocks of wine were found there, the entire garrison was drunk by eve-
ning. Luckily for me, my quarters were in the section most poorly
stocked, by which chance the jagers remained fairly sober. Meanwhile,
the grenadiers were bringing in so much wine that the majority of the
jagers became merry toward midnight, and I had great trouble to keep

them together. ... ,

Early on the morning of the 24 th I was sent out with twenty jagers and

fifty Scots to reconnoiter the road to Moorestown as far as the Long
Bridge, 119 to learn if it was occupied by the enemy or destroyed. The
road there consisted of a succession of defiles through a thick wood.
Toward ten o’clock I arrived unhindered at the bridge and found that it
was ruined. Presently a few shots came from the other side where the
Americans were hidden in several houses, through which a Scotsman was
killed. I deployed the jagers along the creek to answer the enemy with
brisk rifle fire and to reconnoiter the area more closely, after which I

withdrew and rendered my report.

I had hardly arrived at my post when I was ordered to patrol as tar as
Burlington with ten jagers and fifty Hessian grenadiers, in order to re-
connoiter the station of the enemy vessels which constantly covered the
place. I returned at midnight. The snow had risen so high since yesterday

that we could hardly get through. 120

Today a trumpeter arrived in Mount Holly from General Washington,
who presented a proposal to Colonel Donop concerning the exchange of
& some of his officers who had been captured at Mount Holly. The next
two days would show that this was a ruse to find out whether the colonel
was still in Mount Holly or was already marching back to Bordentown,
> which every reasonable man desired, since Trenton as well as Mount
< Holly were without any further support.

||^vy About two o’clock on the morning of the 25th, I was informed that
|&Colonel Reynolds 121 had just arrived at New Mills 122 with two captains
were lodged with him at his house, 123 where both captains awaited
Ipjheir wives. I reported this at once to Colonel Donop, who permitted me
^pbgjtake a party of Scots for this stroke. 1 hereupon I took eight jagers and
^^iwenty Scots and arrived at the spot shortly before daylight. I approached

B gjiouse quietly, surrounded it with the jagers as it stood apart from all
g other houses, and kept the Scots together a short distance from the

PLAN OF THE AREA OF MOUNT HOLLY

lust north of Mount Holly at the junction of the Slabtown 0 ack -
sonville) road, the road to Burlington, and Woodpecker Lane is
the old Friends Meeting House, which was situated at the base ot
the mount where the so-called Battle of Mount Holly occurred
on December 23, 1776. Ewald reconnoitered the area across the
North Branch of Ankokes (Rancocas) Creek to the Long Bridge
tnow Hainesport), which is on the South West Branch of the same
creek. In the lower right of the plan is New Mills (now Pember-
ton), where Ewald captured Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Rey
nolds and two captains early on Christmas morning.

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

house to defend myself, since the enemy was posted only one hour away
from the village.

Accompanied by two Scots, 1 approached the front door, which I
found unlocked, entered the house, and heard several people talking
loudly in a room on the right-hand side. I knocked on the door and
someone called, “Come in!” I opened the door, stepped into the room,
and bid a good morning to the party, which consisted of three officers
and four ladies who were drinking tea. I was offered a chair and a cup of
tea, which I accepted. They looked at me and did not know what to make
of me, for my uniform was covered over with snow which had been

falling all night.

At the moment when I took the cup of tea, one of the ladies wanted to
go out of the room, but she was somewhat rudely pushed back into the
room by one of the Scots and returned -with an “Oh! Lord!”, whereupon
the entire company was surprised. At this instant I put an end to the
affair, identified myself to the gentlemen, and announced the agreeable
news that they were my prisoners. The officers drew their swords, and
the ladies fell at my knees and begged me to leave them their husbands.
The two Scots entered the room, and I advised the men to give me their
swords or they would be cut down. They followed my advice, and I
permitted them to take a tender farewell of their wives. I left the house
with my prisoners, followed by good and bad wishes from the beautiful
mouths of the ladies. I made my march back in all haste and arrived at
midday in Mount Holly. 124

Early on the morning of the 26th Captain Lorey and I roamed over
different roads in the country to collect horses and slaughter cattle; for
the colonel, who was extremely devoted to the fair sex, had found in his
quarters the exceedingly beautiful young widow of a doctor. 125 He wanted
to set up his rest quarters in Mount Holly, which, to the misfortune ot
Colonel Rail, he was permitted to do. However, our control over this area
came to an end today.

Both parties were occupied with driving off several hundred oxen,
cows, pigs, and sheep, amidst the fervent wailings of the inhabitants, who
followed us constantly, when a messenger appeared who delivered us
orders to come back immediately and leave all the animals behind.

In the afternoon both parties returned. The colonel notified us that
General Washington had suddenly attacked the three regiments under
Colonel Rail at Trenton, and he was awaiting our report at any minute.

At the same moment, the second messenger of doom arrived, confirming
the report and adding that all had been taken prisoner. 127 Since it was to
be assumed now that Washington would occupy the Crosswicks pass in
the rear of the Donop Corps, which had always been neglected, and cut it

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

off from Princetown, the colonel set out with his entire corps for
Crosswicks with the firm resolve to cut his way through at all costs.

For my part, since we surely expected that the enemy corps under
Colonel Griffin would soon be on our necks, I had to hold both passes of
Mount Holly with one hundred and fifty men, partly jagers and partly
Scots and grenadiers, until 1 was either completely wiped out or ordered
to retreat, so that the colonel would be safe on his flank. ‘“ 8

Now since the town was stretched out and I could not trust the inhabi-
tants I stationed myself at the farthest end, where a number of houses
were’ situated on a hill. 129 I quickly filled these houses full of brush and
straw, and since the wind blew toward the town, I notified the people that
at the moment an outbreak occurred or the enemy attacked me, I would

fire to the houses and the entire town. At this time night fell and a

terrible storm of wind and ram suddenly came up.

I posted myself behind these houses in a garden, which was sur-
rounded on four sides by a hedgerow. Since I had to cross a plain for an
hour in the direction of Black Horse, I was inclined to withdraw in square
formation. I had the town patrolled constantly as far as the exits and the

citizens kept quiet. . ,

After midnight a spy brought me orders from Colonel Donop to with-
draw at once to Black Horse, which was accomplished safely. There I
found a new order to escort the baggage to Crosswicks, and to protect it
against any mishap. But the colonel, who had tried to gain the Crosswicks
pass with his troops in order to save them, had been willing to abandon
the baggage, and had imagined the Americans would attempt to capture
it from Trenton. However, Washington had withdrawn across the Dela-
ware after carrying out the surprise coup. Fortunately for Colonel
Donop, the second column, which was intended to cut off this corps from
Crosswicks, could not cross the Delaware at Burlington because of the
■j'- heavy ice floes. 131

I found the baggage in movement on the other side of Black Horse. It
> consisted of several hundred wagons, carriages, and carioles all loaded
n with plundered goods— and I very much wished that the enemy would
u take it away from me. I formed the rear guard and let the jagers wander
^ along both sides of the column to prod the drivers on with blows, to keep

order, and to make them go faster. 132

daybreak the weather changed rapidly, which is often the case in
gil this part of the world, so that a hard frost set in after the heavy snow and
j|pTainy weather which formed slippery ice. Since no horse was roughshod

B s hindrance caused delay, so that I first caught up with the Donop
£j>S.at ten o’clock on the morning of the 27th at Crosswicks, where the
fnadier Battalion Minnigerode and Captain Wreden s jager company

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS. 177(1 AND 1777

were also arriving from Bordentown fhe

rni^anT »ok up7 Stated and abandoned houses which

-"st :::^o ^

to seventy houses of which only one J. through this place. The

"-Si'SS =• “ - »

, ^On^the'29 1 th^oiu' n patroband^sfnes^brought^in^repom^^at ^General

Washington, whose ar y Delaware in two columns not far from

of the Rail Corps, had crosse Trenton Creek 133 News also arrived

Trenton and had encamped behind T^ow commanded by General

from Rocky Hill that the former Ue Corps, now co mol / nB|ins of

Lincoln, was approaching our right tlank trom

4 1 34

M o r nthe W M.h the Donop Corps left Kingston and joined the army in
On the aUtn F hac j been concen trated and can-

Princetown, around which t y G Brieade. In the town

mned under General the college

there were about thr ” h “ iment wa/quartered.*” Six redoubts

were constructed and mounted with 12- and 6-pounders on the hetghts

•Thllad'the times changed! The

fore us. Four weeks ago we “PeO'd ashj the hon0 r of think-

Philadelphta, and now we had t ^ Trenton , such a fngh, came

tltus far'undere^limated our enemy, from this unhappy day onward we
saw everything through a magnifying gbs- ^ of the thir .

This great misfortune, which . surely rause t ^ ^ pan , y „ the

teen splendid provinces ° fauU of Colonel Donop who was

extension of the cordon P a J d Griffin an d detained there by

led by the nose to Mount Holly > Lieutenant Grothausea

, and pa^^SSir^ton. Had this office,
who was posted at ^ Pennington on the morning wher

patrolled diligen y Delaware t h e enemy would have been discov
Washington crossed th u * if intn the house to cover the road t(

ered. l3 ‘ g He could have UM a Cota-

S/suppon h!m h ffir e tt colonel did not lack resoluteness. Instea,

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BA\

• doing this the jagers abandoned their post as soon as they caught sight
dhe enemy Had Grothausen even thought to support the picket under
amain Altenbockum 137 and Lieutenant Wiederhold, or cover their
S at least it would have helped them. These two courageous officers
ithdrew under steady fire as far as the village against the entire force of

1 39

ThlTbrave c'S Rail was shot dead as he rushed with his regiment to
id the picket 140 The three other commanders lost their hea s, an so
e three retdments laid down their arms in an open place after some
’ *u. Had the thought occurred to but one of these three

rf' disgrace facing them, and had only one of them thought of Arcing
he bridgfover Trenton Creek, which surrounds the village on the le t
hen I believe we still would have gained an advantage this way. One

r„ n er1-Thus the fate of entire kingdoms often depends upon a few
alockheads and irresolute men.

PART NINE

After the surprise at Trenton up to the arrival in the
cantonment quarters in and around New Brunswick.

n ihe •m,h reports came in almost hourly of the approach of

position at Maidenhead and we had information that Washington woul

““die evening around ten o'clock an American officer was taken P™-
i oner bv a Scottish patrol. This man had sneaked through the outpost and
f Posed L a S n English adjutant at a Scottish post, from which he deI " an J 1 ''J
iC paslord on the excuse he had forgotten it. having been sen . off by
llord Cornwallis to look around for the Americans. But the Scots i*d InM
gike this story, and held him securely until one of their patrols arrived,

feyhom they delivered him. . , • . t ;f j

fftgWhen he was brought to Lord Cornwallis, he immedia e >
ithimself and his mission. He was a major of n emen, w ° ^

Kke a surprise attack on the [42d] Scottish regiment as soon as he
MMicceeded in learning the password.

PLAN OF THE AFFAIR AT TRENTON, WHICH
OCCURRED ON THE 26TH OF DECEMBER 1776

Ewald’s plan of the Battle of Trenton is drawn in the style of
his other plans, but the “Explanation” is not in his own hand.
Similar plans were made by three Hessian officers captured at
the battle: Lieutenants Jacob Piel, Andreas Wiederhold, and
Friedrich Fischer.

The Explanation reads as follows:

“A. Trenton. B. Picket of 1 officer and 24 men [Lt. Wieder-
hold]. C. The Altenbockum Company [Capt. von Altenbock-
um]. D. Picket of one captain, 1 [noncommissioned] officer,
and 70 men. E. 1 officer and 50 jagers [Lt. von Grothausen at
Dickinson’s house]. F. Command of 1 officer, 2 [noncommis-
sioned] officers, and 30 men. G. Place where the regiments
formed during the alarm. H. Place where the regiments
stopped. I. Place where the Lossberg and Rail [regiments]
were captured. K. Place where the Knyphausen [Regiment]
was captured [Assunpink Creek]. L. Lossberg cannon which
remained in the marsh with Knyphausen [Regiment], M.
Knyphausen cannon. N. Rail cannon, which were dismantled
immediately at beginning. O. Attack of the Americans from
the wood. P. Deployment of the same in order of battle. Q.
Two battalions pursuing the Knyphausen Regiment. R. Last
attack of the Americans. S. American artillery. T. Plan
[place] where General Washington posted himself and issued
his orders.” Three American batteries are shown across the
Delaware River.

FIRS T AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777 j

In the Year 1777.

At daybreak on January 1, Lieutenant Colonel Abercromby marched
toward Maidenhead with the English light infantry, Captain Loiey wi
the mounted jagers, and the Donop jager Company under Captain VV re-
den in order to dislodge the enemy from this pass. About the same time
was sent with two English dragoons and twenty jagers to Rocky 1 o
occupy the bridge across the Millstone River, which makes a formidable
defile there owing to the very mountainous region. Through this place I
was to cover the right flank of the Grant Corps, consisting of two reg-
iments of English light infantry and the fourth Hessian grenadier a -
talion under Major Kohler, 144 which was marching from Brunswick to
Princetown. Enemy parties showed themselves at different times, but
never approached within rifle range. Since only one family lived on this
side of the bridge, whom I kept guarded, and everyone who wanted to
cross the bridge was stopped, the enemy could not gather any mforma-

tion about me. , , . ,

For several days the snow had risen high, and the cold was exception-
ally severe in the afternoon. In addition, the men had no bread and I had
nothing to eat. I remained under arms in this position until eleven o clock
at nigh!, when I received orders to march to Princetown At this time the
weather began to break, and since it was raining heavily the march was

Ve On U di P e e 2da t t' daybreak I arrived in Princetown, where I found the
entire army under arms. I was ordered to draw biscuit and brandy
from the depot for the men, and to continue marching to Maidenhead,
where I found Colonel Donop with the Hessian grenadiers, the jagers
and the light infantry. I learned here that yesterday Lieutenant Colonel
Abercromby, with the jagers and light infantry, had attacked the enemy
who had defended himself very well and had not left the pass until the
grenadiers were brought up against him. There were a out one un re
and forty men lost on both sides, among whom were ajager corporal and

• * * * 146

^About noon Lord Cornwallis arrived with the whole army. The bag-
gage had remained at Princetown under protection of two regiments
Jd a detachment of light infantry continued to hold the pass
Maidenhead. The army set out in one column toward Trenton
following order: the vanguard under Colonel Donop consisted of
iae-er-companies one hundred Hessian grenadiers, and two troops o
Hght4ragoons from the 16th Regiment. Then followed the light infantp
and a number of 6-pounders, the English and Hessian grenadiers,
remnants of the decimated Hessian brigade, 147 two English brigades, an
the 16th Regiment of Dragoons.

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY
The array Us scarcely in motion when the advanced guard came upon

an^ntyou.p«,whi^^^ ; ^^^th^nch*e

several yhger.The Grenadier Batta,
n Mhmigerode and the decimated brigade took post upon a hetght in
'L area, whe. a road from AM lentown ™ into o^gotng to J™-

t! ‘SSS^ and gu army “sM

and that a detached corps under Colonel ttaussegger,

^htch were occupied by the
• l infantrv corps some cavalry, and several guns. The jage

' n dTX infantry^ b, the Helsian grenadiers, attacked the
and light intan Y^PP he withdrew lhr ough Trenton across the

rXe to his army after flight resistance. But the rear guard was so hard
bndg L bv the ijgers and 8 light infantry that the majority were either
pressed y J g Th and light infantry immediately attempted

killed or X . tises o the town on this side of the bridge. Since the
l ° OCCU £Id^kew^ocfupied^ the houses on the other side, which lay in
r e 7nf1he enemy afrny, a stubborn outpost fight occurred here
whereby many men were killed and wounded on both sides. During this
Fiffhtine the army deployed upon the heights before the town.

^General Washington, who desired to bring an end to this a. cor ,
brou^tip severa! howitzers to dislodge us from the houses, which

. and Scocs to occupy

fe the right bank of Assunpink Creek to keep a sharp eye on the ™ veme “ S

l ot £ enemy. We — —

aUze his mistake during the night and

f would dispatch a corps to the left beyond Crosswicks "hereby he wo. rid

fcbe forced by circumstances to surren, ter. hf d £ « a T h e male 7u h a
^ Since he could not risk returning across the Delaware ne k ^

- r orced march under cover of darkness t at e arr , Leslie took

B ’rincetown, where he overwhelmed the corps under Genera Leshe too

ix 6-pounders and a part of the baggage, and withdrew past Rocky Hill

Tjlmo the mountains suddenly learned that

few: At daybreak on the morning of the 3d . ' heard a

'^‘Washington had abandoned his position. At t e same , ,

&y cannonade in our rear, which surprised everyone. Instantly we
arched back at quick step to Princetown, w ere we oun d

*ld of action from Maidenhead on to Princetown and vicin i y
\ corpses. Colonel Mawhood- 2 and the 17th Regiment had contnb-

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777 !

uted much to saving the stores, the guns, and the baggage With a part of
the regiment he had thrown himself into the college building, which was
situated advantageously, and since Washington dared not delay for long,
he was unable to force this post. 153

This brilliant coup which Washington performed against Lord
Cornwallis, which raised so much hubbub and sensation in the world and
gave Washington the reputation of an excellent general derived simply
and solely from Lord Cornwallis’s mistake of not marching in two col-
umns to Trenton. Had one column marched to Crosswicks by way of
Cranbury, the American general would have had to abandon Trenton
and still would have remained in a too unfavorable and precarious situa-
tion, since he had no depot for his new army in our vicinity. Then Lord
Cornwallis would have needed only to pursue him steadily whereby his
army, lacking everything, would have been destroyed in a few days. Col-
onel Donop suggested to Lord Cornwallis that he march in two columns,
of which the left one would go by way of Cranbury. But the enemy was

despised, and as usual we had to pay for it. , .

In the afternoon the entire army reached Princetown, marching in and
around the town like an army that is thoroughly beaten. Everyone was so
frightened that it was completely forgotten even to obtain information
about where the Americans had gone. But the enemy now had wings, and
it was believed that he had flown toward Brunswick to destroy the main
depot, which was protected by only one English regiment.^ 4

Hurriedly the army was issued three days’ rations of biscuit and
brandy, left behind the stores, all the sick, the wounded, and the greater
part of the baggage, and moved with such haste toward Brunswick that,
although it was only a five-hour march, over one thousand wagoners first
reached Brunswick toward evening on the 4th. If the enemy had pursued
them with only a hundred horsemen, one after another would have been

captured. 153 _ .

Several days later it was learned that after the coup at Princetown,

General Washington and his army had camped in the woods at Rocky
Hill, two hours from Princetown, until the morning of the 4th
completely exhausted, without ammunition and provisions— and only
then had resumed the march past Bound Brook and Basking Ridge to
the mountains of Morristown, where the army had a main depot.

PART TEN

From the arrival of the army at New Brunswick up to the
opening of the second campaign.

After the arrival of the army at New Brunswick, it was assigned the
following cantonment quarters. New Brunswick was the headquarter,

:>o

■>?!’ •

‘Mti

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

and the following troops were cantoned at this 1 place, which consisted of
about four hundred houses, partly deserted and partly destroyed: the
two battalions of English grenadiers under Colonel Monckton the
four battalions of Hessian grenadiers under Colonel Donop the two
English brigades under General Grant, the artillery, and the lbth Regi-
ment of Light Dragoons. ,

Since this place lies in a valley surrounded by hills, several redoubts
and fleches 157 were erected to cover the approaches from South Amboy,
Princetown, and Millstone. The two light infantry battalions, under Lieu-
tenant Colonel Abercromby, cantoned in the houses above Brunswick
at the Raritan bridge and occupied the approaches from Hillsborough
and Bound Brook. Lord Cornwallis’s brigade, under Colonel Webster,
cantoned in and around Bonhamtown. The 42d Scottish Regiment had
occupied Piscataway, adjoining the English brigade under General Leslie
which cantoned on the plantations up to Raritan Landing. The English
Guards Brigade cantoned at the landing, and Chevalier Osborn with
three hundred grenadiers occupied the outlying houses where t e roa
runs to Quibbletown 160 and Bound Brook. Captain Wreden and the
Donop Jager Company, and the twelve mounted jagers under Captain
Lorey, were stationed at a plantation on the road to Bound Brook
front of the English grenadiers.

I received my post at a house beyond New Brunswick on the road to
Princetown. This house lay isolated on a hill and was constructed of brick,
three stories high. I had a part of the apple and peach orchard near the
house toward Princetown cut down, and placed as many trees as were
necessary at the three entrances to barricade them.

At daybreak on the 5th I conducted a patrol toward Princetown where
I learned that this place as well as Millstone was strongly occupied by the

T- Ondie same day I received orders to march to the landing and select a
'post in the vicinity of the Donop Jager Company, where I found a
' ble one at White’s plantation. Since the two plantations occupied by both
Ijager companies had very small and wretched buildings, t e jagers a to

...build huts. , ...

| After a very exhausting campaign, these quarters, where the soldier

ould not even get straw for his bedding, were to serve for le res ing t e
roops. For this whole region had been completely sacke uring V e
’" ay’s march in the past autumn, and had been abandoned by all t e
tabitants. The entire army had been stripped bare of shoes and stock-
by the constant marching during the bad weather. Uni orms were
;and the officers, especially those of the jager companies, had almost
ang on their bodies. The winter now began to set in very severely, tor
IP-bad fallen for several days over a half-man deep.

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

On the 8th patrols were conducted toward Bound Brook an
Quibbletown, places not yet occupied by the enemy. The news arrive
that Washington had taken up his headquarters in Morristown, and th
entire army had been quartered in and around this area, partly in cai
tonment and partly in wooden huts. The advanced posts were at Baskin
Ridge.

On the 9th Lord Cornwallis visited the jager posts, and when he sa
that the men were very cheerful despite their ragged clothing and hat
duty, he ordered me to assure the jagers that plentiful provisions woul
arrive any day, and that each jager would be clothed at his expense.

On the 12th we received information that the enemy was marchin
toward Quibbletown and Bound Brook, and from this time on we p;
trolled constantly as far as these areas.

On the 13th the Americans entered Bound Brook and Quibbletow
and visited us toward ten o’clock in the evening. Their intention was I
surprise my post nearby, but since they were greeted with shots from a
the sentries, they merely fired several hundred shots in the direction <
our picket’s fire and withdrew.

The jager post duty now became quite serious, since Bound Brook an
Quibbletown were less than one hour’s march away. The teasing no
occurred daily, and when they did not visit us, we rendered the honors I
the Americans. Not only did the men have to stay dressed day and nigh
but they had to be kept together, the horses constantly saddled, an
everything packed.

Although everything necessary for the men was arriving in abundant
from New York, nevertheless the horses also had to be fed, and the litt
fodder which we found in this area could not last long. For this reasc
foraging had to be undertaken, and since the Americans were close c
our necks, we could not procure any forage without shedding blood.

On the 23d the jagers received the promised gift from Lord Cornwa
lis, which consisted of a complete uniform for each man. The uniforn
were to have clothed a new corps.

In the night of the 26th I received orders to be at the landing bridj
with fifty jagers before daybreak. There I found General Leslie, Colon
Donop, two hundred men of the light infantry, four hundred men of tl
English regiments, the Grenadier Battalion Linsing, and fifty hors
Foraging was to be undertaken near Samptown, 161 between Quibbletow
and Samptown.

At daybreak this detachment set out toward Samptown. I formed tl
advanced guard and was supported by the light infantry. T he enert
attacked our spread-out chain several times, but because of its excellei
deployment he could not prevent the foraging. A few men were killt
and wounded on both sides. lfi2

Early on February 5 I received orders to report to Colonel Osborr

FROM HESSF TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

uarters. Foraging was to be undertaken near Quibbletown, commanded
ersonally bv Lord Cornwallis. General Grant would make a feint at
amptown with two English regiments, and General Mathew would make
false attack against Bound Brook with the jagers and the Guards

^Mdaybreak on the 8th Lord Cornwallis set out. I formed the advanced
mard with fifty jagers, supported by four hundred light infantry. Behind
hem followed four hundred Scots, one hundred dragoons, a number ot
itrht 6-pounders, four hundred English grenadiers, two Hessian gren-
adier battalions, the foragers and the wagons, and four hundred English-
men drawn from several regiments.

The road leading from Raritan Landing to Quibbletown ran continu-
ously through the woods, in which three devastated plantations were
situated. At the first plantation I ran into an enemy post of riflemen who
withdrew after stubborn resistance, of whom several were killed and
captured on their retreat. We followed this party so swiftly that we ar-
rived with them before Quibbletown at the same time. The place lies on
two hills, between which a creek winds through a ravine that is spanned
by two bridges. The stone walls around the gardens as well as the houses
on both sides of the ravine were occupied by enemy riflemen who aban-
doned the village after strong resistance when artillery was brought up,
and withdrew into the nearest wood on the other side of the village.

The place was occupied at once by the light infantry and the Scots, an
a battery was erected on the hill on this side. I occupied the stone walls
between the village and th,e wood with the jagers, where I skirmished

steadilv with the enemy as long as the foraging continued.

% I took my position in the form of a semicircle, and discovered that the
l enemy was deployed along the wood to the right and left in such a
j manner that I was outflanked from both sides. But since Quibbletown
|was occupied, I did not run a risk of being cut off.

Toward three o’clock in the afternoon the foraging was completed and
'I received orders to retreat, which, in full view of the enemy, was very
' disagreeable. I had hardly begun the movement when I was so heavily
/attacked from all sides by a vast swarm of riflemen that only a miracle ot
Ijbravery by my men could save me. Nevertheless, I reached the village,
If where the crossings over the bridges were covered by the batter).
^pThe enemy took possession of the outlying houses on the other si e
i§|and erected cannon behind stone walls, whereupon a stubborn fight oc
burred and many brave men were lost. I received orders here to form t e

B juard and two companies of light infantry joined me. The road was
tore than five to six hundred paces from the village up to the wood,
j several cannon had been placed to cover my retreat, but I was le t
y own through the wood.

e -enemy hung on our rear until we reached our outposts. Lor

PL4N OF QU IBBLETO WN

The stream flowmg through the village is Bound ThelS

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BA\

Cornwallis honored me by publishi^anorder «pres«ng his ^sfeenon

With me and my courageous men, and each jager *

piaster. , ■ u„ ve been gradually destroyed through this

Sin “ 'from here “*e forage was g procured from New York. Mean-

foraging, from here g ^F^ for ^ army> for a renewed

•t’ Entered the hearts of the soldiers, who had become completely

di fT,he n i2th I received orders to go to the headquarters, where Lord

°" ‘uu showed his confidence in me by entrusting me with drawing
Cornwallis show on Bound Brook But slnce ,, was neces-

^y a £r a column mcross the Raritan above Bound Brook, the attack was

postponed until spring. March, important hap-

Scared; But Ihl metXkM nmhlng, for the most

", fo flrThat twenty overcoats of the finest English material were
Sshed free to ‘each company, which were distributed to the sentries

f an wST.h»nd of the month of NWt we

ft and everything was green in a few day^ On foe 4th o p . the

fe PaW 2 ViS 1 whelown ImdleturnldHthcml loss with booty of fifteen
fez: wllich'enemy'soldiers had grazed on our side of the cause-

W^On the 10th we learned that a French major, Mr. von Ottendorff,^
ijhad arfved with a newly organized corps

©^Frenchmen for the reinforcement of the post at Bound BrooK.

|||:VOn the 1 1th this hero tried his luck against us. He e ^

daybreak, and I was forced to withdraw across * *™J r Zen came to
’’clock in the morning he came again, but since Cap
■i aid at once he -s driven ba k with ^

5 rheUI S foirlhildtime a. thrle t o’clocU in the rfternoom
tain Wreden was on hand instantly, and the English grenadier i of the
Ms under Chevalier Osborn also came to our assistance •

"Ottendorff was kept so warm that he had trouble getting away with

ikin.

FIRST AND SECOND- CAMPAIGNS. l//h AND 17/7

Toward evening on April 1 2th Lord Cornwallis sent his adjutant to
advise me that the surprise attack on Bound Brook would be made dur-

il1 A^eTevefockK-k in the evening, Colonel Harcourt- with fifty horse,
the two light infantry battalions under Colonel Abercromby and a a a -
[on of English grenadiers under Colonel Meadows' marched by way of
Hillsborough, crossed the Raritan River below the Van Veghten bridge,
and arrived behind Horne’s 167 plantation, where the generals Lincoln
and Wayne lay in their quarters under cover of three 4-pounders
mounted in J rear of the enemy quarters. The guard was partly cut
down and partly captured, the three cannon seized, and the two generals

fled without their breeches. 168 . , . ,

Colonel Donop started out just at this time. His detachment consisted
of fifty dragoons four hundred Hessian grenadiers, and four fieldpieces.
His objective was to gam mastery of the flying bridge over the Raritan
River at Bound Brook, where the guard was successful y attacked.

At three o’clock on the morning of the 13th, General Grant marc ed
on the road from Raritan Landing toward Bound Brook with the jagers,
the two amusettes, the Guards Brigade, and four 4-pounders.

Two companies of light infantry under Major Maitland marched to the
rieht toward Quibbletown past Green Brook to cut off the enemy from
Ouibbletown, and to watch for whatever support might come from there.
Q Lord Cornwallis had ordered me to form the advanced guard of Gen-
eral Grant’s column. For this I took Lieutenant Trautvetter and thirty
volunteer jagers. At daybreak I came upon an enemy picket on this side
of the stone causeway which led to Bound Brook through a marsh along
the Raritan River for five to six hundred paces over two bridges The
nicket received us spiritedly and withdrew under steady fire. I tried t
keep as close as posuble to the enemy to get across the causeway into the
town at the same time. This succeeded to the extent that I arrived at he
second bridge at a distance of a hundred paces from the redoubt whic

^ThTd^dlwnedanti I was exposed to a murderous fire. When I
looked around for my men. 1 saw that no one had followed me except the
brave Lieutenant Trautvetter. my hornblower Muller, Co pern
Doerinckel and the jagers Reichmeyer, Meister, Mergel,

Gurckel. Buchwald. and Ruppel; the last two being severely wo™**
We had no choice but to lie down on the ground before the bndg ,
whereupon l ordered Forward!” sounded constantly. Luckdy or u ■
Colonel Donop s column appeared after a lapse of eight or ten m, u e .
whereupon the Americans abandoned the redoubt. We arrived m . he
town with the garrison of the redoubt amidst a hard running g
the greater part were either cut down or captured.

fib

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

lust at this time the assault of Colonel Harcourt's column occurred;
ence every American who could escape took flight. But since the light
rfantry had not come up close enough around Green Brook only three
,undred men were captured, among whom were the adjutant of Gene

inroln one captain, and two officers. 1 ' 2 .

J Afterward the place was ransacked and plundered because all the in-
stants were rebellious-minded, and then the entire corps withdrew
dong the road from Bound Brook to Brunswick. The jagers formed ,^ e
-ear guard and the enemy, who had rushed support from Basking Ridge,

’bowed himself only at a distance. »

About noon I arrived back at my post. I learned later that I was accused
of attacking too rashly, for General Grant’s attack had been a feint. But I
had not heard a word about it. I should have been advised if this attack
was to have been a feint, for then I would have only skirmished with the
enemy picket. As I set out with the advanced guard, General Grant said
to me: “Captain Ewald, you know the area. 1 say nothing further to you.

^Although th7surprise attack had scared off the enemy for some time
and he let us alone for a few days, he now began to harass us in a differen
manner. Since the 18th of April, Mr. von Ottendorff had prowled about
at night in the ravines across the river and had fired on our posts, through
which several sentries were killed and wounded. The enemy had also
den several times in the barn of the preacher 173 across the river and fired
on my quarters through holes cut in the barn wal s.

Therefore I decided to draw these guests into an ambuscade^ On
20th, several hours before daybreak, I put an amusette behind a false
f hedge which I had fashioned from bushes, placing it so that the barn
’could be pierced easily. I sent Lieutenant Trautvetter with twelve jagers
[?to a small hollow on this side of the river across from the P arso " a g e ’^
borders to keep hidden until the Americans were dislodged from the bar
Ji:by the fire of the amusette. Then they were to rise and aceompa 1 ny the
Spiece with sharp rifle fire. All went well. As soon as day broke, the nfle-
fCen began their harassing with their long rifles. After the third cannon
gtfshot, the barn became silent and the enemy left it, whereupon he fel in
Ithe jagers’ fire. Since the road ran up along the river, which was not over
Igl hundred paces wide, the jagers had the best possible range, and every
"^~ager killed or wounded his man.

’i After several hours an officer with a trumpeter appeare an re
^iiested permission to take away the dead and severely woun e on a
" jgon. I permitted this and asked the officer if he wou not visi us
ain soon. He shook his head, and they took away t eir ea an
tSnded on two wagons. There were five dead and two ba ywoun e .
n the 28rh I received orders to maintain my post only in daytime. At

PLAN OF THE AREA OF BOUND BROOK, 20 APRIL 1777

This plan shows the four routes of the attack on Bound Brook
on April 13, 1777. New Brunswick is located in the lower left of
the plan, across from Raritan Landing. Ewald’s advanced guard
of General Grant’s column attacked on the road over the cause-
way near the morass or open shaded section above Raritan Land-
ing. Across the river from the morass is the house of the Reverend
Abraham Beach (“Pfar Ritsche”), pastor of Christ Church in New
Brunswick. Bound Brook and its works are shown between the
morass and the Van Veghten Bridge, also called Long Bridge, in
the center of the plan. The inscriptions read: “German Church”
and “House of Colonel Horne, where the quarters of General
Lincoln were situated, and where the cannon were mounted.”
Judge Philip Van Horne’s house was known as Phil’s Hill or
Convivial Hill. The three wheels at the bridges in the upper
left of the plan represent mills on the Millstone River. The ap-
proaches to Washington’s first winter encampment at Morris-
town, with the barriers in the First Watchung Mountains, are
shown at the extreme right of the plan. The inscription reads:
“Between these two mountains in this valley is a plain one and
a half English miles in breadth, in front of the rest camp of Gen-
eral Washington.” To the right a part of the Second Watchung
Mountains is shown.

•// n%\

PLAN OF THE AREA BETWEEN RARITAN LANDING AND
BOUND BROOK WHERE THE TWO JAGER COMPANIES
HAVE BEEN POSTED. FROM THE BEGINNING
OF THE YEAR UNTIL 14 JUNE 1777

This plan shows the jager pickets on the left bank of the Raritan
River below Bound Brook. The round markers with pennants
indicate jager sentries. A picket of the English light infantry is
located on the right bank in the lower left-hand corner of the
plan. The small sketch in the upper left-hand corner represents
Reverend Abraham Beach’s house and barn or granary. The
inscription under the house and barn reads: “Pastor Beach’s
house and barn, into which the rebels sneaked and fired at my
quarters.” Ewald drove the Americans out of the barn with an
amusette. This plan was probably drawn by Lieutenant Carl
Moritz von Donop, 1st Jager Company; the signature under the
sketch reads “v. D .fecit.”

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS. 1776 AND 1777

night I was to withdraw across the sunken road, where the remainder of
the company was stationed under Lieutenant Hinrichs, because the
enemv had reinforced the two posts at Bound Brook and Quibbletown.
On the same day I ordered the construction of a fleche in front of the
small wooden bridge over the ravine, a rampart at the beginning of the
ravine, and a small redoubt behind it on the hill.

On the afternoon of the 30th the enemy again attacked my post. Cap-
tain Lorey fought with eight mounted and ten unmounted jagers, while I
tackled the enemy on his right. I cut him off from the highway to Bound
Brook behind a hill around his left flank, fell on his rear, cut down ten
men, and took six prisoners.

On the 15th of May we received information that the enemy had aban-
doned Elizabethtown and Newark and had concentrated his army at
Basking Ridge.

On the 16th the Americans left their posts at Samptown and
Quibbletown. Since nothing new had happened for several days, I rode
into headquarters on the 24th to report to Lord Cornwallis what I had
learned about the movements of the enemy. 1 had to stay for dinner,
during which time the news arrived that the enemy would abandon
Bound Brook at nightfall, having already withdrawn his outposts in front
of this place. Hence Lord Cornwallis decided to send to me an officer
with twenty dragoons from the 16th Regiment, who were to patrol as far
as Bound Brook to see if the place had been abandoned.

The officer arrived with the dragoons about ten o’clock in the evening.
He was a young man who seemed to have much good will, but no knowl-
edge of this business. Therefore I decided to conduct this patrol myself,
since I knew every trail in the neighborhood. I passed the defile, left ten
foot jagers there, and went by a roundabout way to the plantation, where
an enemy picket formerly had been stationed.

I summoned the inhabitant of the house by a dragoon, and informed
the officer that he should send two dragoon flankers as far as the bridge
before Bound Brook, whom he was to follow slowly and cautiously.

The plantation was not quite sixteen hundred paces from Bound
Brook. I stopped in the middle of the road with my groom, close to an
apple orchard. The dragoon returned with the owner, who walked
through the orchard and remained standing behind the railing. He as-
sured me that Bound Brook was deserted, but he spoke in such a low
voice that I became suspicious. I then ordered him to climb over the
railing and come to me, and when he refused I threatened him with a

beating. . . r

I had hardly uttered these words, when rifle fire coming from
orchard made the air hot around my nose. We sprang back and receive
more fire in the face from the road. I reached the sunken road, where my

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

>* fell down with me, and m, ' ^ m" tasV]umped

s="^"=";ss'is;

5 had received such a severe , placed myself

« , mySe ar TSTe ofthe ‘'road and ZLfmy fate. Startled by the
• e „s y *e dragoon flankers galloped back from the bridge, ndmg over

e but leaving me miraculously ' u " ha ™“ h t my horse, whereupon my
Fortunately for me. the jage g J ([ deaded lo searc h for

0mb ^iAttea e n r iSTn g riH"es J an S d liberty. To my great joy, these

££5 fellows appeared and Tnd

re Americans were placed * some d,s ance Irom^ ^ ^ had ^

ired in that direction. h enemv «ased Firing; the

“ne^ a horse, and . arrived safely at

ny post, where I was b * nd *S ed _ missing and Bauer and Muller left

eonrmit such foolishness.

11 ° nC H iad done everything for me that was human and courageous,
since they had done eyeryuin g rascals must not get our

But they departed with these word s^ No, those ^s^^ ^ ^

captain's hat, which they wo “ Y again'— Does not such love and

morrow!" And I actually ^^J^fSmiration and recording for

e h ™onumen, hewn in marble, and 1 shall

"TtdSon May colon, Abercromby £ved j at my postivhh

'the light infantry. He had been orde y scarcely reached

[about the incident. He took the yagers with , him and had scarcely ^ ^

our sentries when he ran into a s ro g ^ Lazarus. Both

l ensued in the vicinky ° f thC d h each party ^eceived^ support from its army.

™ y men

^^TdwarcFevening Twas transported to

So bed for over fourteen days, and for more than half a year l na ^ ^

ffmy service on horseback. All the genera o icers heen ordered to

“^Aisits, and reproached me somewhat because a ^ when

’fwlth the party. However, such reproaches are pleasant to hear when

^Se has done more than his duty. . , s „ v #»ntv-five

jOn June 8 Lieutenant von Wangenheim arrive transport had

Remits from Hesse for the Jager Corps. T e entire re at j sJew

insisted of one thousand men. With the same ee

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 177/

York two Anspach regiments, each of 600 men, under Brigadier Eyb, 178
and a jager company of 116 heads. The recruits for both companies
consisted^ of a few adventurers and experienced jagers, and they were
generally fine-looking men. Through them we received posmve .infor-
mation that each company would be augmented o 175 ™ en ’ ™
three new companies of foot and one of horse would be organized. Lieu-
tenant Colonel Wurmb 177 was to command this corps, and Cavalry Cap-
tain Prueschenck 178 of the Schlotheim Dragoon Regiment was to be the

* 1 79

CO Ne S iS°my friend Captain Wreden nor I liked this news, because we
Juki lose our independent commands. Besides, we foresaw that such a
large corps could not possibly consist of such excellent men as those of
which both companies were now composed; hence less honor was to be
gained. Therefore we decided to send in our resignations and enter the
Inglish service, where they had offered to raise a corps for each of us.
However, we let ourselves be deceived by good words and the pour It

merite order . 180

PART ELEVEN

From the opening of the second campaign in the year
1777 up to the embarkation for the expedition to
Chesapeake Bay.

On the 12th of June the Commander in Chief, General Howe, and the
Commanding General of the Hessians, Lieutenant General leister, ar-
rived at New^ Brunswick with ten infantry regiments, the 17th Regiment
of Light Dragoons, the heavy guns, and a number of pontoons, and
encamped upon the heights around the town. The general rumor in
circulation was that we would cross the Delaware and march to i a
nhia and it was hoped, lure General Washington by a diversion out of
his strong position in the mountains between Morristown and Basking
Ridge, where his army had been concentrated. The Anspach jager Com-
pany, consisting of skilled forestry jagers who were the handsomest
young men one could imagine, also arrived here.

On the 13th at ten o’clock in the evening the army set out toward
Hillsborough, and on the morning of the 14th it pitched camp in square
formation between Millstone and Middlebush. Captain Wreden, with the
Do”ge« and a half of the Anspach jagers, stood at *e army s ng
on the road to the mountains, and 1, with my company and he other ha
of the Anspach jagers, covered the left toward Rocky Htll near

M Gene"ral Washington, who neither moved nor let himself be ^jed out
of his strong position by this demonstration, sent out several detachm

i FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE BAY

Jajly which observed and harassed our army, whereby constant skirmish-

ing ensued. Knelish army marched back to the heights

At daybreak on June g found that Washington would

of New Brunswick because believed, includ-

waTchedTur marl with light

SES wmg. the army stood
toward Bonhamtown, covered the baggage of the

Colonel Loos and a battalion of ' ’j . h( infantry of the English

through a wood , alarmed an<J harassed by th

On the 21st and 22d all our outpo wounded in a skirmish

enemy, to* day and mg - d ^ ^ hu army and or-

1 dldthetw B«nd Blk, Quibbh.own

; with light troops, by which one could see that he was wei

v everything that was happening. A . The enemy

M daybreak on the 23d *e army set out
had alarmed all the outposts all night long, and g

men, supported by light cavalry and guns, followed us so ^dosely *at we
had to withdraw under constant skit mis ling up o cover the light

Sflhamtown. The Queens Rangers had been assigned to cover the ngh^

Btflank, but it had strayed too far from the army, and "as attacked^

^■ severely by a superior force that half of l e corps was ' suffered

pouring this retreat the detachment under Captain Wreden also sutlere

K “"' Ely deployed in the ;

^ick^withlrU entire a^rnylhe Commander in ^h'ef ccceived^informa-
in that the Scottish mountains, 18 over whic t e ar y s

ere occupied by the enemy. General Leslie was etac e we

ith the 7 1st Highland Regiment and my jager detachment,

PLAN OF THE AREA OF HILLSBOROUGH

This plan is believed to be the only contemporary map extant
showing a part of General Howe’s unsuccessful maneuver to
lure Washington out of his strong positions into open warfare.
On June 13, 1777, Howe and Cornwallis left New Brunswick
and marched to the Millstone River. This plan shows the 1st
Division of the British army, under Cornwallis, deployed on the
high ground around the village of Hillsborough. At the lower
middle part of the plan is Schenck’s Bridge, by which the Brit-
ish crossed to Hillsborough. Captain Ewald’s company is shown
to the left of the three Hessian grenadier battalions. At the fork
of the road above is the 2d Battalion of Light Infantry, with its
outposts beyond. Eight British regiments are faced in the direc-
tion of Washington’s army along the “Chemin a Boundbrook”
(“road to Bound Brook”). At the right are Captain Wreden’s
jagers and the 1st Battalion of Light Infantry. In and near the
village are the 16th Regiment of Light Dragoons and the quar-
ters of Colonel von Donop and Lord Cornwallis.

- Jager Corps
= British

- German

FIRST AND second CAMPAIGNS. 1 770 AND 1777

discovered an enemy corps of six hundred men and several light grins
General Leslie immediately ordered u attacked by thejageis. supported
by the Highlanders, and we became master of the mountains after a hard
fight despite heavy enemy fire, whereby several officeis and some thim
Americans were captured.

At ten o’clock in the evening the army arrived at Amboy , w t e it
encamped in a crescent on the plains around the town, and where both
wings were covered by Prince's Bay. 185 The jagers received their post on

the road to the Short Hills. . ,

On the ‘24th Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb and Major Prueschenck ar-
rived with the newly raised jager company and the troop, still wit out
horses whereupon Wreden and I began to fuss and grumble again. The
mounted jager company consisted of men drafted from the Hessian hus-
sar and cavalry regiments and deserters from all the services o urope.
The Prueschenck company consisted of deserters and insolent ra e,
whereat blood turned to water and all spirits sank in all of us of the old
staff, who until now had commanded the most upright and obedient of

m Even Colonel Donop, who was delighted with the reinforcement of the
jager Corps, because it was his idea, was startled over this nffra e
showed his displeasure to the good Prueschenck, who had commanded
these people and could bring about good order, but who had not the
spirit for it The discontent of our old men was so great that they refused
to serve with this rabble. In the meantime, however, their resentment
gradually diminished, since these people had brought along over sixty
amazons 186 whose acquaintance was soon sought.

The 25th. Since I was duty officer today, I had to conduct a patrol with
fifty old and fifty new men. I mixed the detachment so thoroughly tha
“"old and one new jager were constantly together. But during the
march such a noise and laughter arose among the new men that h
enemy could have heard us a half an hour away. Afterward I had thi.
dregs of humanity severely beaten with stout canes, and luckily tor us m
did not meet the enemy. Several of our reliable corporals were sent to At
company and were permitted a free hand. After a short time, a di

discipline was brought about. , , ver .

Toward two o’clock in the afternoon, several troops of light hor
seen in the vicinity of our outposts with whom we skirmished. About t
o’clock, enemy infantry and artillery approached and a hard skirrms
ensued. Several wounded Americans fell into our hands, from whom J
learned that a corps of three thousand men was situated at YVesth
During this skirmish the jagers had four killed five wounded and thr^
missing. The newly arrived jagers— such bad rubbish as they
conducted themselves verv well during this fight.

t>8

FROM HESSE TO CHESAPEAKE B.jY

General Howe presumed that the advance of the enemy corps could
ignal no other intention than that of falling upon our rear guard when
he army crossed over Prince’s Bay to Staten Island. Therefore, at two
>’clock on the morning of the 26th the jagers, the light infantry, all the
n-enadiers, three infantry brigades, and the light dragoons set out in two
olumns to disperse the enemy. The right-hand column under Lord
Cornwallis, consisting of the Donop, Prueschenck, and mounted jager
ompanies, the Hessian grenadiers under Colonel Donop, the English
guards, and a part of the dragoons, took their route directly toward
Westfield. The left-hand column under General Vaughan, which the
Commander in Chief personally accompanied, consisted of the Anspach
and my jager companies, the light infantry, the English grenadiers, the
English infantry, and the rest of the dragoons, which took their route by
Metuchen Meeting House to cover the attack against the enemy army.

The enemy had taken his position on the steep bush-covered heights;
his right was protected by deep ravines and his left by a thick wood. The
jagers tried to approach the enemy in the rear through the ravines, and
the Hessian grenadiers made an attack on the right, supported by the
Guards. The enemy was attacked with the bayonet and driven back,
whereby Colonel Minnigerode and his grenadier battalion greatly distin-
guished themselves, taking from the enemy three Hessian guns which
had been captured at Trenton. 187 The loss of the enemy in dead and
prisoners was reckoned at about five hundred men, and on our side at
about one hundred and thirty dead and wounded, the Minnigerode Bat-
talion having lost the most men. 188 The entire army withdrew afterward
upon the heights of Westfield Meeting House, 189 where it remained
overnight in bivouac.

On the 27th the army withdrew in two columns to Rahway, where it

was protected by the Rahway River.

On the 28th the army marched back in two columns to its former
encampment at Amboy. On this march an enemy party followed our rear
guard, but it was constantly repelled by the jagers.

Since it was extremely hot, especially on the 26th, some twenty men
died marching, among whom were seven jagers of the troop, who had to
make this march on foot burdened with their hussar boots and great
.hussar sabers. The Commander in Chief was greatly annoyed at Colonel
Donop because he had used these men before they were mounted.
^During the night of the 28th and early morning of the 29th the greater
of the army crossed over Prince s Bay to Staten Island. The rear
|puard under Lord Cornwallis, consisting of the jagers, the light infantry,
||pid both Highland regiments, crossed the bay toward evening on the
jg||Qth. The entire army took up camp from Billop s Ferry lJ0 to Richmond.

1st of July. Today all the officers of the army were notified that

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

they could sell their horses to the Hessian mounted jagers and to the
artillery park for ten guineas apiece, since no one up to the grade of
colonel would be permitted to take a horse with him on the imminent
expedition. By this order, the mounted jagers received their mounts in
the nicest manner in the space of two days.

After this order I proceeded at once to the headquarters to report that
I was still completely incapable of doing my service on foot because of my
hard fall on my right leg, whereupon I was permitted to take a horse with
me.

CHAPTER 2

rom the embarkation at Staten Island up
to the winter quarters at Philadelphia.

PART ONE

From the embarkation at Staten Island in the Hudson
River up to the landing at Turkey Point in the Elk River in

Maryland.

n the 3d of July it was ordered that the following corps and regiments
lould hold themselves ready for embarkation:

1 The Jager Corps, which now consisted of three Hessian, one Anspach,
and one mounted company, each being made up of 173 men. 1

2. Two battalions of light infantry.

3. Two battalions of English grenadiers and the English Guards.

4. The three Hessian grenadier battalions, von Linsing, Lengerke, and
Minnigerode.

[Number 5 is missing.]

6. The English Guards.

7. The Queen’s Rangers, and Ferguson’s 2 sharpshooters, which had re-
cently arrived from England.

8. Five English brigades.

9. Two Hessian brigades.

10. A part of the heavy artillery.

11. The two light dragoon regiments. 3

12. The 71st Scottish Regiment. Note: Is already counted as the 5th
Brigade.

/.In all, these troops amounted to about fifteen thousand men, and
lie generals accompanying them, besides General Howe, weie Lord
Cornwallis, Grant, Grey, Agnew, Knyphausen, and Stirn.°

^uToday the recall of General von Heister came from Hesse, and General

Knyphausen received the command of the Hessian troops. 6
l|From the 4th up to the 9th, this entire army was embarked with every-
jp|ng that was necessary for the expedition at Deckers Ferry, Coles
^pry, Simonsen’s Ferry, and Reisen’s Ferry on Staten Island. 7
i&y'

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

Since the wind was constantly easterly, the fleet remained at anchor
between Long Island and Staten Island in the vicinity of Denys’s Ferry 8
up to the 19th. But on the morning of the 20th, about nine o’clock, a light
wind arose, whereupon the fleet weighed anchor and put to sea on the
same day. The fleet consisted of some two hundred sail 9 and sailed in the
following formation:

Raisonnable ,
64 guns

Isis ,

50 guns

Swift sloop,
16 guns

The frigate, Liverpool , 32 guns.

The Eagle , 64 guns, on board which were Admiral
Howe and the Commanding General Howe.

1st Division, Captain Parrey; 10 the transport ships of Augusta ,
the English Guards, the light infantry, Queen’s 64 guns

Rangers, and Ferguson, on which ships were red and
white pennants for signals.

2d Division, Captain Dickson; 11 the transport ships
of the 1st, 2d, 3d, and 4th English brigades, which had
red pennants for signals.

3d Division, Captain Harris; 12 the ships of the 5th
English Brigade and the supply ships for the navy.

4th Division, Captain Sutherland; 13 the transport ships
of the English light dragoons, which had red and blue
pennants.

5th Division, Captain Barker; 14 the transport ships of Somerset,
the English artillery, engineers, Hessian grenadiers 64 guns
and jagers, which had blue pennants.

6th Division, Captain Solmann; 15 the two Hessian in-
fantry brigades with General Stirn, and the supply
ships of the army, which had blue and white pennants.

The Nonsuch, 64 guns; a fire ship called the Vulcan;
the Vigilant, with forty 32-pounders. This last ship,
which had been built with a flat bottom at New York,
was to be used against Philadelphia.

Four row galleys Dispatch ,

16 guns

The 2 1st. The fleet ran so deep in the sea that we lost sight completely
of the coast of America. We had a northwest wind until the 26th, when it
became easterly and stormy, and the fleet drifted toward the coast.

Around midnight a great noise arose on the ship. When one inquired .
after the cause, a jager of the watch cried out: “I just want to report that
we are going to sink soon; the ship is already full of water! The army

FROM STATEN ISLAND TO WINTER QUARTERS AT PHILADELPHIA

aptain Cbster of the grenadier brij£ , » “fou".

s going, asked for Ugh., a. which .he ^erntr ^crew that the

irm'had tmiseiUroni a saHor^who^uuUallen asleep on .he deck and had

omontories. Capes Henlopen and St. Ja ^ r phoenix u 64

Z h “ *e DeU aware and dehvered its

;port to Admiral Howe. 17 a gain and

The 1S ‘ t ^We^caved* .^er tistrning toward fhe Deia-

of the adm,ral to make lhe enen,y army un '

ertain of our landing. t herlv winds for the most part.

The had again approached land. Since

Ale were at 38 2 ““ “ thunder and lightning each everang

he 1st we have had the mo with the heaviest downpour and

the Ship, carpenter of the

Jenny , 19 but did not do much damage “ J Jj 5 ^ ld see Cape Henry

On the 15th we were at 37 7 ^ ^ mouth of

and the coast of Virginia, an e ^ eyeni The mouth of the bay is
Chesapeake Bay at seven o c o , j and on b ot h sides. Since

so wide here that one can hardly m k ^ constantly with the flood

dleTnd Anchored * the" ebb tide, for the wind was continuously very

light and we often! ^ .u° 20 * we'hrard over twenty cannon shots from
During the night of the 20t ach G f Q ur fleet, and indicated

"the land, which was the signal fo PP midday with Commo-

^ny^tte swanjand sea

|Ton the 22d, about five o'clock in the wWA haVthe' j^rs,

I with a favorable east wind and the transpoi ’ , signal to take the

Sight infantry, and grenadiers on board, were g«n ^

t%ead of the fleet under full sail. Since L the fl e et, t he

“° k sound j n ^ ^ancTtheanchors were cast three times today,
tassage went very slowly, and the anc mouth of the Sus-

Iplie 23d. The fleet arrived at noon today a Howe we nt on

Uehanna, where it anchored. Admiral owe * Susquehanna, the

ferd the boat again to reconnoiter the mouths of the Susquena

It:

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

North East, and the Elk rivers, taking along two row galleys for their
protection. Captain Wreden and thirty jagers were loaded on one galley
^d 1 with the same number of men on the other one. In the v, unity ol
Turkey Point we discovered a number of armed men, on foot and on
horse. The galleys approached within gunshot range whereupon th '
Americans withdrew and we sent several rifle shots after them. We re-

turned to our ships during the night.

At the same time, all the brigade majors and adjutants received orders
to appear on the Roman Emperor 22 at four o’clock on the morning of the
24th returning about six o’clock with the following order. The troops
are m preparehnmediately for disembarkation They will be supplied by
the ships with rum, biscuit, and cooked salt pork for five days. They are
to board the flatboats a. once when they arrive alongside the transfer
Alps. During the landing, they will try to assemble with the grea es
expedition, without maintaining company position. Each boat will take

^The fms/dTsembar kation , under Lord Cornwallis and Colonel Donop,
consisted of the foot jagers, the light infantry the English grenadiers,
and the Guards. Should the enemy oppose the landing, Lord Cornwallis

would order the disposition for further attack. . , f ,

The second disembarkation, under General Agnew consisted of the
Hessian grenadiers, the Queen’s Rangers, Ferguson’s sharpshooters, and

^The 1 tfdrdf under*General Grey, of rhe 28, h, 49, h, 5,h. .0,h, 27, h,

of the 44, h, 17th, 33d, 37, h,

46th, and 64th regiments. . . T ..

The fifth, under General Stirn, of both Hessian brigades, the Leib,
Donop, and Mirbach regiments, and the Combined Regiment un er

C ThTc^y disembarked after the infantry, and all the artillery and
ammunition, supply wagons, and other stores after the cava ry.

PART TWO

From the landing on Turkey Point until the army arrived
at Philadelphia.

On the 25th of August, at two o’clock in the morning, the flatboats
arrived alongside ,he lanspor, ships of <he firs, disembarkauom -b£
were quickly boarded by the troops and set in motion accor g ^

order. Five boats formed one line, led by a naval officer in a ^

with Captain Baurmaster 24 commanding die boats. Two sloop
four row galleys covered the troops. Both Howe brothers were prese

FROM STATEN ISLAND TO WINTER QUARTERS AT PHILADELPHIA

,ut ten or eleven o’clock in the forenoon, the first disembarkation
d on Turkey Point in the Elk River in the Province of Maryland,
boisterous shouts of joy and in the best order. Severa enemy partie
seen which honored us with a few cannon shots at long range but
rew in great haste. The entire fleet followed the boats, and dropped
,r in the area where the first disembarkation had landed. The J a
under Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb, immediately moved forward a
m hour into the country through a pathless region w ic was
lg h with brushwood and steep rocks. They took post m a wo
ewe found the highway to Head of Elk- and several devastated
ations By evening, four disembarkations had landed,
e Xle peninsula, or headland, was a real wilderness, just as we
d the uncultivated vine, 27 the sassafras tree, and wild melon in this
,n, so also was it full of different kinds of vermin. T he woods espe-
, ’ ere filled with snakes and toads. Each tree was fu o g
which made such a noise during the night that two men could not
k to each other and understand what was said. Added to -this, a
nt thunderstorm came with a downpour whereby the warmth of the
tfhich had been extremely intense during the day, increased to sue
-ee that we believed we would suffocate in the fiery air. This » temb e
rher continued until about ten o’clock on the morning of the 26th.
e no one was permitted to take more equipage than he could carry on
jack which meant only a shirt and a pair of stockings and because a
e without horses and wagons, everyone got so wet that it had to be
-tlv forbidden to change clothes.

t, the afternoon the Jager Corps conducted a patrol into the coun ry
ard the North East River. We found waist-high grass, oxen, sheep
keys and all kinds of wild fowl. Since we did not find any of he
my we skirmished with these animals, of which so many were killed
t * entire Corps was provided with fresh provisions. The heat was so
:at that several jagers fell down dead. Toward evening several thun-
-storms came up again with a heavy downpour, which continued until

: forenoon of the 27th. f ,.t,_ „ rrnv

Jn the 28th at four o'clock in the morning the greater part of the y
irehed toward Elktown in the following order: (11 the foot jagers and
officer and twenty mounted jagers; (2) the two atta ions o
ht infantry; (3) the Queen’s Rangers; (4) Ferguson s sharpshoo ers (
g two battalions of English grenadiers; (6) an arti ery nga l e,
ree Hessian grenadier battalions; (8) an artillery riga e,

|sh Guards; (10) the 1st and 2d brigades of English infantry, an e
Igons with the military chest, tools, hospital, ammunition, an pro
|ions; (11) three troops of English dragoons; (12) the mounte jagers,

ad ? (13) the 71st Highland Regiment.

Se rest of the army remained on Turkey Point under comman o

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

General von Knvphausen. We found an enemy post stationed behind a
creek about a half an hour this side of Elktown, which withdrew alter an

hour's skirmish. -9 , ,

As soon as we became master of this defile, the Jager Corps a to
cover the right flank of the army. I marched with eighty jagers to the
right of the Corps, with orders to keep to the right as far as possible. In
the distance I discovered a number of masts, which I drew near to see
where these vessels were situated. I tried to gain a hill at whose base ran a
river 30 in which I saw some twenty ships lying at anchor. I fired several
shots at the people standing on the decks, who immediately made signs
for peace with their hats and white kerchiefs, whereupon I had the s ips
boarded by an officer and twenty jagers. I learned from the sailors and
passengers that the ships were partly loaded with all sorts of personal
effects belonging to the fleeing inhabitants of Elktown, and had been
prevented from running out of Chesapeake Bay by our fleet. I asked
several sailors about the value of their cargo, because it was indeed an
excellent prize for us. They assured me that it surely had ladings for a
hundred thousand piasters, which, besides the effects, included muc
indigo, tobacco, sugar, and wine. I ordered the officer not to touc any-
thing and reported it at once to the Commanding General, who accom-
panied the Jager Corps. The jager detachment was replaced by En-
glishmen, and that was the end. I found here that my honesty was carried
too far; they laughed at me, and I learned from my mistake.

The army encamped bevond the town in quadrangle formation, and
the lager Corps, with the light infantry and the Queen’s Rangers, were
posted in a wood in front of the army where the two roads branch off to
Christiana Bridge 32 or Wilmington. In this entire region we did not find a
single living creature except wild animals; hence the army needed a
guide, but the inhabitants had run off, taking with them all the hvestock.
Patrols were sent out on all sides to hunt for people and horses. But since
this entire area was overgrown with woods, and we had no information
about the enemy, no one was permitted to go any farther than where

could get support from the army. , , , h

At davbreak on the 29th, and in the morning about nine o clock,
army was alarmed on all sides by enemy parties. A tew foot jagers and
some infantrymen were killed and wounded, since our sentries beyon
the two highways could scarcely see over twenty paces in front of them-
selves because of the thick wood.

Toward three o’clock in the afternoon I had to conduct a patrol
hour on the highway with one hundred foot jagers. In the distan
discovered some enemy sentries, who ran away without firing. In a sho
time a few men appeared again, who fired, wounding n

off. I did not return fire, and drew back under cover of the ha
without being pursued by the enemy.

FROM STATEN ISLAND TO WINTER QUARTERS AT PHILADELPHIA ^

he 30th General Knyphausen crossed the Elk River to disperse an
can corps in the neighborhood, and to hunt up horses and slaugh-
de for the army. Toward evening the jiiger post was alarmed by the
, whereby a sentry was shot dead.

the 31st Quartermaster General Erskine with one thousand En-
ie n conducted a party to Fisher’s Mill, which was situated four
to the left of Elktown. The mill was occupied by three hundred
cans, whereby a considerable flour storehouse fell into our hands,
g this fight we captured a colonel, several officers, and fifty men,
zh whom we learned that General Maxwell 33 had occupied Iron
dth three thousand men, and that the main army under General
ington was stationed behind Brandywine Creek.

* 1st of September. Early today the Queen’s Rangers under Major
; ss which were posted to the right of the jagers, were attacked by an
y party, which was driven back, and one captain and several men of
ttendorff Corps were captured. The name of the captain was Uch-
He was a Saxon nobleman, and had served in the army of the
jrate of Saxony. He did not wish to be exchanged, but asked for
ission to return to Germany. He reported that the American army
ixteen thousand regular troops in very good condition, and that a
ian colonel named Baron von Steuben 35 had arrived at the army,
is said to be an able man and highly regarded by General
lington. Several French officers had also arrived: the Marquis de
^ette 36 and the Chevalier Armand. 37 The latter had raised a legion,
i the 3d at daybreak the army left its camp at Elktown and set out.
:ral Grant remained behind at Elktown with his brigade to protect
ommunication of the army with the fleet. On this march I had the
need guard, whereupon the Commanding General recommende

greatest caution. ... . ,

le army marched past Amborn 38 to Aiken’s Tavern in the Welsh
ict of Pennsylvania. 40 At daybreak the army halted here momen-
Y . The Quartermaster General gave me six dragoons and ordeiecl

0 march at once to the left, where I should follow for five to six hun-

1 paces a road which led to Iron Hill and Christiana Bridge^ I took
dragoons with me to find the road that I had to take, and had no
e a hundred paces from the advanced guard when I recene lie
a a hedge, through which these six men were all either killed or
nded. My horse, which normally was well used to fire, reaied so lg
:ral times that I expected it would throw me. I cried out, “Foot jagers
vard!” and advanced with them to the area from which the fire was
ling. My horse followed the men, but I did not observe that the good
nal , which had carried me the whole day, was wounded in the belly , it
Lin the evening. At this moment I ran into another enemy party, with
ich I became heavily engaged. Lieutenant Colonel von Wurmb, who

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1 / 7 /

came up with the entire Corps assisted by the light infantry, ordered the

advanced guard to be supported. . 41 , . ,

Bv this time it was broad daylight and we saw the mountain, which
was overgrown with woods, rising up like an amphitheater and occupied
by enemy troops. The Commander in Chief himself appeared and or-
dered Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb to drive the enemy off the mountain.
The charge was sounded, and the enemy was attacked so severely and
with such spirit by the jagers that we became masters of the mountain

after a seven-hour engagement. , ,, , ,

During our fight the 1st Battalion of Light Infantry, under Colonel
Abercrombv, tried to take the enemy in the rear, but was prevented from
doing so by a marsh, whereby the jagers alone enjoyed the honor of
driving the enemy out of his advantageous position. The majority of the
jagers came to close quarters with the enemy, and the hunting sword was
used as much as the rifle. Our loss consisted of eleven dead and forty-five
wounded, while the enemy lost very many men including two colonels
according to statements of the prisoners, who numbered five officers and

some forty men. 42 , . , _ , , „ , n .

In the afternoon the army encamped behind Cooch s Creek. General

Knvphausen, who had procured about three hundred horses and a great
number of slaughter cattle on his expedition, took his position to the
right of the army at Aiken’s Tavern. The Jager Corps received its post in
a wood on the highway to Newark, between Cooch’s and Fisher s mills, to

the left of the army. . . .

On the 4th the Jager Corps received the following expression of than s

from the Commander in Chief in an order of the army.

The courageous manner in which Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb, all
the other officers, and the entire personnel of the Jager Corps, de-
feated yesterday the picked troops of the enemy army on the
mountain near Cooch’s Mill, deserves the highest praise and the
fullest acknowledgment of the Commander in Chief, and has at-
tracted the greatest admiration of the entire army.

° W. Howe

The brigade under General Grant joined up today with the army, front
which we learned that the fleet had left the Chesapeake and sailed to th
Delaware. Everyone now clearly saw that the army would l remain dest
tute of tents and all necessities until we were master of Philadelphia.

On the 6th the news arrived that General Sullivan was advancing up w
the heights of Newark with two thousand men to control this de ■
Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb marched at once toward Newark wi
lager Corps to reconnoiter the enemy, but we found only a sma P .
with which our advanced guard under Captain Wreden skirmished. W
captured two prisoners, who assured us that the Americans

FROM STATEN ISLAND TO WINTER QUARTERS A I PHILADELPHIA

teen officers in the skirmish of the 3d, among whom were four staff
cers

in the afternoon of the 7th, several battalions from Newark were seen
he vicinity of our outposts, whereupon the entire army received or-
s to march at once. Toward evening the army set out in three divisions
he following order:

First Division

rhe dismounted Jager Corps, and one officer with
welve mounted jagers.

The two battalions of light infantry.

The two English and the three Hessian
battalions of grenadiers.

The English Guards Brigade.

The mounted jagers.

Under

Lord

Cornwallis

Second Division

Two troops of the 16th Regiment of Dragoons.
The 1st Brigade of English artillery.

The 1st and 2d brigades of English infantry.
The 2d Brigade of artillery.

The 3d and 4th brigades of English
infantry.

The war chest, ammunition, provisions,
and hospital wagons.

The 3d Battalion of the 71st Scottish
Regiment covered the right flank.

Third Division

Under

General

Grant

The 3d Brigade of English artillery.

The Stirn Brigade of the four Hessian J

regiments. 44 I

Two troops of the 16th Regiment of Dragoons. \

The 40th Regiment. I

The 1st and 2d battalions of the 71st j

Scottish Regiment. '

The Queen’s Rangers and Ferguson's Corps.

Tie Pioneer Corps was divided into four divisions, with
le first marching at the head of the English grenadiers
rid the remaining three in front of each artillery brigade

Under

General

Knyphausen

||rhe army marched past Newark and toward morning on the 8th
Xgssed the White Clay Creek, which was surrounded on both sides by
See p, rocky heights that formed a most frightful defile half an hour in
|&gth . 45 I still cannot understand why Sullivan abandoned this position,
||ere a hundred riflemen could have held up the army a whole day and

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1 7 /b AND 1 / / /

killed many men. Mv hair stood on end as we crammed into the defile,
and I imagined nothing more certain than an unexpected attack a e
moment when we would have barely stuck our nose out ot the delde. For
"he precipitous rocks on both sides of the creek and along the def ile were
To steep that no one could scale them. But I surmised Sullivan had rea-
soned that General Howe would never choose this route, because he id
stationed himself behind the Christiana Bridge. He had intersperse e
marshy bank with thirty cannon, making a good defile there, w ic posi-

“ ThTar^ptahrf Imp"”® the Zded heights along the road from
Lancaster where it intersects the road from Newport We learned
through several pr.soners who fell into the hands of the jagers that
Washington was awaiting the English army behind Brandywine Creek.

This region of Pennsvlvania is extremely mountainous and traversed
bv thick forests; nevertheless it is very well cultivated and very ferule.
Because we descended upon the inhabitants so quickly, contrary to their
expectations, they had not left their plantations, and those who tried to

escaoe fell into the hands of the arrn^ .

Toward evening one of our patrols brought in a coach harnessed to six
very fine horses. Found in the coach was Lady Patterson,- the wife of an
American colonel-a lady who before autumn had overtaken her beauty
must have been attractive— together with her maid, a dainty blonde, *
three Negro servants. The entire baggage was thoroughly searched, and
everything belonging to the colonel was dis.nbuted among the jage s
Since darkness now fell over this partage dArlequm, and these ladies
d d not dare to continue their journey at night, they were put up for the
night in our gypsy dwellings, which were mostly nothing but huts of

^ A^ 1 daybreak, after we had treated the ladies to breakfast and had
exchanged their six good horses for six very patient ones, they resumed
their iourney They bid us farewell and we wished them a pleasant jour-
ney. I do not believe they had ever dreamed in all their lives of making

^"h" SincJ 1 ^re'^ed^elligence that General Washington had
crossed Brandywine Creek and was drawing up, the army set out in two
o^mns in the afternoon to Kennett Square. Lord Cornwallis com-
manded the column on the right, and General Knyphausen the one o
the left. During this march the English army exposed its right flank To t
enemy; therefore all the light troops had to cover the right. Of his
march, which occurred during a very dark night, there is not much ^
except that it went through impassable and marshy woods .and hat
often were in the greatest danger of going astray, without knowing
we would get through.

FROM STATEN ISLAND TO WINTER QUARTERS AT PHILADELPHIA

anwhile we arrived on the morning of the 10th at Kennett Square
"The army brigades rested one behind the other General
hausen remained here with the left column, while the column
r* Lord Cornwallis marched a good hour to the right as far as East
aorough, where it camped along the highway to Ph.ladelphta with

aeer Corps covering the right flank. . ,

e inhabitants in this region are generally Quakers, who since they
l0 t want to participate in the war, did not flee, but arrived in crowds
asked for protection. Here, in this area, the army found an abun-
e of everything, through which the insatiable appetite of the soldier
adsfied to the greatest extent. We received positive information here
the greater part of the American army had entrenched behind the

^the°nth%t two o’clock in the morning, the entire army set out in
columns The one on the right, under General Knyphausen, began
ching to Chad’s Ford. The approaches there ran through a marshy
d to the crossing, which the enemy had strongly fortified. The col
on the left, under Lord Cornwallis, which General Howe persona Y
mpankd began marching to the left toward Jeffens’s Ford - where
Brandywine Creek has two branches which are very good for cross-
in order to outflank the fortified position of the enemy,
ieneral Knyphausen had hardly set out on his march to Welch s
-ern when the Queen’s Rangers and Ferguson’s sharpshooters, w ic
med the advanced guard, fell into an enemy ambuscade concealed in a
rshv wood on the right and left of the highway, through which nearly
of the two corps was either killed or wounded. Since the army now
owed hard on these advanced troops, General Knyphausen ordered it
attack the enemy in the wood as soon as the advanced guard had

overed somewhat from its shock. f r i f u: s

The 2d Brigade and the 4th Regiment covered and supported tins

ack on theleft, with the 1st Brigade on the right, while the Surn
igade moved into the defile to the marsh. The enemy t en put more
T P s across the Brandywine to support the troops on the £

ights, and to make passage across the marsh more d, f fi ^ lt ^" orde
event this General Knyphausen ordered the Queen s Rangers to cross
eTar h tS attach he enemy with the bayonet -o-ageous,,,
thout firing, that he lost ground. Dunng th.s attack Mayor Ferguson,
tio tried to get through an almost impenetrable morass fell upoi

lemy’s left lank with his handful of sharpshooters whereupon the

lemy abandoned his position on this side of t e ran y wine.

The entire Knyphausen Corps then crossed the marsh, where
nd 5th regiments on the left had to move across t e cree a e P
ridge to dislodge the enemy stationed in front of them. At this mon

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS. 1776 AND 1777

General Cleaveland'* moved up on the high ground adjacent to this road
wtth two heavy and two light 12-pounders, placing two more o-pounders

small arms fire He tried to defend the crossing of Chad s Ford and the
bridge m the most stubborn manner, but had to give way to the spotted

arrack of the 4th and 5th regiments. 00 ,

sTnce the enemv now abandoned the left bank of the creek, and we
were masters of the ford. General Knyphausen ordered the army to halt
and to ground arms until he received further mformatton of General

H Ataut a 'two o’clock in the afternoon, they perceived in the distance that
the enemy was moving from his left to his right, and they saw that the
road to Chester was crowded with wagons. Toward four o clock they
earned of the approach of the column on the left, under Lord Cornwal-
Hs through condnuous cannon and small-arms fire, whereupon General

from the heights*

the shore to cover the crossing. The 4th and 5th regiments formed the
van followed by the two battalions of the 71st Highland Regiment,
Ferguson's Corps, the Queen’s Rangers, the 23d Reg, menu the remam
der of the 1st and 2d brigades, the dragoons, and the four Hess

r 1he e enem n yt r d" yoiheavy guns on the road from Chad, Ford
covered bv infantry and cavalry, with which they could fire on the ro
front the ford The enemv had a second battery placed more to the right
near ^wooded spot on a hill, and a third was farther to the left, which,

however, was directed toward Cornwallis, column Regiment,

The 4th and 5th regiments, along with the /1st Highland gi

resistance, and

rantured four cannon and a howitzer. , , e irst

but was constantlv attacked from post to p< s fu During this

finally completely driven back over the lulls toward Chester, Dunng

FROM STATEN ISLAND TO WINTER QUARTERS AT PHILADELPHIA

rhe 23d Regiment and the' remaining part of the 1st and 2d
te moved to the left and fell upon the fleeing enemy, who were

n by the corps whkh actually *“

‘La tot thetar^" X 1 will now pass to the one

'position totnother under constant skirmishing until around noon-

since 1 was ordered to march as slowly as possible, and to use all
, n older notlo fall into an ambuscade, as the area was t traversed
X wo^>an“ marshes, and the steepest defiles, 1 marched ,n the

owing order.

O 0
0

foot jagers

t jagers

and

single

Scots

§£rt;

foot jagers I 0 O

b 1=1 I 2 mounted jagers

foot jagers

| ~1 I mounted jagers

Scots

light

infantry

foot jagers

and

single

Scots

m-r.

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

Lord Cornwallis had sent me a guide who was a real geographical chart
and almost a general by nature. 5 * During the entire march I often spoke
with him regarding the area which was beyond the horizon. He con-
stantly judged so correctly that I always found the enemy there where he
presumed him to be. His description was so good that I was olten amazed
at the knowledge this man possessed of the country.

About two o’clock in the afternoon the army crossed the Brandywine,
which has two branches enclosed by hills , 57 where the road ran up along a
deep and winding precipice. I halted on this side of the defile, where
Lord Cornwallis himself came to me. My guide asserted that if we did not
meet with the enemy here, he must have been defeated by General
Knyphausen, whose fire we had heard during the whole day and which
moved on with us . 58

I took twelve jagers and let them pass the defile by twos, two hundred
paces apart, with instructions to take post as soon as all twelve were across
and had reached a point where they could see far around. But as soon as
the van of the enemy was encountered, they were to retreat by twos.

I was astonished when I had safely reached the end of this terrible
defile, which was over a thousand paces long, and could discover nothing
of the enemy a good half hour away. Lord Cornwallis, who had followed
me, was surprised himself and could not understand why the warning
post with which I had fought from morning until around noon was not
stationed here . 39 The pass had been left wide open for us, where a
hundred men could have held up either army the whole day . b0

The advanced guard then passed the defile and the entire army fol
lowed. A good quarter hour distant, or two thousand paces, Lord
Cornwallis again came to me and ordered me to halt .* 1 The army then
marched up, regiment behind regiment, and halted for about a half an
hour, whereupon Adjutant General Ross 82 brought me orders to pro-
ceed and said to the jagers: “One more good hour’s marching and you
will eat Welsh hens. General Knyphausen has thoroughly beaten Wash-
ington.”

About half past three, I caught sight of some infantry and horsemen
behind a village on a hill in the distance, which was formed like an
amphitheater. I asked my guide what he thought about these guests,
whereupon he replied that this was surely a party covering the road to
Chester on which Washington was retreating. I said, “Good, we will attack
the village,” and rode over to Captain McPherson, whom I had to consu ■
because he was the senior captain. I gave him my opinion, which he, as jg
well as the worthy Scott, fully agreed with. .jgj

I drew up at once and deployed the jagers, asking McPherson and Scott ^
to support me on both Hanks, and ordered the mounted jagers to toliov
the foot jagers in the center. My disposition was about as follows.

reached the first houses of the village with the flankers of the jagers,
d Lieutenant Hagen followed me with the horsemen. But untortu-
tely for us, the time this took favored the enemy and I received ex-
mely heavy small-arms fire from the gardens and houses, t [ irou g
tich, however, only two jagers were wounded. Everyone ran back, and
rmed them again behind the fences or walls at a distance of two
indred paces from the village. They shouted to me that the army was
r behind, and I became not a little embarrassed to find m y s ^ lf ^ ulte
me with the advanced guard. But now that the business had begun, 1
11 wanted to obtain information about these people who had let me go
easily. 65

I then took with me the mounted jager Hoffman, a ver\ courageous
ilow, and two Scots and tried to reach a hill bb which lay to t e 1 °
ie^illage. I gazed in astonishment when I got up the hill, or oun

shin d it — three to four hundred paces away an entire line dep oye in
iedbest order, several of whom waved to me with their hats but 1 not
loot. I kept composed, examined them closely, rode back, and reported
at once to Lord Cornwallis by the jager Hottman.

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

As I rode back, I crossed a road that led to the right through a light
wood. I told a Scot to follow this road for a few hundred paces. I rode
after him, and caught sight of a whole enemy column with guns marching
through the valley in which Lord Cornwallis’s column had been marching
for some time, a quarter or a half hour away to the right. They must have
been from the defeated troops, which wanted to rejoin the part ot the
army behind East Bradford. Had I had a battalion with me, I would have
cut off this column. I rode back to my detachment and reported this

event. 68

During this entire time the enemy had not stirred in the village. The
army came up and deployed behind the advanced guard in approxi-
mately the following order, as far as I could discover. The light infantry
was directly behind me; the jagers 69 were on the left of the light infantry,
which joined the English Guards and the English grenadiers. I saw the
artillery brought up in several sections. The Hessian grenadiers and the
remaining troops formed the second line. From this time on, I^did not see
one general. Where they were reconnoitering, I don’t know. 70

As soon as the army had drawn near me by three or four hundred
paces and I received no orders, I attacked the village and the church on
the hill, which the enemy abandoned as soon as he saw the line of the
advanced guard at the same hill. 71 The enemy army had moved up dur-
ing the fight on this hill, 72 behind which I had discovered him. Now the
enemy was boldly attacked along the entire line and driven back as far as
Dilworthtown, after a steady, stubborn fight from hill to hill and from
wall to wall, during which five enemy cannon were taken by the English
grenadiers. The army halted on the heights several hundred paces from
the village. During the action Colonel Wurmb fell on the flank of the
enemy, and Sergeant Bickell 73 with six jagers moved to his rear, where-
upon the entire right wing of the enemy fled to Dilworthtown.

As I called back my advanced guard, which had fought dispersed along
the whole line, and was reforming in front of the English grenadiers
Lord Cornwallis appeared and ordered the two colonels, Meadows and
Monckton, to occupy the village with both battalions of grenadiers.

Now, since I believed that the action had ended, I told Colonel
Monckton, whom I knew quite well, that I wanted to ride with him and
ordered the jager officers to assemble the advanced guard. We had
hardly reached the village when we received intense grapeshot and mus-
ketry fire which threw the grenadiers into disorder, but they recovered
themselves quickly, deployed, and attacked the village. Colonel Meadows
asked me to ride back and get assistance. ,

In the distance I saw red coats and discovered that it was Cener
Agnew with his brigade. 76 1 requested him to support the grenadiers, an
pointed out a hill which, if he gained it, the enemy could not take tn

■iiifriHLrnif

FROM STATEN ISLAND TO WINTER QUARTERS AT PHILADELPHIA

nadiers in the flank. He followed, and we had no sooner reached the
than we ran into several American regiments, which were just about
take the grenadiers in the flank and rear. At this point t ere w
rible firing, and half of the Englishmen and nearly all of the officers o
•se two regiments (they were the 44th and 64th regiments) were slam. I
•tainly believe that the affair would have turned out to be an even more
■tv one if an English artillery officer had not hurried up with two light
sounders and fired on the enemy’s flank with grapeshot, wh ^ r f“P on
„ enemy retreated toward Chester. Night fell over this story and the hot

During the 2 night the army remained on the battlefield in the position
whidfit had fought. General Knyphausen had maneuvered his coi-
nn so skillfully during the battle that the left wing of his corps joined up
th the troops of the right wing under Lord Cornwallis. Had General
owe set out two hours earlier, or marched faster, Washmgton s army
ould have been caught between two fires, and could have been cut off
om the Schuylkill and completely destroyed. In fact, sever ^ S°£
■lends from headquarters assured me that this mistake was caused by the
aides, who had declared the route shorter than we found it to be.

The loss on our side was estimated at nine hundred killed a
ounded, among which were sixty-four officers.- The Jager Corps lost
ame thirty men, among whom were Captain Trautvetter, and Lieu ten-
nt Forstner 79 of the Anspach Jager Company, who were killed while

ervine with the advanced guard. 80 ...

The loss of the enemy was said to have been fairly equa wit ours.

)ver four hundred men were captured, among whom were some fo y

>fficers ^ ^ *

When one reviews the entire attack on the enemy, one will perceive

hat General Howe is not a middling man but indeed a good general and
lt really is regrettable that the result of the battle fell short of the excellent
and carefully prepared plans. For my part I conclude that the slow
march of the left column took place with all deliberation so that
American army would not be destroyed to pay a fres comp imen
Opposition Party, and to bring forth a new proposal. My sus P lc ‘°^ were
Strengthened anew when I observed the army on t e a e 1
Overnight — perfectly quiet, without a single man sent a ter t e ene >
ind .without any outposts-so quiet, in fact, that if Washington had been
fpuch a great man as they proclaimed him to be on the ot er si e, an a
upturned during the night, he would have been able to recover every

“bipg lost, double and triple. 82 , „

pOn the 12th, in the afternoon, General Grant marched towar es er
f|h the 1st and 2d brigades, since we received information that the
|neiny was entrenching there. We also learned from severa we

FIRST AND SECOND' CAMPAIGNS. 1776 AND 1777

disposed inhabitants who arrived at camp that the entire road from
Chad’s Ford to Chester had been so crowded with baggage and artillery
during the night that the enemy army m its flight did not know how to get
through. These people could not express sufficiently their astonishment
that thejagers and light infantry had allowed this great number of wag-
ons to move off so peacefully. . , , , . ...

On the 13th Lord Cornwallis followed General Grant with the Fng is

light infantry, the grenadiers, and a part of the dragoons to take posses-

sion of Chester and Darby. . . , ,

Toward afternoon the Jager Corps marched an hour behind the army

to take post on the road to Turk’s Head, 83 because we had received
intelligence that Washington had divided his army into two parts. Hence
we now had the enemy in the front and in the rear, although we had

^OnlheYShThe jager Corps sent constant strong patrols toward Turk’s
Head, which usually encountered enemy patrols. They skirmished with
them and brought in several prisoners, through whom we obtained the
information that Washington would not move his army to Ph dadelph,a
but toward Lancaster to keep his rear open, and that he would abandon

Philadelphia to us without striking a blow. ,

Before daybreak on the 16th, the army marched in the following order
to Goshen Meeting House 84 to rejoin Lord Cornwallis’s troops: the jager
Corps, the Hessian grenadiers, the English Guards, the Hessian e
Regiment, the artillery, General Agnew’s brigade and the baggage the
Hessian Regiment Donop formed the rear guard. The march went by
wav of Turk’s Head. One hour this side of the Goshen Meeting House
thef news arrived that the enemy had taken an advantageous position in
the mountains of Valley Forge near White Horse, 83 ^ereupon the army
altered its march to the left. But the advanced guard had hardly arrived
at the Boot Tavern 88 when they learned that an enemy corps of two to
three thousand men had appeared on the left flank of the army.

After receiving this information, Colonel Donop immediately took the
advanced ^ard S of the jagers under Captain Wreden and .he — 4
jagers under Captain Lorey to reconnoiter the enemy. A half an hour
awav he ran into an enemy party, which withdrew. The cc > one ; P l ^ e
them too far, through which mistake an enemy party passed between him
and the army and cut off his retreat. Captain Lorey, fearing an enemy
trick, urged the colonel to go back, because he believed this enemy pa >
was sent out to lure him into a trap. The colonel agreed and drew back,
but found his return route occupied by the enemy. Captain Lo y
cided to break through with the horsemen to relieve the foot jager ■
notwithstanding that the enemy had posted himself very favorably ^
hind walls and fences and kept up a sustained rifle fire. is w<

FROM STATEN ISLAND TO WINTER QUARTERS AT PHILADELPHIA

and the colonel got off with his skin.— That is not a trade for one to
tow who has no knowledge of it.-We all laughed secretly over this

Ster thifreport, which Colonel Donop personally delivered to the
mmanding General, the Jager Corps companies were stationed on the
t flank of the army at intervals of eight hundred to one thousand
ces At this moment, I believe that it was about five o clock in the
ernoon, an extraordinary thunderstorm occurred, combined with the
aviest downpour in this world. 87 The army halted. On the left was a
ick wood, from which our flank patrols had been dislodged by the

General Knyphausen, who arrived at my company on horseback, or-
■red me to attack the people in the wood, and the same order was sent
the other companies. I had to cross open ground for several hundred
ices before I reached the wood in which the enemy was hiding. During
is time I was exposed to enemy fire, which did not seem to be very
avy since most of the rifles did not fire owing to the heavy , rain n 1
Zled the jagers to fire and discovered at the second shot that the rifles
iisfired But since the attack had to be carried out, I ordered the hun ung
vords drawn. 88 I reached the wood at top speed and came tc .dose
Znerl wTh the enemy, who during the furious attack forgot that he
ad bayonets and quit the field, whereby the jagers captured four officers
nd some thirty men. The entire loss of the Jager Corps in this fig
onsisted of five killed, seven wounded, and three missing.

The army encamped in the vicinity of Boot Tavern in a quadrangle
ormation. This terrible rain caused the roads to become so bottomless
hat not one wagon, much less a gun, could get through, and it continued
intil toward afternoon on the 17th, which gave the enemy time to cross
lie Schuylkill River with bag and baggage. Indeed, the enemy corps
ander General Maxwell held up our march somewhat, but it would
have provided much advantage for Washington s army had not the se-
vere downpour occurred. 89 ... , _ ___ f

• I firmly believe that we still could have caught up with the greater part
of the enemv army, at least the baggage, somewhere near the right bank
of the Schuylkill River, if it had been the will of General Howe. But the
Ihree-day delay on the battlefield after the battle convince me t a
■certainly would have halted even if no rain had fallen, t> ecause we sure J
sknew that we were hard on Washington s heels. 90 ,

IgOn the 18th, at four o’clock in the morning, the army marched in the
w |ame order as the day before yesterday past White Horse an tea ev
fee hills, in which area General Grant and Lord Cornwallis and their
fbops joined up with the army. Toward evening the aimy encampe on
he high ground of Tredylfrin. The jagers received their post v\ lere t e

W' :

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS. 177<> AND 1777

two roads from Yellow Springs converge near Swedes’ Ford ' We re-
ceived information here that the enemy was moving toward Reading-
town. During the night a part of the light infantry took possession of an
enemy magazine at Valiev Forge, which contained four thousand bairels

of flour. . , ,

On the 19th, at two o’clock in the morning, the army received orders to

march in the following order: the Jager Corps, the 2d Battalion of Light
Infantrv, the English grenadiers, a part of the artillery, the 1st, 2d 3d,
and 4th English brigades, the Stirn Brigade, another part of the artillery,
the Hessian grenadiers, the 16th Regiment of Dragoons, and the wagons.
But since the enemy threatened to recross the Schuylkill at Yellow
Springs to destroy the magazine at Valley Forge, the army received coun-
terorders, and Lord Cornwallis went at once to Valley Forge with the 2d
Battalion of Light Infantry and the English grenadiers to cover the
magazine Today Quartermaster General Erskine took twenty mounted
and twenty foot jagers under Captain Lorey to reconnoiter the hilly area
on the left of the Valley Creek, but found it was not occupied by the

On the 21st at daybreak the army marched according to the previous
orders of the 19th, but with the difference that the Sum Brigade had to
take post on the heights of White Horse until the army had passed the
defile. About ten o’clock the army passed the defile of the Valley Creek,
where Lord Cornwallis was situated on the right bank of this creek. At
middav the army crossed the Pickering Creek, where it halted. It set out
again in the afternoon and encamped toward evening by the right bank
of the Schuylkill in Charlestown Township in Chester County.

On the 22d, at six o’clock in the morning, I conducted a patrol with
eighty iagers, fifty grenadiers, and a noncommissioned officer with
twelve mounted jagers to Pikeland Township, 1 « which lay in the rear of
the army, where an enemy party was believed to be stationed.

About eight o’clock I arrived before the village. An enemy party had
placed itself behind the houses and fences and fired several shots, to
which no attention was paid, whereupon I ordered quick march to ge
straight at the enemy. But just as I drew up to within one hundred and
fifty paces of the village, the enemy fled into the wood so hastily that not a

single man was caught. , ,- r ,

I passed the village, which consisted of perhaps forty to fifty buildings
- but had been completely deserted by its inhabitants. I deployed on th
other side behind the hedges or walls and searched through the village,
where I found a blown-up powder magazine and a rifle factoiy, in w ic
several thousand pieces of fabricated and unfinished rifles and sabers o
all kinds were stored. Meanwhile, I sent Lieutenant Hinnchs with twe y
foot iagers into the wood to search it thoroughly for a short distance,

FROM STATF-N ISLAND TO WINTER QUARTERS AT PHILADELPHIA

eturned without seeing or hearing anyone. I then ordered everything
to nieces set fire to the factory, and marched back,
davbreak on the 23d, Lord Cornwallis crossed the Schuylkill
i>ugh Paulins Ford 94 in the following formation: the light infantry of
Cuards the English grenadiers, the Guards, two troops o ragoo ,

I a brigade of artillery. The river here is over eight hund ^ e ^ P aces
e and about a half-man deep. An enemy detachment which had taken
the left bank was driven off, in which fight the light infantry of
;t Guards“ ££d ZL twency dead and wounded About e.ght
lock in the morning the entire army crossed the river and marched
rriton 95 where it encamped in a quadrangle formation.

3n the 25th, at six o’clock in the morning, the army marched in two
umns toward Philadelphia in the following order: the column on the
t took the highway, and the one on the right the road the

fiuvlkill During this march we exposed the rear to the enemy. e irs

lumn under Lord Cornwallis, consisted of both battalions of light m-
ntrv the English grenadiers, the English Guards, a brigade of artiery,
e lit 2d and 4th English brigades, two troops of dragoons, an
ueen’s Rangers. The provisions train and the livestock accompanied
U column The secondcolumn, under General Knyphausen, consisted
the 3d English Brigade, the Stirn Brigade, and Hessian grenadiers, the
*of the heavy artillery, which was distributed among the brigades, and
,e Jager Corps. The baggage marched ahead of the army, covere y
Mtalion of infantry and two troops of dragoons.

About six o’clock in the evening the army took up its camp two hours
way from Philadelphia. The right wing extended beyond Germantow
p to the right bank of the Delaware, and the left up to the waterfall
fe Schuylkill The Queen’s Rangers were posted before Kensington on
£ rS FrankfoTd, the lightlnfantry in w-ds be^re^n-
own, and the Jager Corps behind the defile of the Wissahickon Creek

splendidly cultivated. The inhabitants : arr : mos tly
Germans but were against us, the most ill-natured people m die world,
who could hardly conceal their anger and hostile senti •

lady, who was sitting on a bench before her front door n « d m
pure Palatine German when I rode up to he, ' and ^ we

water: “Water I will give you, but I must also ask you. a ‘ .

gople done to you that you Germans come over here to suck us dry a
|ive us out of house and home? We have heard enough here of yc
ptirderous burning. Will you do the same here as in ew or a

lerseys? You shall get your pay yet!”

gAt daybreak on the 26th of September, Lord Cornwallis, with
iglish grenadier battalions and the Hessian grenac lei )atta ions

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

sine and Lengerke along with a part of the artillery, marched to Philadel-
phia and took possession of the city. Several batteries were set up at once
on the Delaware River, above and below the city.

On the 31st a convoy with provisions arrived a. Philadelphia Iron,
Chester under escort of the 71st Scottish Regiment, through which the
great wants that the army had endured on the march from Turkey oint
were remedied in some measure. I speak here not of tea, coffee, sugar,
and wine but onlv of the necessities of salt and good bread. Very often
we had to go without these two essentials which are so necessary to
human life. For our bread, which had followed after the army, consisted
of biscuit that was filled with worms, and quite often we had to make a
ration of one pound last for three days. Here and there we found some-
£L good, but this lasted only a day, because we could carry a ong
nothing more than what we could put in our pockets or on the backs of

OU Th e e r Sd n of October. For several days the country people began to bring
some provisions to the army. In the meantime, however, high prices
existed at camp. For example, a pound of meat cost eight groschen. e
bread bought for sixteen groschen, a person could easily consume in two
days A bottle of wine cost a piaster or two gulden - A pound of coffee
and a pound of sugar were the same price. -

Toward evening Professor Smith- from Philadelphia came to me, who
owned a country seat close to the jager post, for which I had provided
protection. 98 He asked me to take a little walk with him which I was quite
willing to do since we had enjoyed several days’ rest. He led me behind
the camp, and when he thought no one would discover us, address
me with the following words: “My friend, I confess to you that I am a
Wend of the States and no friend of the English government but you
have rendered me a friendly turn. You have shown me that human y
which each soldier should not lose sight of. You have protected my prop-
env. I will show you that I am grateful. You stand in a corps which is
hourlv threatened bv the danger of the first attack when the enemy
roaches Friend God bless vour person! The success of your arms
cannot wish.— Friend! General Washington has marched up to Nornton

‘‘Thmu^tograteful man took the road to Philadelphia without

» burned to stone. 1 thought, over t this m^
entire conversation, hurried into camp, and reported I it to Coto
Wurmb, who immediately mounted his horse to report this infon
to General Knyphausen and to headquarters. General Knyphause
his precautionary measures at once, bu, General Howe answered dm
news with a "That cannot be!’ 101

hr c.

FR °MST\rt'

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closely that ft! ln fen try bart^^ 0 ” him^lr P ace - which g€niCn t- ,(M

br, ^d es3 nw h,n .? t on” in /f ^ngton had f ntr r hou Se io 6 fwnh three
ion f 0r 1 3nd a «i//ery. j^^atefy a *? , to ta *e. T h e ,! f nd dtereb v

th £ etl emy nd Cond nued his*^ doin 8 that he S ? C hoid se U ^ S °' Ca//ed
General u a dv ance 107 ’ «e sho u /d hav^ tb Sev er a /

“WcersdM^^rte^

a " d funded 1 ?. °f °f out T dred P*«£ l° U «" d t^S* >*

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sing and Len ?p 0 ssession of d* e ^ d be \ov/ the city- ^ ph i\adelptn a ™

^^Scottish Regimenh ^^^xurV-cy ^ > °' ri

ration ° this laste ^ p U t in on p brine

ole provisions to examp ie, a poun s0 n a pound of coffee

.:*,„d at camp- *° „ n er oschen, a p lden . * V

35* -° rC ^ ral days the country P-- er , high P--

owned a co asked me to , severa \ day r u s, he an a

’5§EiS^3gfS.griSi=

S^s=E^£=5|sa

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to General KnyP measu res » o

his P'"''"* ..-Thlt «" not be '

ne ws with a

POST OF THE JAGER CORPS NEAR NORRITON

This plan shows Ewald’s position on the eve of the Battle of Ger-
mantown. The “Road from Falls of Schuylkill” at the left is Ridge
Road (now Ridge Avenue), then known also as the Manatawny
Road or Wissahickon Road, which led to Nornton Township.
Washington’s right wing under Major General John Armstrong

advanced down this road toward daybreak on October 4, 1777.
The house to the left of the road, where the two guns are shown,
probably represents Dr. William Smith’s country seat, sometimes
called “Smith’s Octagon” (from its semioctagonal bay) or Smith s
Folly ” which overlooked the Schuylkill River. The position of
the mounted jagers is shown by the box between the river and
the house with the guns; the line of the foot jagers extends across
the lower center. Several pickets are indicated by smaller blocks,
and the round markers with pennants represent individual out-
lying sentries. To the right, across the “Road from Germantown
or Philadelphia,” is the post of Simcoe’s Queen’s Rangers.

FIRST AM) SECOND CAMPAIGNS. 1 770 AND 1777

On the 5th I rode over the battlefield, and with surprise and admira-
tion approached the post which the brave Colonel Musgiave had de-
fended. The house was built of baked stones, 113 two stories high, and the
three entrances to the building could be barricaded only with tables and
chairs, due to the rapid advance of the enemy. The three companies
which had defended the house consisted of one hundred men at the
most, since the regiment had suttered a great deal in the campaigns.
During the battle some thirty men were killed and wounded. I counted
seventy-five dead Americans, some of whom lay stretched in the door-
ways, under the tables and chairs, and under the windows, among whom
were seven officers. The rooms of the house were riddled by cannonball"
and looked like a slaughter house because ot the blood splattered aroun<
This example of a single brave and intelligent man, through whom tl
entire English army was saved, shows what courage and decision in w;
can do. For had the English army been defeated here, enclosed within tl
angle of two rivers with a large city of rebellious-minded inhabitants
the rear, all honor truly would have been lost, though it would have bet
destroyed solely through the negligence of the Commanding General. 11

I rode from here into the city to visit the wounded, where I found the
unfortunate battle victims still lying on the straw, almost without any car
There was still a lack of necessary medicines and bandages, which we
requisitioned at first from the city and now awaited from the fleet.

On the 15th the enemy alarmed thejager post at daybreak, and on tl
same day the batteries on Province Island began to play on Fort Mifflin 1
and on the enemy vessels. After the sixth shell the vessels weighed a
chor, sailed away, and cast anchor near the left bank of the Delaware
On the 19th, about nine o’clock in the morning, the army moved ba
in two columns a good hour closer to Philadelphia. The right wing w
stationed at the Delaware behind Kensington, in which village t
Queen’s Rangers were cantoned, and the left was placed behind t
Morris country house 116 on the Schuylkill. The jagers received their p<
behind the wood at this plantation, in front of the army’s left wing. Wc
began todav on redoubts which were to be constructed around Philad

p h i tl ^ (

On the 20th work began on a floating bridge over the Schuylkill Ri\
at Gray’s Ferry, to maintain the communication on land with the Lt
Corps at Chester. The ferry house was surrounded with a wall and g
risoned with one hundred men to protect the bridgehead.

Up to now the army had obtained its provisions with great risk a
much inconvenience, for they had been transported from Chester
Philadelphia in flatboats manned by armed sailors along the bank of i
Delaware under cover of dark nights, in spite of enemy vessels. Shoi
such a convov be taken bv the enemy, the army would be exposed to

FROM STATEN ISLAND TO WINTER QUARTERS AT PHILADELPHIA

greatest privation. I once saw such a provisions flotilla arrive. All the
sailors had been made completely drunk to stimulate them to fight in case
of an attack.

The 21st of October. About three o’clock in the morning the Jager
Corps marched to Cooper’s Ferry 118 on the Delaware. The Corps crossed
the Delaware in flatboats with the three Hessian grenadier battalions,
Linsing, Minnigerode, and Lengerke, along with the Mirbach Regiment
under Colonel Schieck, 119 and landed about eight o’clock in the Province
of Jersey. I had the advanced guard with sixty jagers, followed by the
Corps, the Minnigerode battalion, the Mirbach Regiment, two
6-pounders, two howitzers, the Lengerke and Linsing battalions, and
Captain Lorey with twenty mounted jagers. This corps, under Colonel
Donop, was ordered to seize by force Fort Red Bank, 120 through which
the garrison on Mud Island maintained its communication with the main-
land. Colonel Donop had volunteered for this expedition. 121

This corps was still less than a half an hour away from the Delaware
when it ran into an enemy party 122 in the vicinity of Newton Township,
which withdrew over Cooper’s Bridge 123 toward Burlington. I pursued it
up to the end of a wood, where I discovered several hundred men on
both sides of Cooper’s Creek, with whom I skirmished until about four
o’clock in the afternoon, after which time they withdrew. The colonel,
who continued his march with the corps, had ordered me to occupy
myself with the enemy until nightfall, and then to follow the corps to
Haddonfield. He wanted to mislead the enemy and conceal his march. At
eight o’clock in the evening I arrived at Haddonfield, where I found the
corps encamped in a quadrangle on the heights. 124

On the morning of the 22d, about four o’clock, the corps marched
toward Red Bank in the same formation as yesterday, with the slight
difference that I formed the rear guard with my company. About nine
o’clock we crossed the pass over Timber Creek, 125 which has very marshy
banks. A dam of several hundred paces extends across the creek, on
which there are two wooden bridges. Two small plantations are situated
on this and the other side. I was surprised that we did not leave here at
least one jager company to retain the mastery of this pass, since, after all,
the success of our expedition was not yet assured. To be sure, there were
the two battalions of light infantry ready for the Jersey post at Cooper’s
Ferry, but they could not help much if Washington had gotten wind of
this expedition, passed a strong corps across the Delaware, and stationed
it at Timber Creek. 126

Our march went past Strawberry Bank. 127 About one o’clock in the
afternoon the corps arrived in a wood which encircled the left side of the
fort at rifle-shot distance to the left bank of the Delaware. In this wood a
captain 128 and six men from the garrison of the fort fell into the hands of

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS. 1776 AND 1777

Captain Wreden, who had the advanced guard. They had been ordered
to get fresh meat at a plantation and knew nothing of our approach^
The entire corps remained in column on the road in the wood. The
men were permitted to sit down and told to eat, but since this day was not
bread or provisions day, very few had any bread to break or bite, he
officers, especially, were not provided with anything. I had to march with
the rear guard to the head of the corps.

During this time Colonel Donop. along with Colonel Stuart'-* (who
accompanied this expedition as a volunteer). Major Pauli, and Cap am
Krug 111 of the Hessian artillery, had already reconnottered the fort when
I reached the corps. As soon as I arrived, the colonel ordered me to
inspect the fort and to give him my opinion.

I approached the fort up to rifle-shot range and found that it was
provided with a breastwork twelve feet high, palisaded and dressed wi
assault stakes On my way back, I met Colonel Stuart with a drummer
who was to summon the fort, and right behind them I met Major Pauli,
CaDtain Krug, and both adjutants of the colonel. All these gentlemen
regarded the affair with levity. The only man who had any real knowl-
edge, and looked upon the business as serious, was worthy old Cap am
Krug. I took this man aside and asked him what he thought of the
undertaking, whereupon he answered: “He who has seen forts or or-
dfied places 8 captured with sword in hand will not regard this affair as a
small matter, if the garrison puts up a fight and has a resolute comman-
dant We have let luck slip through our fingers. We should not have
summoned the fort, but immediately taken it by surprise for no one
knew of our arrival. But now they will make themselves ready, and if our
preparations are not being made better than I hear, we will get a good

bC After a lapse of a half an hour, Colonel Stuart returned with the follow-
ing reply: “Colonel Greene , 133 who commands the fort, sends his com-
pliments and he shall await Colonel Donop .” 134 fWines 131

V After this news, which the colonel did not expect, a hundred tasci
were made at once by the battalions, and a battery of six regimental piece
fT-DOunders], two 6-pounders, and the howitzers were mounted in th<
wood at rifle-shot distance from the fort. The Linsing Battalion un e
Captain Stamford (for Colonel Linsing 136 had stomach pains at this time
was to make the attack against the left, the Regiment yon Mirbach agains
the center, and the Minnigerode Battalion on the bastion to the left at
Delaware. The Lengerke Battalion was stationed at the Delaware to cove
the rear against an enemy landing. One hundred men from each battal
on were to carry the fascines, and march in a line at a distance of tw
hundred paces in front of the battalion. With these the ditch was to b
filled, crossed, and the fort scaled with sword in hand. 1 placed sixtee

FROM STATEN ISLAND TO WINTER QUARTERS AT PHILADELPHIA

g ood marksmen at the edge of the wood in the vicinity of the battery, who
were to shoot at those men who showed themselves on the phrapet.

This was the order which was given, and no one thought about axes or
saws with which the obstructions and palisades could be cut down . 137

The battery began to play, and the three battalions advanced against
the fort with indescribable courage. But they were received, so hotly by
the garrison, and by the vessels which had moved into position during the
summons to rake the fort’s flank, that they were repelled with great loss,
although several officers and a number of grenadiers scaled the
breastwork. Colonel Donop himself and his adjutant, Captain Wagner,
were mortally wounded at the edge of the ditch . 138 Captain Stamford,
who commanded the Linsing Battalion, was shot through the chest; Min-
nigerode through both legs; and the gallant Colonel Schieck, who com-
manded the Regiment von Mirbach, was shot dead at the barred gate.
Night ended the battle, and the attacking corps reassembled at the spot

from which it had departed for the attack.

Colonel Wurmb immediately ordered the Jager Corps to move up to
the edge of the wood to cover the retreat. He personally took the Gren-
adier Battalion Lengerke, which had protected the rear in case an enemy
party had landed from the ships, and hurried with the battalion to the
pass of the Timber Creek bridge to occupy it.

Since we had flattered ourselves in advance with a successtul surren-
der, no retreat then was thought of, and no wagons brought to transport
the wounded. The seriously wounded officers were carried on the guns
and horses, and all the privates who could not drag themselves away on
their wounded limbs fell into enemy hands. But since the enemy took the
retreat for a trap, and had expected a new attack during the night, the
men had to remain on the battlefield a whole night in the most deplorable
condition without the slightest care, whereby the majority died of their

W< About midnight the entire corps arrived on the other side of Timber
Creek where arrangements were made at once to obtain wagons or
transporting the wounded officers to Philadelphia. At eight o’clock in the
morning the corps set out again, and crossed the Delaware during the
night The three grenadier battalions moved into cantonment quarters
on the outskirts of Philadelphia; the Mirbach Regiment joined the line of
the army; and the Jager Corps returned to its post at the Morris house,
where it arrived after midnight.

The loss in dead consisted of : 140

1. Colonel Schieck i

2. Captain Bogatsky ( Re „ imen t von Mirbach (4)

3. Lieutenant Riemann (

4. Lieutenant Wurmb j

PLAN OF THE ATTACK ON THE FORT AT RED BANK,

21 OCTOBER 1777

The date of the attack, added later in pencil, should read 22
October 1777. At the top center is James Whitall’s house. The
legends read as follows: upper right, “Graves of the slam offi-
cers”; under long quadrangle, lower center, “Place where the
corps deployed before the attack, and where it reformed atter
the attack”; along road below, “Road to Haddonfield ; along
right river bank, “Frigates and row galleys of the rebels.”

100

FIRST AND SF.t'OND CAMPAIGNS. 17Tli AND 17,

5. Lieutenant tin Puy

6. Lieutenant Groening

7. Lieutenant Hille

8. Lieutenant Ottenbach

Grenadier Battalion Linsing (2)

Grenadier Battalion Minnigerode (2)

And 143 noncommissioned officers and privates.

The wounded consisted of: 141

1 Colonel Donop, right leg shot apart; captured.

2. Captain and Adjutant Wagner, both legs shot to pieces; captured.

3 Colonel Minnigerode, shot through both legs.

4 Captain Stamford, shot through the chest and right leg.

5. Captain Wachs, through the right leg, von Minnigerode.

6. Captain Hendorff, in the arm, von Minnigerode.

7. Captain Schotten, right arm shot off, von Mirbach.

8 Lieutenant Rodemann, through the left leg, von Linsing.

9. Lieutenant Waitz, through the neck and in the head, von Linsing.

10 Lieutenant Rieffer, left foot smashed, von Mirbach

1 1 Lieutenant Berner, right leg shot to pieces, von Mirbach.

19 Lieutenant Gottschall, right knee smashed; captured; von Linsing.

13 Lieutenant Hevmel, in the left knee; captured; von Minnigerode.

And 253 noncommissioned officers and privates, of whom not thirty
men are convalescing.

Moreover, within eight days Colonel Donop, Captain Wagner, and
Lieutenants Berner and Gottschall died of their wounds.

This dav was especially sad for me. I lost five of my oldest friends,
among whom was a relative, and four of my best friends were severely
wounded. As long as I have served, I have not yet left a battlefield in sue

deep sorrow. 143

The principal mistakes of the attack were as follows:

1. We should not have summoned the fort, but attacked as S04jn as
arrived. Through this mistake the garrison was alerted, and the arme
vessels gained time to draw near lor the defense. .

9 The plan of attack itself was faulty. We ought to have made the tern
attack where the Linsing Battalion attacked, and the real attack in lull
strength there where the Minnigerode Battalion attacked, because we
were covered on this side by the wood up to musket-shot range.

Moreover, the men who carried the fascines in a line should have
marched in column around to one spot to fill up the ditch; as it was ;, the
men merely threw the fascines in the ditch and no purpose was served-
From my experience, the attack ought to have been made in the following

m Tn officer with twenty men, dispersed, should try to gain the ou®
edge of the ditch, where they continue to advance as well as tire up
those who are detending the hreastwoik.

HV>

FROM STATEN ISLAND TO WINTER QUARTERS AT PHILADELPHIA

A, a distance of one hundred and fifty
must follow in column, w o car ’T , ■ ^ axes These men carry their

whom ten to twenty ™ e " are P ™ they arrive a , ,he outer edge of

the ditch so tha, tt is filled in to a
the ditch, they as lhis happens, they jump into the

diud^and^thos^ supplied jvith t ‘^kreI s t'work ^ut^remai^oi^dte^berni"

Sdlemost e companies y scale the parapet Jump mt° the work, and at-
^On^hev^holeVdt^s^tack^l^^^o ffie^uhuauc^netic which occurs

of armed 1 shipsl which had Iclbe IlaV constructed ^enr

island in the Delaware, where the

r^S£a^h™^in. : hadm£^^ : ^

dared show ourselves in it w cou id, of course, mount

batmrl f sTdrlT^n^ j^U but

i. — - -

Jersey, which could also be done b\ a . ^ ^ad compared the

In a word, Colonel Donop was a man of action. He ha P 14#

siege of Mud Island

had offered to capture Fort Red Bank wun o g

103

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

5. Lieutenant du Puy| f Grenadier Battalion Linsing (2)

6. Lieutenant Greening ^

7. Lieutenant Hille ( Grenadier Battalion Minnigerode (2)

8. Lieutenant Offenbach ^

And 143 noncommissioned officers and privates.

The wounded consisted of : 141

1. Colonel Donop, right leg shot apart; captured.

2. Captain and Adjutant Wagner, both legs shot to pieces; captured.

3. Colonel Minnigerode, shot through both legs.

4. Captain Stamford, shot through the chest and right leg.

5. Captain Wachs, through the right leg, von Minnigerode.

6. Captain Hendorff, in the arm, von Minnigerode.

7. Captain Schotten, right arm shot off, von Mirbach.

8. Lieutenant Rodemann, through the left leg, von Linsing.

9. Lieutenant Waitz, through the neck and in the head, von Linsing.

10 Lieutenant Rieffer, left foot smashed, von Mirbach.

11. Lieutenant Berner, right leg shot to pieces, von Mirbach.

12. Lieutenant Gottschall, right knee smashed; captured; von Linsing.

13. Lieutenant Heymel, in the left knee; captured; von Minnigerode.

And 253 noncommissioned officers and privates, of whom not thirty

men are convalescing.

Moreover, within eight days Colonel Donop, Captain Wagner, and
Lieutenants Berner and Gottschall died of their wounds . 14 ' 2

This day was especially sad for me. I lost five of my oldest friends,
among whom was a relative, and four of my best friends were severely
wounded. As long as I have served, I have not yet left a battlefield in such

deep sorrow . 143 _

The principal mistakes of the attack were as follows.

L We should not have summoned the fort, but attacked as soon as we
arrived. Through this mistake the garrison was alerted, and the armed
vessels gained time to draw near for the defense.

2. The plan of attack itself was faulty. We ought to have made the feint
~ attack where the Linsing Battalion attacked, and the real attack m full
strength there where the Minnigerode Battalion attacked, because we
were covered on this side by the wood up to musket-shot range.

Moreover, the men who carried the fascines in a line should have
marched in column around to one spot to fill up the ditch; as it was, the
men merely threw the fascines in the ditch and no purpose was serve .
From my experience, the attack ought to have been made in the following

An officer with twenty men, dispersed, should try to gain the outer
edge of the ditch, where they continue to advance as well as fire upon
those who are defending the breastwork.

102

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

which offended the pride of the English. They led him into danger and
he fell, whereby so many men — indeed, so many really brave men — had
to bite the dust.

The 6th of November. For several days the batteries to the right on
Province Island were strengthened with six 24-pounders. Moreover, two
floating batteries were constructed, each of which was to be loaded with
four 32-pounders. But they were built so lightly that hardly one 32-
pounder could be carried in one boat, and they were so badly battered by
the enemy’s galleys as soon as they appeared that not one dared to show
up again.

Thus far we are still in a bad situation. Washington is making the route
by land very unsafe between Chester and Philadelphia. The greater part
of the provisions still must be brought through the dangerous passage by
water. Washington keeps the army so tightly bottled up by his parties that
the market people must sneak through at the risk of their lives, which has
forced up the price of fresh provisions so high that a pound of meat costs
up to half a piaster.

Although the army could relax moderately during the lull, neverthe-
less the partisan war was carried on constantly in full force. Not a day
passed in which the Jager Corps, the light infantry, and the Queen’s
Rangers were not alarmed, and several people of the parties killed,
wounded, or captured. Thus far the Jager Corps’ parties, which were
being pushed daily nearly to Vanderen’s Mill on Wissahickon Creek, have
been fairly successful.

Since the 10th the battery of six 24-pounders on Province Island had
begun to fire on the work on Mud Island, and on the enemy vessels also,
through which several batteries of Fort Mifflin had been demolished. In
addition, a powder magazine was blown up by a bombshell.

On the 1 1th I took a little stroll to Province Island to see the siege of
Mud Island in the vicinity. I found that as long as our armed vessels could
not pass the chevaux-de-frise, the siege would remain a precarious and
lengthy task. We hoped that the Vigilant , with its flat bottom, would
attempt this dangerous feat, although the strongest battery was aimed at
this approach.

On the 13th I had to go out with one hundred foot jagers and twenty-
five mounted jagers, partly to procure fresh provisions for the Jager
Corps but also to reconnoiter the enemy outpost at Falls of Schuylkill. I
drove back the enemy sentries which I found on this side of Watt’s Ford,
whereupon a few small bodies appeared on the heights of Smith’s planta-
tion. I exchanged several shots with them, but they let me finish my
business quietly and march back in peace.

On the 15th the warships Somerset , 64 guns, and Isis, 50 guns, the
battery ship Vigilant of thirty-two 24-pounders, the Roebuck , 44 guns,
along with a sloop, drew as near as possible in front of the chevaux-de-

104

FROM STATEN ISLAND TO WINTER QUARTERS AT PHILADELPHIA

frise and bombarded the enemy work so severely that the main battery
was silenced by evening. During this time the enemy vessels lay between
Red Bank and Mud Island 147 and tried to defend the latter by their fire.
Toward evening the American garrison from Red Bank was ferried
across to Mud Island in flatboats, of which one boat with forty to fifty
men was sunk. An enemy galley also was completely destroyed. At the
same time the Vigilant passed the chevaux-de-frise anchored to the right
of the island and battered down the main blockhouse with one broadside.

The 16th. Last night, about one o’clock, the Americans set fire to their
barracks and all the fortifications and stores, along with fifteen vessels
which could not pass further up the Delaware. The garrison abandoned
the island under the cover of night with some small galleys and entered
the mouth of the Cooper River. But they were kept under such a heavy
fire from the frigate Delaware and the batteries above the city that
another boat containing people was sunk, and an armed schooner which
tried to slip through with the galleys was also destroyed. The Americans
had overloaded all the cannon of the vessels with double shot, and since
they made their escape on the flood tide, they ran the vessels as close as
possible to the city before setting them on fire. The cannonballs struck
the houses and put the inhabitants in great fear during the night; how-
ever, no considerable damage resulted. 148

On the 22d the jager post and that of the Queen’s Rangers under
Major Simcoe 149 were alarmed. Both parties began to skirmish, where-
upon the Americans withdrew. The attack against the jagers was a feint,
but that against the Queen’s Rangers was made with more force, since
they intended to dislodge the post at Dickinson’s house and occupy it
themselves. Meanwhile, the plan was frustrated by a courageous defense.

On the 24th, to our joy, some thirty large vessels arrived at Philadel-
phia laden with all kinds of merchandise and provisions, through which
the army was suddenly delivered from its wants. For the citizens in
Philadelphia, knowing the distress of the army, had put their few wares at
such high prices that a simple green jacket, which I had to have made
because I had nothing on my back, cost over thirty-three piasters. Hats
were not to be had at all. A pair of boots cost twelve piasters, and three
piasters and more had to be paid for a pair of shoes. The garrison from
Chester joined the army today.

On the 27th the two new jager companies arrived, along with 240
recruits for the Jager Corps assigned to the jager post. The officers
consisted of two French officers and officers who had been ordered to
this war from the regiments remaining at home in Hesse. The noncom-
missioned officers and jagers consisted partly of deserters from all na-
tions, partly of ruined officers and noblemen, students from all the uni-
versities, bankrupts, merchants, and all kinds of adventurers.

On the 28th the Jager Corps received orders to station itself behind the

105

PLAN OF THE ATTACK ON MUD ISLAND

Ewald’s two plans actually show Fort Island. Mud Island situ-
ated several hundred yards upstream, was often confused with
Fort Island, on which Fort Mifflin was located. Here three Brit-
ish batteries are shown firing on Fort Mifflin from Province
Island (which includes Carpenters Island in this plan), aided
by H.M.S. Vigilant and a sloop. To the left of the plan, above
the estacade or chevaux-de-frise in the river, the inscription
reads, “Where our fleet lay.” At the bottom, in the river, is the
“Enemv fleet” opposite “Fort Red Bank.” The L-shaped mark
on Province Island probably represents the Bleakley or Blakely
house, which was struck three times by cannonballs during the
siege and was afterward known as “Cannonball House. A Brit-
ish redoubt was located near this house.

PLAN OF MUD ISLAND

The key reads: “1. Morass. 2. Embankments with pits. 3.
Blockhouses for heavy implements. 4. Barracks of wood with
loopholes. 5. Embankments. 6. Governor’s house. 7 Walls
of squared stones, in front of which lay two ditches between
which was a berm that was palisaded. 8. Blockhouses. 9. Ba -
tery with heavy guns. 10. A curved bastion with ditches.

106

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS. 1776 AND 1777

defile of the Morris plantation, which was situated on the Schuylkill in
front of the army’s left flank. The officers and the greater part oft the
Corps had cantoned partly in the very beautiful country house, built in
the Italian style, and partly in the farm buildings, which numbered some
twenty. Now, since no brushwood or woodland was in the vicinity of our
post, and these buildings were situated eight hundred to one thousand
paces before our front, all of them, together with the splendid fruit trees,
were torn down to build huts. Mr. Morris, who was indeed a distin-
guished man in the Congress, must have suffered a loss of twenty
thousand dollars, without counting the irreparable damage which re-
sulted from the loss of his large and lovely fruit trees.

On the 2d of December, a patrol of one corporal and eight mounted
jagers ran into an enemy patrol of equal strength, which was attacked at
once. Several were cut down and the rest pursued, but the jagers fell into
an enemy ambuscade of infantry, whereby one jager and two horses were
killed, two jagers seriously wounded, and one captured.

During these two years the Americans have trained a great many excel-
lent officers who very often shame and excell our experienced officers,
who consider it sinful to read a book or to think of learning anything
during the war. For the love of justice and in praise of this nation, I must
admit that when we examined a haversack of the enemy, which contained
only two shirts, we also found the most excellent military books trans-
lated into their language. For example, Turpin, Jenny, Grandmaison,
La Croix, Tielke’s Field Engineer, and the Instructions of the great Fred-
erick to his generals I have found more than one hundred times. More-
over, several among their officers had designed excellent small hand-
books and distributed them in the army. Upon finding these books, I
have exhorted our gentlemen many times to read and emulate these
people, who only two years before were hunters, lawyers, physicians,
clergymen, tradesmen, innkeepers, shoemakers, and tailors.

The 4th. Yesterday evening the army received orders to draw six days’
rations and to be ready to march at any time, which the enemy must have
discovered at once. For toward midnight our patrols instantly ran into
theirs, and at daybreak we found the enemy outposts pushed up in front
of ours.

In the evening a part of the army was ordered to break camp and set
out toward Germantown in the following order: the two battalions of
English light infantry formed the advanced guard, the Jager Corps, the
English and Hessian grenadiers and a number of 6- and 12-pounders,
two English brigades, two troops of dragoons, the two Hessian regiments,
Leib and Donop, and the Queen’s Rangers. The light infantry ran into an
enemy post, which was attacked with the bayonet and beaten back to the
first houses of Germantown; some twenty Americans were captured.

108

FROM STATEN ISLAND TO WINTER QUARTERS AT PHILADELPHIA

On the 5th the army arrived at Chestnut Hill, where it encamped in a
quadrangle. The jagers wefe stationed in front of the left, and the light
infantry before the right. Since we threatened Washington’s position, he
remained immovable with his main body but attacked the Jager Corps
and light infantry with several thousand men and withdrew. A few men
were killed and wounded qn both sides.

About four o’clock the light infantry was attacked again, whereupon a
hot fight ensued and the enemy was driven back with losses. He pushed
his outposts in front of ours and alarms continued throughout the night.

On the 6th, at daylight, the enemy posts drew back. During the night
the army marched off, the light infantry forming the van and the jagers
and Queen’s Rangers the rear guard. The villages of Cresheim and Beg-
garstown, through which the march passed, were set on fire by the rear
guard. But since the regiments had already set fire to several houses, the
conflagration was so great that the jagers and rangers could scarcely get
through. The sight was horrible. The night was very dark. The blazing
flames spread about with all swiftness and the wind blew violently. The
cries of human voices of the young and old, who had seen their belong-
ings consumed by the flames without saving anything, put everyone in a
melancholy mood.

On the 7th the army passed Germantown, crossed the road to
Frankford, and entered York Road, where it separated into two columns.
The right column consisted of the English under Lord Cornwallis, and
the left one of the Hessians under General Knyphausen. The light infan-
try formed the advanced guard of the right column, and the Jager Corps
the advanced guard of the left column, while the Queen’s Rangers cov-
ered the left flank. The march proceeded toward the enemy’s left, which
stood on Abington Hill. The light infantry fell into an ambuscade which
the American Colonel Morgan and his corps of riflemen had laid in a
marshy wood, through which over fifty men and three officers were
killed. 150

In the vicinity of Edge Hill the Jager Corps ran into an enemy post,
which withdrew toward a wooded height. The advanced guard followed
them and the Corps deployed at once. We arrived in the flank and rear of
an enemy corps of two thousand men consisting of New Englanders and
riflemen, which was thrown into great disorder and shot up so severely
that a colonel, ten officers, and a large number of men were killed,
wounded, or captured. The Jager Corps had four dead and eleven
wounded. The enemy was pursued up to the front of his army. Mean-
while, the Commanding General had reconnoitered the enemy position
and found it unassailable.

The 9th. General Washington pushed his posts close up in front of
ours and reconnoitered our position. The army encamped on the heights

109

FIRST AND SECOND CAMPAIGNS, 1776 AND 1777

of Abington Township, and the Jager Corps was posted in front of the
left wing. We skirmished the whole day with the enemy, whereby several
men were lost on both sides.

In the afternoon the army received orders to break camp. It marched
to the left. I had the rear with ninety foot jagers and twelve mounted
jagers. About four o’clock the army set out toward Philadelphia. We had
hardly marched back when I was attacked by a superior party from a
wood on the left. I resisted the van and the Corps came to my assistance.
The enemy was driven back and two jagers were wounded. The army
continued its march and arrived at its camp after midnight

About four o’clock on the morning of the 11th, Lord Cornwallis
crossed the Schuylkill bridge with a jager detachment, the light infantry,
the English and Hessian grenadiers, six 6-pounders, two troops of dra-
goons, and an English brigade. This corps marched to Darby, where it
found General Potter with an American corps which was covered by a
strong defile. Cornwallis attacked the enemy, beat him after a stubborn
resistance, and captured about one hundred and sixty men The entire
area was foraged around for six to eight hours, several plantations of
disaffected persons burned, and all the cattle collected for the army. On
the evening of the 12th the corps rejoined the mam army.

On the 13th I took one hundred jagers to protect the army s woodcut-
ters in the woodland on the other side of Middle Ferry. 152 I returned at

ten o’clock in the evening. _ , ,

The 16th Today Lord Cornwallis boarded ship to travel to England,

whither he had been called by the King, presumably to learn from him
the true account of the two campaigns. I was fortunate enough to receive
from him the following letter.

Philadelphia 16 Dec. 1777
Sir

I cannot leave this country without desiring you to accept my best
thanks for your good services during the two Campaigns inwhic
have had the honour to command the Hessian Chasseurs. If the war
should continue, I hope we shall again serve together. If we should
be separated, I shall ever remember the distinguished merit and

Ability’s of Captain Ewald.

7 I am Sir —

with great esteem & regard
your most obed*. 8c most
humble Servant

Cornwallis. 153

The 19th Since the ten redoubts constructed upon the heights from
Kensington up to the Schuylkill River at the Morris house were consid-

110

FROM STATEN ISLAND TO WINTER QUARTERS AT PHILADELPHIA

ered suitable defensive positions to protect Philadelphia, a part of the
army marched today to its quarters in the city.

At daybreak on the 22d, the Commander in Chief crossed the Schuyl-
kill at Gray’s Ferry to forage in the vicinity of Darby and the highway to
Lancaster, and to collect cattle for the army. He took three jager com-
panies with half of the mounted jagers, two battalions of light infantry,
the English and Hessian grenadiers, several 6-pounders and howitzers,
four troops of light dragoons, and the Anspach Brigade. The three re-
maining jager companies with the other half of the mounted jagers and
ten battalions, under the command of General Knyphausen, remained
behind the redoubts for the protection of the city.

On the morning of the 24th the news arrived that a part of
Washington’s army had advanced toward the foraging corps and a severe
fight had occurred at Darby, during which both parties had suffered a
loss of several hundred men, among which were five jagers. On the 28 th
General Howe returned with the foraging corps.

On the 29th the positive news came to hand that Washington and his
army had taken up winter quarters, which consist of wooden huts, at
Valley Forge.

For several days a very deep snow had fallen, and the cold became so
severe that the Schuylkill River was covered over with ice.

On the 30th the army left the field and moved into winter quarters in
the city. One thousand men were assigned to the protection of the re-
doubts, in which wooden guardhouses had been constructed; they were
relieved every two days. The entire army arrived in the city for billeting.
The Queen’s Rangers occupied Kensington, the light infantry were in the
outskirts toward Germantown, and the jagers were quartered on the
plantations on The Neck, 154 where the Schuylkill flows into the Delaware.
The Jager Corps furnished two pickets for the Lower and Upper 155
ferries on the left bank of the Schuylkill River.

My quarters, along with thirty men, were with an old Strassburger who
could give me a spacious room and a bed. I was heartily glad that I had
arrived safely under cover after two very hard campaigns, and could
stretch my bones peacefully in a bed again. — How sweet is rest, when one
seldom enjoys it!

End of the two campaigns
for the years 1776 and 1777.

1 1 1

THE PROVINCE OF NEW JERSEY
DIVIDED INTO EAST AND WEST CALLED JERSEY

Ewald’s map, folded in the back of Volume I, appears to be a
partial copy of a map entitled The Province of New Jersey, Divided
into East and West, commonly called The Jerseys, engraved and pub-
lished by William Faden of Charing Cross and bearing the date
of December 1, 1777. Keith’s Line refers to a boundary line in-
tended to mark the border between East New jersey and West
New jersey, the two provinces into which New Jersey was divided
before it became a united Royal Colony in 1702. Since the boun -
ary had been disputed for some time, George Keith (c. 1W8-
1716) surveyor-general of the province, began the survey ot a
line in 1687 (not 1787 as stated on the map) to settle the issue,
but the line was never completed, because protests by West Jersey
over favoritism to East Jersey forced a halt.

112

Volume II

Third and Fourth Campaigns, 1778 and 1779

CHAPTER 1

From the 1st of January, 1778, until
the army arrived at New York

PART ONE

From the movement into the winter quarters in Philadel-
phia up to the departure of General Howe from the army.

, et F-ninved the sweet tranquility in and around Philadelphia
After we had enjoyed t hi jL on began to make the highways

f0r a IfphMelplTso unsaS parties from h.s fortified camp at
vX Fo"*e country people no longer dared to bang ; provtstons
Valley r g , j v too-hierh prices rose even higher. ror

to market, "here y , | f J s[ a hal f of a piaster, a chicken was the
example one pou . a fa(ted wethe r, three gutneas;

TeKf % he'n, one gu.nea; a bo.de ; of ^

groschen. Vinegar, beer ‘ r Tmed ” the 26 th If

and destroy an enemy party of fifteen hund ea and , he

position behind Germantown. At the sa ’ ^ , Frankford

Ranger Corps, with a corpora, and

to ge, transported the tale forage left hat the ^myha ^ ^ ^
during the campaign, because we got wind t y

During the nigh, Colonel Abercromby took Ms mute by -ayof V-de-

ren’s Mill, crossed Wissahickon Creek, p P h the woods

Levering s Tavern, and there turned to the rtght through *e woods

toward Beggarstown in order to apprMC the enem ^ co]onel couW

the enemy wanted to harass Major Simc JP g , he had

cut him off completely from the let, bank of the Schuylktll where he had
to take his retreat. But since we were entirely surrounded by spms jt
enemy had received information and retired, and the colonel overtoo

THIRD AND FOURTH CAMPAIGNS. 1778 AND 1779

a f vuhirh he rut down a part and captured eight men,
only the rear guard, of Sinclair/ In the meantime, the pur-

along with the adjutant o f ,u : s OCC asion a herd of cattle

,ht enemy -

which grazed behind f . meat at Washington’s expense,

whereby the army “ “ e ^wan. because of the

One must not conclude that the army s h were rulers of

dear prices of provisions whic J“ S a J rived und j stU rbed. Every man re-
the sea hence : the prov isio. nsfl for bread and three - qU arters

ceived daily a pound . in addition , rice, peas, and vinegar

of a pound of salted P. c o n ] v the weakling suffered,

were issued at various times dun "S, h "X weU oa id that the purse of a
Moreover, the army “^ p P “ s ^example, a company com-

CaP T r C o°nhe ager Corps earned more than one guinea daily, without
mander ofthej g P everyone was well paid in proportion,

counting booty money, y Q f eac h officer,

Ure provisions which had crossed deducted from his pay.

sisted at the expense of the enemy, noth g with his small

whole, it is safe to say tna them rich. I know

this one during the civil and whe

hatl excellent^ecords^amply supported their lamihesdef^behind and sul

considerabh

capital.

The Quaker Church.

The 30th. Since the Quaker r sect ; “ TlntHlS

Pennsylvania, I went today to Q . iust to hear somethin

of my quarters, partly out a i cunosi y^ numerous . Everyone bet

good once again. The g g ], d all . i ma de my steps ;

their heads down and a holy silence ^ ^ as m .

^^S^^^l-^utt^av.a„a^woma

teSdieXly Spirit had'inspTred her with the following admomtio
region is swarming with all sorts of foreign peop es y

118

FROM JANUARY 1778 UNTIL ARMY ARRIVED AT NEW YORK

about our women and their daughters. Women and girls are said to
be exchanging visits with these warriors. I know that some have
made so light of their shame that they stroll about with these people
in broad daylight.

I beseech you, mothers and fathers, to stop these depravities. Re-
member that these people have a wandering foot, that you cannot
prosecute them under our laws when your daughters go too far with
them. But bear in mind — to your own disgrace — that you must ac-
cept what they leave behind. Think! No good will come of it!

The matron then sat down. A devout silence prevailed for a while. The
congregation left the place of worship. I went back to my quarters; my
curiosity was satisfied, but I was little edified.

February the 9th. Since the English supplies completely ruined the
trade of the Americans, they were chiefly short of salt and clothing. For
this reason, everyone who traveled across the line had to be searched
carefully by the sentries, which compelled the inhabitants to resort to
trickery. For example, two women who had the appearance of pregnancy
passed through the outposts toward Germantown yesterday. The non-
commissioned officer of the light infantry, who had charge of the picket,
showed an interest in examining the pregnancy of these women. He
found that it consisted of a quantity of salt on the one woman and
twenty-five calfskins on the other. Here again is something learned. One
cannot be too careful at the outposts, for who knows whether or not these
women might have supplied the leather for shoes for an entire regiment
of the enemy?

The 10th. Today I had a very pleasant day. I had the luck to obtain a
pardon from General Howe for the seventy-year-old minister Weyberg, 2
who was released from his chains and fetters and set free. He was the first
preacher of the German Reformed community in town. He was a very
fiery rebel and had defamed the King, and everyone well disposed to
him, by inciting feelings of revolt through his sermons. His entire family
was thus reduced to poverty. The aspect of this suffering, caused by an
excessive and misplaced love of his country, moved me so much that I did
not relax from my petitions to the Commanding General until I saw my
request fulfilled. When I released him, the old man promised me to be
quiet and not to preach any more.

The 16th. Between Philadelphia and Lancaster lies an area which is
very mountainous and overgrown with thick woods and brushwood, the
approaches to which are very difficult. It is called Tulpehocken. 3 The
inhabitants have formed themselves into a little republic and have de-
clared for the King. They have formed a corps of horsemen and are
armed with rifles and axes with long handles. They are extraordinarily

119

THIRD AND FOURTH CAMPAIGNS. 177H AND 1779

pocid shots and riders. Today they brought in their first offering. It
good shot* ana q whom were shot up and cut to pieces.

Zong .he p— Za Committee man. a zealous and tmportant

rC The 17th Last night four hundred Americans made an attack on the
fortified house covering the Middle Ferry, which stands on the right bank
^SheJthe city. It was occupied by a captain and sixty
i-i * „nrl Ansnachers who drove back the enemy with bloody heads.

and seven badly wounded left on the spoe
Imong theTtter was a French officer. On our side, only one was lulled

“'Though "he, "Zere bloody heads at times, and every, lung necessary
and unnfcetry for bodily existence was so expensive rt — ess every

^ among tJ
SSHf SEd co« befanlo XS

” have I seen fifty thousand dollars change hands, and where some
made thelr fortune bu, many their ruin. Some even shot thentselve out

of desperauon, and ^riany had^o 'eave the army ecause^o^ ^ ^

^'"ZGeneraUo ^the younger" -ign assembled a. the principal bank.
m The 18th Since many loyal-minded inhabitants and a great m a n Y e

amount of cloth haa Deen stoic stroke they took the

Xml ZmSoZ Sd d i ^*e^kets, and , capmred foe
major, five officers, three noncommissioned officers, and y

privates.

FROM JANUARY 1778 UNTIL ARMY ARRIVED AT NEW YORK

On the 21st the newly organized Volunteers again brought in as pris-
oners five officers and forty privates, part of whom were wounded.
These people receive no pay, ride their own horses, and live from pillage.
They are of great use in this region where they are at home. They know
t he country and every loyal or disaffected inhabitant by sight.

The 23d. Today the English Major Crewe 8 was sent out with eighty
horsemen to surprise the partisan Captain Lee, 9 who stood with forty
horse on this side of Valley Forge and constantly alarmed our outposts.
The English dragoons had been guided so well that the Americans did
not become aware of them until their vedettes 10 opened fire. A part of
the Americans on horse approached but were overthrown. Another part,
with Captain Lee, threw themselves into a stone building and defended it
so courageously that the English had to retire unsuccessful. Indeed, Cap-
tain Lee was so daring that he shouted to the major, whose men did not
obey him and began plundering instead of overrunning the quarters
from all sides: “Comrade, shame on you, that you don’t have your men
under better discipline. Come a little closer, we will soon manage it to-
gether!” 11

The 25th. Captain Hovendon and his horsemen brought in one
hundred and fifty Virginia oxen and one lieutenant with seven men. Up
to now, we jagers felt like we were dead and forgotten in our quarters.
We therefore showed our feelings at the headquarters. The Command-
ing General, who had received knowledge of it, sent us his assurance that
we should be content, because he was allowing us to rest up merely to
make better use of us. He expressed his complete satisfaction concerning
our sensibilities, and wished that the same esprit de corps existed in the
entire army.

The 27th. For some time past an abundance of provisions has been
brought in by the country people, who braved all dangers under the
circumstances to collect our guineas. For several days, however, few came
in because an enemy patrol had cut down a farmer who wanted to bring
provisions to the city on a wagon. Several others were bound to the tails of
horses and lost their lives in this sad way.

Month of March. The 2d. Several days ago the sun melted away our
very deep snow, the meadows and hedges turned green, and the native
lark sang. It was extraordinarily warm, and yesterday we had a severe
thunderstorm.

The 21st. Yesterday morning we received information that several
enemy parties were swarming up and down the roads from Lancaster
and Haverford, and were plundering and burning the dwellings of the
loyal-minded inhabitants on the right bank of the Schuylkill River. The
Jager Corps immediately marched off and crossed the Schuylkill.
Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb ordered the mounted jagers under Lieuten-

121

THIRD AND FOURTH CAMPAIGNS, 1778 AND 1779

ant Mertz, 12 supported by the Anspach Company, to take the road from
Lancaster. Captain Wreden had to take the Marshall Road, and I with a
company the road up along the Delaware River. Major Prueschenck had
to cover the defiles along the road on the right bank of the Schuylkill, so
that we could not be cut off from Philadelphia.

The country along the highway to Lancaster is rather open, but the rest
of it is greatly cut through with steep defiles and woodland, in which the
plantations lie scattered. Toward five o’clock in the afternoon, we ran
into enemy parties at the same time. We could hear the shooting of each
party, since the air was still and warm. The enemy drew back and fell into
the hands of Captain Wreden and myself; only a few of the enemy were
wounded. But the detachment under Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb had
more luck. Near the Black Horse Tavern he encountered an enemy party
of a hundred horsemen and some hundred infantry which had stationed
themselves behind a plantation on a hill overgrown with brushwood.
Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb ordered the mounted jagers to amuse them
until the foot jagers, who had crept up on their right flank by aid of a
brook with high banks, came up. As soon as the jagers began firing,
taking the enemy by surprise, the mounted jagers fell upon them and
overthrew the enemy horsemen, who attempted to withdraw on the
broad open road. They cut down many and captured one lieutenant and
eleven men, along with fifteen horses. The jagers lost only three horses
and five men, and several were wounded. By this example, one perceives
that the aggressive party invariably carries off the advantage.

We gathered information from this party that the enemy carried on his
recruiting in a forcible manner such as could be practiced only under a
despotic government. They had hung up several fathers in front of their
houses for letting their sons escape.— The friends of the revolution ex-
cuse this tyranny by saying that liberty for all must be forced on a few by
despotism. — The Americans have never experienced this kind of recruit-
ing under the gentle yoke of the English government.

Month of April. The 2d. At eleven o’clock in the evening Captain
Cramon, with a hundred foot jagers and an officer and twenty mounted
jagers, and I with the same number of jagers, were ordered to patrol the
Marshall and Fox Chase roads. Captain Cramon took the latter road and
I the former. We crossed the Schuylkill at half-past twelve. On my way I
had to pass five steep defiles, at each of which I left behind an officer or a
corporal with ten jagers to cover my retreat, with orders to resist to the
last man until my return. At daybreak I arrived at Darby Township. This
area forms a deep defile, where the roads from Darby and Yeadon Meet-
ing House fall in, and where an enemy detachment of three hundred
men was stationed. I took my post in a thicket on this side of the defiles,
and concealed the mounted jagers at the exit of the thicket where the

122

I FROM JANUARY 1778 UNTIL ARMY ARRIVED AT NEW YORK

country was flat. I ordered the area ahead and on the side rummaged
through for an hour and found nothing of the enemy.

Just as I was marching off, and had ordered the officer of the mounted
jagers to fall back to the first defile, an enemy party appeared. I let half of
my men skirmish and continued on my march. The Americans watched
me through a number of skirmishers which engaged my own men and
accompanied me up to the first defile. But since the enemy saw that
reinforcements were here, and he could not discover the number, he
followed no further. I had one wounded. I placed Lieutenant de Messy
with eight jagers in ambuscade here, and made my withdrawal under the
ring of the half-moon to lure the enemy near. I halted in a ravine to
support my ambuscade. Several shots rang out, and one or two riflemen
were badly wounded and one captured. Through the latter I was in-
formed that Washington had moved his fortified camp again at Valley
Forge and was 25,000 men strong. 13 A detachment of three hundred
men stood at the entrance to the hills near the Gulph Mill, and another of
the same strength at the second pass of Yeadon Meeting House. The
detachment which had followed me was from the latter. It was two
hundred men strong under command of a Colonel Newman. See the
plan. 14

I have constantly made my patrols or reconnaissances by echelon. One
thus covers his rear, and if you have to withdraw before a superior
enemy, you always become stronger while the enemy becomes confused.
This is the safest way of all, especially in cut-up areas; one cannot be
defeated.

The 15th. Yesterday a frigate arrived from England carrying express
dispatches for the Commander in Chief which recalled him to England
and appointed Sir Henry Clinton to commanding general, General Hal-
dimand 15 to governor of Canada, and Lord Percy to general of the troops
at Rhode Island. 16 The ship also brought the pleasant news for the entire
army that Lord Cornwallis had sailed from England at the same time.

The ship brought a proposal from the London Court for a compromise
which they wanted the Congress to approve according to the Act of 1763.
I therefore talked with various inhabitants, who were half and half.
These people assured me that they would never agree to peace without
independence. They said I should think about what they now told me at
the end of the war. Moreover, they maintained that the alliance with
France was as good as completed, to which the capture of Burgoyne’s
army had contributed a great deal. 17

At eleven o’clock at night the entire Jager Corps received orders to
march immediately. At twelve o’clock we crossed the Schuylkill and con-
tinued our march past the Merion Meeting House. We arrived at day-
break at the end of a wood, an hour beyond the meeting house, where a

123

DISPOSITION OF GENERAL WASHINGTON AT
VALLEY FORGE, WHICH HE OCCUPIED AT THE
BEGINNING OF THE YEAR 1778, AND HAS MAINTAINED
UNTIL THE 14TH OF JUNE

This plan is one of only three extant contemporary maps of the
encampment, and probably represents a composite of informa-
tion from reports of spies, deserters, prisoners, and reconnais-
sance. The troop dispositions, with the spellings corrected, rea
as follows, beginning at left center of the plan: Carolina (Mc-
Intosh’s North Carolina Brigade), on the hill across Valley Creek,
Douglas (McDougall) Brigade (actually Sullivan’s Connecticut Bri-
gade) and Varnum’s (Rhode Island Brigade), below the bridge
across the Schuylkill River, with artillery park below To the
right of Valley Creek, Pennsylvania Brigade (Conway s), Jersey
Brigade (Maxwell’s New Jersey Brigade), and Woodford s (Vir-
ginia) Brigade. In center, at the bend of the river, descending.
Pennsylvania grenadiers (Muhlenberg’s Pennsylvania- Virginia
Brigade), General Greene; Patterson’s (Maine, Massachusetts, and
Vermont) Brigade; unnamed brigade; Glover’s (Massachusetts)
Brigade; Conway’s Brigade (misplaced); Huntington s (Connecti-
cut) Brigade (misplaced); Wayne’s (1st and 2d Pennsylvania
Brigade; Scott’s (Virginia) Brigade. Across the road, Lafayette s
headquarters. Missing are Weedon’s Virginia Brigade, Learned 5
Massachusetts Brigade, Poor’s New Jersey and New York Bri-
gade, and Washington’s headquarters. The roads above the
Schuylkill River are the Skippack road, road from Reading
Philadelphia, and Wissahickon road. The note at the bottom of
the map reads: “Radnor’s house, where Colonel Morganand 400
men are stationed.”

124

THIRD AND FOURTH CAMPAIGNS, 1778 AND 1779

halt was made. One of our spies gave us the news that from here, through
the thick woods to the right, we would come to a road which the enemy
patrolled constantly.

Scarcely a half an hour had elapsed when an enemy party appeared. I
tried to amuse them with skirmishers and concealed my force, whereby
the enemy skirmishers, which were mixed dragoons and infantry , began
to get bold. Suddenly, Major Prueschenck broke out and attacked the
enemy in the rear and on his right flank, whereupon I ordered the
hunting swords drawn and made an attack with full force on their front,
which Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb supported at once with the cavalry.
But since Captain Wreden was unable to get through a marsh, a retreat
remained open to the enemy on one side. We killed some forty men and
took some seventy prisoners, most of whom were wounded. A major and
four lieutenants were among this number. We left the severely wounded
behind and dragged some fifty others along with us. According to state-
ments of the prisoners, the party was said to have been from the Morgan
Corps. Late in the evening of the 17th we arrived at our quarters
The 20th. At two o’clock in the afternoon, I was sent out to patrol with
a hundred foot jagers and fifteen horsemen. At three o’clock I crossed
the Schuylkill at the usual place, where for some time now a floating
bridge for communication has been constructed. I followed the road to
Lancaster up to the fourth milestone, and marched along the Schuylkill
through the hills for over two hours. I turned to the left at Levering’s
Ford to reach the Lancaster road again above Merion church. Night had
fallen when I arrived here, and I remained in the woods on the left side

of the road until the morning of the 2 1st.

It was broad daylight when an enemy patrol of six men and two horse
appeared. I ordered several jagers to sneak up on them on the right and
the left, for I wanted to capture them alive. But one of the jagers fired his
rifle, whereupon the enemy ran away and only one man, whose horse was
killed was captured. This man tried to assure me that Morgan and his
whole corps followed hard on his heels. But since I had made it my
principle to be strengthened in opinion by sight and experience, 1 re-
mained at the place and position until nine o’clock and no one appeared.

Example of a zealous patriot , through which one perceives that no brother spares
the other in a civil war, when they are of different beliefs.

In the neighborhood of Philadelphia, on the right bank of the Dela-
ware on Gloucester Point, lived a well-to-do man and true friend of t e
King, whom the English army had carefully protected during its forag-
ing General Washington dispatched the brother of this courageous man,
who was a captain, with a party to burn all the forage in this area. This

126

FROM JANUARY 1778 UNTIL ARMY ARRIVED AT NEW YORK

first set fire to the forage of his brother, and informed him at the
man , time that if he did not discontinue his friendship with the English,

. would ask General Washington to come again to this area with a party,
"hen he would burn his house and home and deliver him up to justice.
The man then left home, wife, and children and came to us. I got this
story from his own mouth.

On the 23d I received the news from a friend in the country that
Morgan, with five hundred men and three amusettes, had been in my
vicinity on the 21st. But since several shots were fired and his patrols had
run back, he had placed an ambuscade along the road to lure me into his
net Hence the one had lain in wait for the other, and the prisoner had
not spoken falsely. He who had swallowed the bait of either of us would
have been captured.

The 29th. I had hardly fallen asleep after my very tiresome promenade
of yesterday when the sound of a violin awakened me, and I heard my
alarm sentries grumble and swear. I jumped to the window and asked
what the music, which certainly was no Haydn solo, meant. Whereupon
the violinist replied: “Sir, please don’t be angry. I’m a Negro and my
mistress lies in labor, which joy I have to inform each neighbor by order
of my master, to take part in the celebration.”

Hereupon, my old landlady shouted at the top of her voice, “Coming!”
And so the Negro marched off with tinkling chords, scraping the same
tune in front of the neighbors.

Month of May. The 1st. Yesterday I inspected the library of the Quak-
ers, 18 which consisted of four thousand volumes, among which were to be
found the works of the best English authors of old and modern times,
together with various French writers. The secretary of the library was a
Frenchman of seventy years named Benezet. 19 He showed me a small
natural history and coin cabinet, but since the collection had been started
only forty years ago, the whole was not of much importance. A number of
mathematical and astronomical instruments were to be found in another
room.

As I have taken pains for a long time to learn the losses of my country-
men which we have sustained from the time of our march from Hesse
until the end of the past year, 1 have finally obtained the information
after much effort. Since the march out of Hesse, which occurred on the
29th of February with the First Division, and on the 9th of May, 1776,
with the Second, including the 1,600 augmentation and recruits which
arrived here last year, the Hessian Corps has suffered in dead and de-
serters:

54 staff and senior officers
1 army chaplain

THIRD AND FOIR1 H CAMPAIGNS. 1778 AND 1779

1 auditor

2 regimental quartermasters
1 regimental surgeon

144 noncommissioned officers
9 medical assistants
40 musicians

1,958 privates and servants

Total 2,210 men out of 14,000 who have passed on to their fathers or
gone into the countryside in a period of twenty-two months.

2d. We learned yesterday morning that the foxy Morgan, with fifteen
hundred men and two amusettes, had waited until evening in ambuscade
in the woods between the roads to Darby, Fox Chase, and Lancaster in
order to watch for our patrols. But since they were never sent out on a
certain day or hour, and were never of a fixed strength, it was impossible
for him to carry out his plan exactly.

4th. The day before yesterday the Americans, like ourselves, celebrated
Saint George's Day, except for the difference that they painted a picture
on a board showing the King of England kneeling on one knee with the
latest compromise proposal in his hand. Next to him was the figure of
General Washington, standing upright with his sword in his hand, utter-
ing the following words to the King: “My dear King, if you wish to beg for
something, bend your knee, then let me speak.

It is astonishing that General Washington tolerates such disgraceful
affairs in his army, because we assumed him to be of a very excellent
character, and such things serve only to dishonor him personally.

On the 7th I visited the library and curiosities of the local college, 20 the
president of which is Dr. Smith! who is celebrated for his moral orations
and his history of North America. He showed his friendship for us by
performing various electrical experiments, whereby an apparatus gener-
ated the strongest effect, especiallv lightning and thunder, and dis-
charged small sparks conducting the necessary energy through water for
some forty paces. I then examined the library, which consisted of the best
English literary yvorks, in yvhich hall were exhibited very fine quadrants
of different kinds, as well as telescopes and air pumps. Afterward Dr.
Smith showed us the remarkable machine which operates the famous
orrery, invented by a second ingenious Mechanicus named Rit-
tenhouse, 21 a native American. It consists of a perfect sphere which is
mechanically propelled by a single handle, where one could observe
through a diopter the orbit of all bodies and planets of the latest world
system, as yvell as the ecliptic, in the most precise course.

On the 7th Major Prueschenck, with his and my companies, had to
patrol toward Merion Meeting House. We ran into an enemy party an
afteryvard gave chase, but they did not make a stand.

12 *

FROM JANUARY 1778 UNTIL ARMY ARRIVED AT NEW YORK

man first set fire to the forage of his brother, and informed him at the
same time that if he did not discontinue his friendship with the English,
tie would ask General Washington to come again to this area with a party,
when he would burn his house and home and deliver him up to justice.
The man then left home, wife, and children and came to us. I got this
story from his own mouth.

On the 23d I received the news from a friend in the country that
Morgan, with five hundred men and three amusettes, had been in my
vicinity on the 21st. But since several shots were fired and his patrols had
run back, he had placed an ambuscade along the road to lure me into his
net. Hence the one had lain in wait for the other, and the prisoner had
not spoken falsely. He who had swallowed the bait of either of us would
have been captured.

The 29th. I had hardly fallen asleep after my very tiresome promenade
nf yesterday when the sound of a violin awakened me, and I heard my
alarm sentries grumble and swear. I jumped to the window and asked
what the music, which certainly was no Haydn solo, meant. Whereupon
the violinist replied: “Sir, please don’t be angry. I’m a Negro and my
mistress lies in labor, which joy I have to inform each neighbor by order
of my master, to take part in the celebration.”

Hereupon, my old landlady shouted at the top of her voice, “Coming!”
And so the Negro marched off with tinkling chords, scraping the same
tune in front of the neighbors.

As I have taken pains for a long time to learn the losses of my country-
men which we have sustained from the time of our march from Hesse
until the end of the past year, I have finally obtained the information
Sater much effort. Since the march out of Hesse, which occurred on the
*9th of February with the First Division, and on the 9th of May, 1776,
|yith the Second, including the 1,600 augmentation and recruits which
j|ffived here last year, the Hessian Corps has suffered in dead and de-
iPers:

54 staff and senior officers
1 army chaplain

127

FROM JANUARY 1778 U>|TIL ARMY ARRIVED AT NEW \ORk

PART TWO

From the time General Clinton assumed the command of
the army until Philadelphia was abandoned.

Dn the 10th of May Sir Henry Clinton arrived at Philadelphia, reliev-
r Sir William Howe as commander in chief. He brought the latest news,

It England had declared war on France and Spain because both courts
Dport the Americans, and especially because the former had entered
o a treaty with the rebels. It was also reported that a strong French
et had sailed from Brest with sixteen to eighteen thousand men on
ard, bound partly for the West Indies and partly for the rebellious
t tes of North America with auxiliary troops. 22

At the same time, a part of the European fleet arrived here, which had
ree hundred recruits on board for the Hessian contingent belonging to
is army. The most remarkable person among these people was a man of
tv vears named Leonhard. 23 He had served in the Hessian army as
plain in the Seven Years’ War from 1760, deserted because of debts,
rved several potentates as a common hussar, enlisted again in Hesse,
id was sent to America as a private. The remainder consisted of nothing
at foreigners of all classes and the scum of the human race.

Toward evening I received an order from General von Knyphausen to
.port at once to headquarters, where I found Lieutenant Colonel
/urmb, Captain Wreden, and the grenadier captains Stamford and
/urmb The worthy old general then took a letter from the table which
as from His Serene Highness, the Landgrave, in which he declared in
le most flattering terms his highest grace and announced that he had
ivored us with the order pour la vertu militaire because of our outstan
ig conduct. I do not deny that I was deeply moved, since it came quite
inexpectedly, and I trotted back to my quarters full of pleasure, ut
tevertheless it reminded me of the days gone by, when faith u service
tnd valor were rewarded with a golden chain, on which an estate usua y
lung. Nowadays the award consists of a pair of cuffs, but without t e

iOn the 1 1th Lieutenant Bodungen 25 had to lay in an ambuscade with
fifty jagers along the road from Lancaster. An enemy patrol of about fifty
horse appeared, of which two horsemen were killed and two men cap
lured.

feie 19th. Since we received information that the Marquis de Lafayette
hid crossed the Schuylkill with five thousand men and had encamped on
fc^ieights of White Marsh to harass our quarters and perhaps to carry
p a stroke against our outworks covering the city,“ 6 General Grant
|l|fched out at nine o’clock this evening with the English light infantry,

129

THIRD AND FOl'RTH CAMP AKA'S. 1778 AND 1779

the grenadiers, the 27th and 40th regiments, tour light 0-pounders. and
two hundred horse. He took his route between the two roads from Ger-
mantown and Yorktown by wav of Abington Hill, in order to get in the
rear of the aforesaid enemy corps.-'

At ten o’clock 1 was ordered to the Falls of Schuylkill 28 with 150 foot
jiigers and twenty horse, in order to push my patrols as close as possible to
the enemy, and to make a demonstration from this side. At daybreak the
Commander in Chief himself marched out with two English brigades, the
Leib and Donop regiments, and the entire Jager Corps, taking his route
directly through Germantown over Chestnut Hill in order to draw the
enemy’s attention to his front. To our chagrin, an enemy spy had discov-
ered General Grant’s march. The Marquis de Lafayette acted swiftly and
hurriedly withdrew, crossing the Schuylkill at Levering’s Ford, during
which some hundred men had to drink too much water. In order to save
the whole he sacrificed the rear guard, which consisted of three hundred
to four hundred men. part of whom were killed, w'oundecl, and cap-
tured. 29 Among the latter were a French major and several Indians who
were armed with bows and arrows, the first that we had seen. It is said to
be the Stockbridge tribe that has joined the Americans. They were hand-
some and well-built people, who had a rather -deep yellow skin. 30 On this
occasion, I had the misfortune to turn over with my horse and severely
injure two of mv ribs. For a time I could neither sit, lie, nor stand, and
suffered such extreme pains that I thought I would suffocate.

On the 22d the army received orders to send the heavy equipment,
with the tents and everything superfluous, on board the designated
transport ships. Likewise, all the heavy guns and the entire artillery park,
with everything belonging to it, were embarked and sent to New York.
All of the loyal inhabitants, who had taken our protection, put their heads
together and lamented that they now had to give up all their property.
They told us to our faces that the army had come only to make them
miserable. They had previously concealed their true opinions front their
enemies, but now their convictions had been betiayed by theii association
with us. Their entire reward that they now had from accepting English
protection consisted in that they were unfortunate and the English
lucky . — The heart of every honest man bled on hearing these people
complain, who had an absolute right to do so.

We began to work on three redoubts at Cooper's Ferry on the left bank
of the Delaware, where two English regiments were ferried across for
protection. They were to cover the army during the crossing of the Dela-

ware. I

The backwoods inhabitants from Tulpehocken, and their brave peop
who have rendered such good service to the King, are being left behm _
Thev grumble and swear that the army will leave Philadelphia and wou

FROM JANUARY 1778 UNTIL ARMY ARRIVED AT NEW YORK

her let them be hanged by the Congress than serve England. God
ne knows what will happen to them! 31

\n express vessel from England is said to have arrived bringing news
the approach of a French fleet and a number of auxiliary troops. This
aid to be the reason why the army must withdraw from Philadelphia to
•w York, because this army will be cut oft from York if the French land
the Jerseys. 3 ' 2 .

Vesterday General Howe departed, and Captain YV reden and I re-
ved from headquarters the following letter, which the general had left
hind and which was forwarded to us this evening.

Gentlemen:

Philadelphia, 19 May 1778

Please allow me the pleasure to bear witness, before my departure,
to the extreme satisfaction I have always had in your distinguished
conduct in the two campaigns during which I have had the honor to
command you. The conduct of the two premier companies of Hes-
sian chasseurs, incited by the zeal and brave example of their
chiefs — you gentlemen — has been noticed by the entire army, and
made such an unforgettable impression on me that I will always have
the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem

Gentlemen

Your very humble and
obedient servant
W. Howe

Messrs, von YVreden and
von Ewald, captains in
the corps of Hessian
chasseurs 33

Month of June. The 4th. For several days all pleasures and trade in the
jty have come to an end. All the loyalist families are engaged in packing
ip and fleeing before the wrath of Congress. The streets are tull of
pgons loaded with personal effects, which are being taken to the ships
fjuch have been provided for these unfortunate people. It is said there
j|e about fifteen hundred families which are leaving the city and turning
||eir backs on their property. So well pleased do the opposite-minded
Pepple now appear that everyone already shows their delight very boldly,
-they regret it because our hard money leaves with us. The paper
“ey of Congress is now appearing again at this place, which loses fifty
ent in exchange for hard money.

Tie 12th Lord Cathcart, 34 adjutant general of General Clinton, was

THIRD AND FOl’RTH ( AMPAK'-NS. 1778 AND i// ( J

sent to the Congress to report the particulars of the Commissioners. The
proposal of the compromise is said to consist of the following points:

1. The Americans shall be treated equal to the English and not be

taxed.

2. They shall send their deputies to the Parliament.

3. They shall have free trade except to the East Indies.

On the 15th Lord Cathcart returned, and it is to be expected that we
will hear of nothing but recognition of independence.

The two Anspach regiments which arrived in the spring from New
York by water have been embarked today back to York. They are hand-
some and well-drilled people, who are indeed fit for use at once, but
cannot march. 36 A part of the army has crossed the Delaware and en-
camped on the other side. (

The 16th. Another part of the army has crossed the Delaware at Upper
Ferry. 37 Only the Jager Corps, the light infantry, the English and Hessian
grenadiers, the Ranger Corps, and a few provincials are left in and before
the city, all of which have received orders today to be ready to march at a
moment’s notice.

PART THREE

After the armv left Philadelphia, with the letreat through
the Jerseys, and up to the arrival on York Island.

At daybreak on the morning of June 17 the rest of the troops left
Philadelphia, crossing the Delaware in two divisions at Upper Ferry and
between the city and Kensington. As soon as it had assembled on the le t
bank of the Delaware, the entire army set out toward Haddonfield, where
the queue arrived during the night and encamped on the heights in two
battle lines. The Hessian grenadier brigade and the Jager Corps under
General Kospoth, 38 took position behind Cooper Creek to cover the rig
flank of the army. The light infantry and the English grenadiers covered
the rear. The jager pickets skirmished constantly with the enenn,

only one jager was wounded.

The 18th The armv set out one hour before daylight. The jag
formed the advanced guard, followed by the Hessian grenadiers, the
provisions wagons containing supplies for the entire retreat, and then t
armv. The light infantry, rangers, and provincials brought up e
As soon as dav broke the militia received us with sharp n e ne, g
part of the light troops of Washington’s armv hung on our rear gua •
The skirmishing continued without letup. Many men tell and Ik* ■*
lives miserablv because of the intense heat, and due to the san } g

FROM JANUARY 1778 UNTIL ARMY ARRIVED AT NEW YORK
ch we crossed through a pathless brushwood where no water was to be

"“midday armv^ached the left bank of Moores Creek - The
my had ruined the bridges across the creek, but they were soon re-
red, whereupon the army crossed them and camped in a long quad-

ale in an uninhabited area. .. , • « i

"he 19th The army marched off one hour before daylig t, as 1
day before, going by way of Fostertown.- Toward midday the army
ived on the iff. t bank of Belly-Bridge Creek,*’ where the enemy had
■troved the bridges. There were still two beams left here, an< ? since
i the advanced guard, I immediately tried to cross over with eighty
ers to take post L the other side of the water by which the workmen
the bridge were protected. I found a very suitable post on a hill, which
>ccupied I then took thirty jagers with me to patrol the area aheaT
hen I had ventured one hour further on, it seemed to me from my m p
a, the terrain in the distance indicated I must no, be far from Eayres-
n <1 where the army was headed according to my idea of the march.1
M back a jager wht/was to guide a lieutenant and thirty men to the

ace I had left, and I continued on my march. .

After a half an hour’s time, I caught sight of several roofs of houses in a
Uow I ordered ten men forward to skirmish, who fired in a little while
S beckoned to me with their hands. I followed at once and found the
■etk 45 There was a bridge over it next to a mill, on which P e °P le
orking to destroy it. The mill was occupied by riflemen, ^ ho . b ° ,d J
red when thev discovered us. But since I let fly in earnest at the windows
f the mill they abandoned the mill and bridge and ran away into the
earest wood, i' immediately occupied the bank on this side of the bridge
nth twenty men. I then ordered a corporal and ten jagers to cross t
^arns of *e bridge, occupy the mill, and barricade the entrance, which I
eported instantly to my chief. During this time the arm 'had crossed
ielly-B ridge Creek and encamped in a long quadrangle,
orcements of 150 jagers and orders to maintain the P osV
ling the carpenters arrived with the construction wagon and dlc bn l §
was repaired. I received from the Commander m Chief his thanks an
the compliment that 1 had saved the army a longer march by m> d

| The 20th. At daybreak the army set out, passed the defile of Ea > r ^ s ‘
town, and toward midday encamped in an irregu ar qua iang
heights of Mount Holly. On this march the head of the queue and both
Jlanks were constantly annoyed by the enemy.

iferhe 2 1 st. The corps under General von Knyphausen , consisting o e
IStirn and Loos brigades, the grenadiers, the Ranger Corps, an t e pro
Uncials, which was marching to the left of the army by way of Mooi estown,

THIRD AND lOl'RI H CAMPAIGNS. 177S AND 177<l

rejoined the annv here. We received the news that Washington intended
to cross, or had already crossed, the Delaware near Trenton in order to
get in front ot us. 1 '

On the 2 2d the army marched to Black Horse. On this march the J tiger
Corps and three English regiments covered the left toward Burlington.

The 23d. The army set out before daylight toward Ciosswicks. vvheie a
pass exists at a river called Crosswicks Creek which has high banks. There
is a stone bridge across the creek at the village protected on each side by
heights, which, so the report read, should be well occupied by the enemy.
The J tiger Corps and three English regiments, under General Leslie, had
to march to the left to Bordentown and the drawbridge, which is a long
wooden bridge standing there on piles. It is built across Crosswicks Creek
a short distance from where the creek falls into the Delawaie. T his coips
was supposed to threaten the enemy with a crossing, in order to create a
feint for those who covered the bridge at Crosswicks. 48

In the afternoon the corps arrived before the bridge. I he enemy had
uncovered a section on the other side, thrown up a defense line, and
occupied it with cannon and infantry, but kept themselves so well hidden
that thev were not fully visible. The English infantry deployed on the
heights on this side of the creek. The J age r Corps drew near the bank
and camped along it. The men tried to refresh themselves in the water
because the weather was extremely warm. Several people appeared on
the other side of the bridge, who waved to us with their hats. The lieuten-
ant colonel and most of our officers took a walk on the bridge up to the
broken-off section in order to talk with these people. They asked us
whether we did not want to cross the bridge here we could easily do

it for it lacked only four or five planks. We made inquiries from these

people about the enemy army, whereupon they told us that a strong
American corps covered the Crosswicks pass, and that a haid fight ha
occurred there, but thev did not know if the English had become t e
masters of the pass. We asked them to put down a few planks lying on the
other side and come to us. They answered that thev would be unfortu-
nate if thev did that, because our army was unable to protect them— we
onlv ran back and forth through the country and devastated it.

Now we smelled a rat.— They are rascals, let us go back," someone said
to the others. We had hardly gone back several paces, when the most
violent cannon and small-arms fire fell out of the lines, whereat t e
rogues raised a boisterous clamor. The jagers grabbed their rifles an
answered the fire with solid rifle shots which continued until darkness,
though not more than ten jagers were killed ot wounded.

At midnight the news arrived that the enemy was lepulsed with co
erable loss and the annv had passed Crosswicks. We set out at once

i si

FROM JANUARY 1778 UNTIL ARMY ARRIVED AT NEW YORK

d Crosswicks, and early in the morning of the 24th rejoined the
which had encamped in column beyond Cross wic s. , ()

this march the very beautiful plantation and mill of Mr Lewis
burned at Bordentown. This misfortune which befell the family
lv distressed me. I was quartered with these good people while on
L dutv during the month of December, 1//6, and had enjoyed
, uncommon friendship and courtesy, although they were not even
sts. I felt doubly bad because I had spoken with a servant from the
s shortly before it was set on fire, and had promised to provide them

soon as the Leslie Corps had rejoined the army, it set out to Allen-
where it encamped toward evening on the other side of the village.
Tager Corps was placed opposite the Maidenhead pass in order to
r the left flank of the army, and then formed the rear guard.
ie 25th. At daybreak the army set out toward Cranbury, to make t e
av believe we meant to aim at his march to Princetown and attack
A corps under General Lee had moved into this area on the left of
eral Clinton. The Jager Corps had to skirmish all day long with the
ny, during which Captain Cramon of the Anspach jagers had the

h?26th. At daybreak the army marched off on the right hand toward
imouth Court House. It was an extremely warm day and I felt it
bly I had to make up the rear guard of the entire division." Since the
,ets had to do this constantly, I let the outposts serve as skirmishers,
ore daylight the enemy riflemen began to fire at the sentries. a
■cely received orders to follow the army when they drew up on all
*s I was so hard pressed on the flanks at different times that the Corps
[ the light infantry had to support me. The enemy kept hanging on me
to the new camp. 53 I lost over 60 men out of 180 foot jagers and 30
•semen, among which may well be some 20 men who dropped dead
m the great heat and fatigue.

The 27th. Since the army had lost over two hundred men on veste -
fs march through the intolerable heat, it stopped today to rest. About
dday the Marquis de Lafayette and Count Pulaski" 3 appeared; the
ter commanded the advanced guard yesterday and ha ept me pretty
rm at the front of the jager posts in order to reconnoiter them during
lich a little skirmish arose, but ended without shedding o oo on oui

The 28th. Early in the morning, at one o’clock, the army departed in
^divisions. Lieutenant General von Knyphausen s division orme t e
ftguard and consisted of the Jager Corps, the two Hessian nga es, two
Jjglish brigades, and the provincials, followed by all the wagons o t e

THIRD AND FOl'RTH ( AM IWKliNS, 1778 AND 1779

army. 5 '’ Lord Cornwallis led the Second Division, which consisted ot the
remaining troops, all the grenadiers, the light infantry, and the Ranger
Corps under Major Simcoe. 56 The Commander in Chief, General Clin-
ton, remained here in person.

At daybreak an enemv column under Oeneial Lee appealed at the
head and left flank of the Knvphausen division. 57 At the same time
another column drew near the queue of the Second Division as it was on
the point of passing the defile of Monmouth. The Jager Corps was im-
mediately thrown on the left flank of General von Knyphausen’s division
to cover the army's march, where it had to skirmish with the enemy the
whole day long.

General Clinton immediately placed the light infantry, grenadiers, En-
glish Guards, and a part of the light dragoons in front of the defile to
check the much too bold enemy van, in order to cover the march ot the
remaining elements of the army. He attacked the head of the enemy
army with such timelv success that it was repulsed with heavy losses. The
light infantry lost verv many men. because thev pursued the enemy too
closely through a marshy brushwood 38 which was occupied by riflemen
on the other side. The losses on both sides were reckoned at 1,100 men." 9
Colonel Monckton 60 and Major Gardiner, 61 two very capable and coura-
geous officers who commanded the two English grenadier battalions, lost
their lives here; a loss which was regretted by the entire army.

Today the Americans showed much boldness and resolution on all
sides during their attacks. Had Generals Washington and Lee not at-
tacked so earlv, but waited longer, until our armv had pushed deeper into
the verv difficult defiles in this area, it is quite possible we would have
been routed, since one division could not support the other, being sepa-
rated by the great number of wagons. 62 For the terrain was so difficult to
cross, because of the sunken roads, impassable underbrush, marshes, and
mam brooks which cut through the country here, that the greater part of
the Jager Corps more than once found itself in the dilemma of being cut
off from the armv. which happened to me several times today. I thought
that I was connected with the division, and ran into w hole swarms of
Americans not over twenty to thirty paces away. But since we took up the
favorite cry of the great Frederick — "Allons! Allonsf — and our jagers
knew nothing else, we constantly got out of this business with honor.
Indeed, large groups of Americans penetrated several times between the
intervals of the jager platoons up to the wagons, killing men and horses.
Then, when thev were driven back by the infantry 1 * 3 escorting the wag-
ons, thev ran against the jagers, and we were forced to fire on all sic es.

The armv was so delaved bv this constant fighting that it did not arrive
at Middletown until midnight of the 29th. 65 where it remained m column
until davbreak on the 30th, because the men and horses could not co

FROM JANUARY 1778 UN TIL ARMY ARRIVED AT NEW YORK

ue on any longer. The army set out again toward the mountains called
. Navesink and encamped in the form of a crescent, both points of
ich extended to the Shrewsbury River. 66 The Jager Corps, rangers,
d light infantry were posted at the entrance to the mountains.

Toward eleven o’clock in the evening the entire army broke camp and
jved over a German mile further toward the sea, so that the right wing
rdered on the bay 67 and the left on the Shrewsbury River. The light
iops remained at their posts at the entrance to the mountains. The
ny received orders today to send all the horses down to the water. The
ggage train also began to be embarked at once, for which a number of
insport ships had arrived and lay at anchor at Sandy Hook.

Month of July. The 1st. Today a strong enemy corps appeared here
>m Middletown. A sharp skirmish occurred between the jagers and the
emy riflemen, in which three jagers were killed and five wounded,
jward evening the enemy withdrew.

The 2d. Early in the morning a patrol of one officer and twelve jagers
is sent out toward Middletown to collect information about the enemy,
though the patrol was cautious, it was attacked unexpectedly by the
iemy, and one jager was killed and two were captured. But in spite of
is we received the news that Washington and his army were stationed
hind the Raritan, and that he had pushed three corps under Generals
ifayette, Pulaski, and Morgan against us in order to make our crossing
Sandy Hook more difficult.

The 4th. For several days now we enjoyed a little rest instead of the
iemy. On the other hand, we were so severely pestered by insects of all
nds in these uninhabited mountains that 1 did not know whether I
ould not rather skirmish with the enemy than spend one day longer
;re. We were so terribly bitten at night by the mosquitoes and other
nds of vermin that we could not open our eyes for the swelling in our
ices. Many men were made almost unrecognizable, and our bodies
ioked like those of people who have been suddenly attacked by measles
r smallpox.

A packet boat arrived from England, having encountered the French
eet of twenty-four warships, which had fired at the boat. It really was
igh time that we had left Philadelphia.

The 5th. At daybreak the army marched to its embarkation places. The
orps under General Knvphausen was embarked about noon, several
liles above Sandy Hook. The corps under Lord Cornwallis, which in-
luded the Jager Corps, marched through the impassable mountains and
toods. About ten o’clock in the forenoon we crossed the channel which
eparates Sandy Hook from the mainland, where a pontoon bridge was
•uilt which was covered by two row galleys. 68 The entire corps under
^ord Cornwallis camped along the seashore on this sandy and deserted

THIRD AND FOURTH CAMPAIGNS. 1778 AND 177(1

island. The deep white sand, out of which grew short fir bushes, served
us as the softest bed. We slept here as peacefully as voting children,
because we were separated from the enemy on all sides by navigable
water.

The lighthouse on this island, so famous in America. hy can guide the
skippers who sail from Europe to America at a very great distance. It is
built of the most beautiful squared stones, some thirty feet wide in the
square, and is about two hundred feet high. Since the Americans con-
stantly threaten to destroy it, the lighthouse has been fortified with a
stone breastwork in which loopholes were constructed. In the tower itself
portholes for cannon have been cut on all four sides, four of which are
placed on the first floor for defense. The army furnished one captain,
one officer, and fifty men for the guard, who were relieved each month
but had to be on the alert, because the American privateers attempt a
surprise attack nearly every month.

On the morning of the 6th, the troops which could not be embarked
the day before were finally embarked. They set sail at once and entered
the harbor of New York on the afternoon of the 7th, where they disem-
barked immediately. The greater part of the army was assigned to en-
campment on York Island. The Jager Corps received its post at the
Morris House on the rocky heights.

Remarks on the retreat through the Province of Jersey. J

The retreat of Xenophon and his Ten Thousand Greeks, that of the J
Swedes under Charles XII after the battle of Poltava, and that of the |

French under Belle-Isle 70 from Prague to Eger are very famous in the *

history of warfare because of the difficult and troublesome marches J
undertaken. But this very remarkable retreat of the European in this part »

of the world will perhaps be passed over in silence. Nevertheless, one can |

certainly put it at the side of the last-named retreat for the following
reasons:

First:

We had to fight in the greatest heat. 71

Second:

We had to cross impassable country in which we often did
not find a drop of w ater over many miles to allay our thirst.

Third:

We had to manage with dry biscuit most of the time for three

weeks. 72

Fourth:

The roads and bridges were ruined. We had to dear a wav the

r !

rubble and rebuild most of the bridges.

Fifth:

The whole province was in arms, following us with Washing-
ton’s armv, constantly surrounding us on our marches an

.•4:

besieging our (amps.

'TV-

Sixth:

Seventh:

Eighth:

Lecounting
Id not hav<

FROM JANUARY 1778 UNTIL ARMY ARRIVED AT NEW YORK

The entire army did not have a single tent;"! and on encamp-
ing, nothing was done to protect ns from the heat of the sun
and the insects.

Each step cost human blood.

One can trulv state that this march cost two thousand men .' 4

all these discomforts, one will realize that bygone heroes
> had more hardships on their marches than we endured.

CHAPTER 2

From the arrival of the army in and around
New York up to the end of the year 1779.

PART ONE

From the arrival at New York until the end of this
campaign.

The 8th. The entire army stood still, guarded the islands of Long Island,
Staten, and York Island on all sides, and awaited the French fleet. Gen-
eral Horatio Gates has drawn near Trenton with twelve thousand men
and it is said Washington will join him to attack us in force rom a
directions, aided bv the French fleet and the auxiliary troops.

On the 11th the' news arrived that the French fleet was off the coast,
and that ours had withdrawn into the mouth of the harboi at Sandy

H The 13th. The French fleet of Fifteen ships of the line and Five frigates
arrived last night before the mouth of the harbor and rode at anchor in
the form of an exact half-moon.’ Yesterday two English regiments were

sent to Sandy Hook to protect the lighthouse

The 17th ' At davbreak the Jager Corps, the rangers, and the Em

Jridl Corps crossed Kings Bridge and advanced a,

YYmlmdt’s plantation, in order to discover the approac
goodtime. The Jager Corps was posted from Cortlandt’s heigits i up > °
the Hudson River The rangers, under Major Snncoe. occupied Valen
tilde's H,ll ,o the right of Cortland, s Hill, and Lieutenant Colonel Ltn

merich 3 occupied DeLancey s heights. , ,

On the 22d five hundred prisoners arrived, which were exc ang ^
the army. 4 A disagreeable party now made its appearance at o
They are the so-called wood louse, a kind of an eai worm w ic
pletelv white and round. They crawl into the ears biting "-ard
dial it causes the most intense pam, and in the end * e P" s ™ 1
hearing. We have already had several sad examples of it m the f P
The 23d. Earlv today 1 had to patrol with sixty loot jagei s [

horse past Philipse s house.' two good German mites Iron, our outpost

FROM ARRIVAL IN NEW YORK TO END OF 1779

) euide did not know the country, and just had to follow my nose. I
iv route over impassable hills cut through with rocks and woods in
to march as concealed as possible and to arrive near the precise
dalfwav there I found a ravine with a stone bridge over it, where to
lief I discovered a church with a graveyard which was surrounded
/all I left there half of my detachment to cover my rear,
en sent for the steward from the plantation of Mr. Philipse, which
on my right. He gave me the news that a patrol of fifty horse and
hundred infantry had been there yesterday. They were said to be
an advanced corps situated a good two miles from here in the
r v of Tarrytown. He had also learned from the country people that
inston had joined Gates on this side of the Hudson River to attack
.nglish army at Kings Bridge as soon as the French t™ops were
d on Long Island. The man appeared to be a loyalist. I did not
it any jager to leave the ranks, so that the man remained my fnend_
ward I made an arrangement with him to let the wash hang out of
ttic of the house when enemy parties were in the vicinity of his
e which could be seen halfway from our post. Then I took my way

over the main Albany highway. 7 w „ >

mth of August. The 1st. Yesterday Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb

-d with Major Simcoe and Lieutenant Colonel Emmerich to procee
ist the enemy today from three directions. These three parties were
areh very slowly and to halt in ambuscade at different times for
■s at a stretch, in which way every enemy party which went out must

nto the hands of one or the other.

daybreak each party departed. The Jager Corps had scarce yar-
i in the vicinity of Philipse’s church* when it ran into several hundred
micans, who were probably waiting for one of our weak patrols whic
' t out daily. They were so well concealed behind rocks overgrown with
1C s that our advanced guard, which they took for one of our patrols
already passed them. The right flank patrol of the Corps discovered
n, and since they caught sight of the whole Corps, they fired and

w back into the hills. ,,

.uring this occurrence such a thick fog came up that we could l not

ow the enemy. Now, since Simcoe and Emmerich had to be notified of
incident, Jptain Ran* was sent beyond Valentine's house toward
e Square with a part of the mounted jagers to deliver the message,
jor Simcoe was now distrustful, but after he had sent a small pait>
rard White Plains, which discovered the enemy ambuscade e w
:w amid a light skirmish. Only one mounted officer was killed by the
ll-directed fire which the enemy poured upon the jagers fiom is

ibusrii p

The 3d. Our adversaries still make continual plans to burn the cit\ o

141

PHIL1PSE MANOR HALL IN 1784

This sepia drawing of the Philipse Manor Hall made in the year aftet the Aineri
can Revolution ended clearlv shows the terrain of which Ewald speaks. The Pali-
sades of New Jersey across the Hudson River and Philipse s wharf are shown on
the left. In the foreground on the right are the mills below the dam of the Saw
Mill River. On the extreme right the terrain slopes upward toward Philipses
Bridge and the Albany Post Road, not shown. Across the Albany Post Road was
Philipse’s Hill, on which stood the original St. John's Episcopal Church. The
dormer windows of the Manor Hall, out of which the steward hung the wash
to warn Ewald when American patrols were in the vicinity, are clearly visible.
Courtesy of Sleepy Hollow Restorations, Tarrytown. New York.

FROM ARRIVAL IN NEW YORK TO END OF 1779

rk, where the main depot for the sea and land forces is situated.
;housand houses have already been reduced to ashes, little by
■sterday they succeeded again in setting fire to four squares of
, en ty beautiful buildings, in the course of which various baggage
tses and depots of the regiments were exposed to great danger,
the sailors in their own quick and nimble manner commenced to
a the houses on all sides of the conflagration, the entire city
ave been consumed by the flames, since the fire broke out toward
r in five places all at once. Several people perished in the fire,
a few Frenchmen — probably prisoners — who had appeared as
rs. Perhaps they had expressed their compassion over the catas-
n their native tongue, a misfortune which got them thrown into
like dolls by the sailors, without anyone being able to help them. 10
e 5th lightning struck a schooner which lay at anchor in the East
New York. It was loaded with 214 kegs of powder which were
ced for the fleet and was just about to depart. Several houses in
which stood by the wharf were damaged by the explosion. Luck-
, two sailors and a naval cadet were on board. 11
7th. For several days the mosquitoes have arrived in vast swarms
e south wind, which torment us extremely. Moreover, all the
are full of large gray beetles, which because of their great num-
ake such a loud hissing noise that one cannot hear during the
Ye have to seek our rest at night in the smoke of our large fire,
ird evening on the 9th I had to make a patrol with sixty jagers,
men from the infantry, and ten horse over the mountain between
>any and Boston highways. I did not meet the enemy, but I had
/ rendered my report to my chief when our spy arrived. He con-
ted me on having escaped by luck, because an ambuscade of
Indians and three hundred Americans was concealed on my right,
hey had not attacked, they must have thought my patrol was
;r than they were.

he 20th Lieutenant Colonel Emmerich and his corps went out
. East Chester and ran into a superior party. As soon as the firing
ard at our post, I was sent with fifty jagers and ten horse, along
^enty men of the infantry (from which we have had a detachment
ie Corps for some time), toward Valentine’s house in order to cover
t flank of the Emmerich Corps. An enemy party, which lay on the
mk of Emmerich’s Corps and did much damage, caught sight of
vhen I came out of the woods too soon and withdrew in great haste.
Emmerich Corps had lost over twenty men.

the 26th Captain Waldenfels, 12 who had arrived with the Anspach
in place of Captain Cramon, conducted a patrol with one hundred
and ten horse toward Philipses house, since we had infoimation

143

THIRD AND FOUR TH CAMPAIGNS. 1 / AND 1 /

that an enemy corps intended to take post there. He had scarcely arrived
on this side of the hills when his skirmishers ran into an enemy party,
which withdrew. He followed it to learn its strength, duiing which he
encountered a corps of fifteen hundred to two thousand men which kept
hidden behind the rocks and bushes and opened a severe lire on his
advanced guard.

This heavy firing was heard bv the Corps, and Lieutenant Colonel
Wurmb immediately hurried to assist with the entire Corps, whereupon
the enemy withdrew with a considerable loss of men and horses. The loss
of the jagers was very slight, since they were covered and had fought
greatly dispersed in all directions because of the large front. 1 he French
colonel Chevalier Armand is said to have commanded this party, and was

shot through the right hand during the fight.

On the ?9th three hundred Hessian recruits arrived, consisting ot all
classes of human beings, of which a part had rebelled against their offi-
cers on the ships. Twelve of them were roughly handled, who were said
to be court-martialed. Among these people were many nobles who had
been officers; among others, a Frenchman named Detroit who had been
a gendarme and had served with the French Legion in the Polish war. e
was recruited as a corporal and had very good recommendations from

The newly raised English Legion 13 under Lord Cathcart, which con-
sisted of five hundred fusiliers and two hundred light dragoons, joined

Lieutenant Colonel Simcoe today. ,

The 31st. Early today Captain Donop patrolled toward Philipse s house
with one hundred foot jagers and fifteen horse. He was scarcely a half an
hour away from our outpost when he fell into an ambuscade lying in a
ravine to his right, since he had marched by his nose without taking every
precaution. Two corporals and four jagers were killed by the first fire, six
wounded, and four captured. A quick flight had saved the remainder.
The Corps hurried to help as soon as it heard the firing, but the enemy,
who knew his business, had withdrawn immediately after his we -
executed stroke. This party had been commanded bv the Chevalier Ar-
mand, who again appeared to be our antagonist in the fortunes of wan
After this stroke, the enemy party turned toward East Chester thro g
Philipse's Manor into the area where Simcoe, Cathcart., and mme
were posted. These officers got wind of it and broke camp at once
Simcoe moved to the left through the wood past the enemy party to cu
off its retreat. Cathcart and Emmerich went to meet the party wi
part of their corps to draw the enemy’s attention upon themselves. J
had concealed the other part, especially the cavalry, behind the
attack the enemy unexpectedly.

FROM ARRIVAL IN NFAV YORK TO FND OF 1 /

ie same time, Simcoe requested our chief to support him with a
nent of lasers, since the enemy was said to be two thousand strong
id the Indian tribe, toward which our men showed some tear
» it had been described to them as more dangerous than it really
,vas dispatched immediately with my own company and Lorey s to
s support, and took my post in Cortlandt’s woods,
ie afternoon, about four o’clock, the enemy approached and began
nish with our skirmishers, who withdrew, and the enemy pursued
rigorously. The cavalry of Emmerich and the Legion burst forth,
d and drove back the enemy, who was now attacked in the rear by
, between Post’s 14 and Valentine’s plantations, where he had to

defile 15

Indians as well as the Americans defended themselves like brave
gainst all sides where they were attacked, so that a hot fight resulte
3 or six parties where the heavily wooded terrain offered cover By
o’clock in the evening, however, most of the enemy were killed,
shot dead and partly cut down by the cavalry. No Indians, espe-
received quarter, including their chief called Nimham and his
we for a few. Only two captains, one lieutenant, and some fifty men
aken prisoners. The Chevalier Armand and a small party alone had
>d under the cover of the bushes. The loss on the English side
■ther amounted to some forty dead without the wounded The
ican General Scott 17 hurried to Armand’s assistance with two
and men, but he arrived on the second scene just as late as the Jager
s had arrived on the first one in the morning. 18

er this affair I examined the dead Indians. I was struck with as-
iment over their sinewy and muscular bodies. Their strong, well-
and healthv bodies were strikingly distinguished among the Euro-
s with whom they lay mingled on the ground, and one could see by
faces that they had perished with resolution. I compared these
ms with my ancestors under Armimus, 19 against whom they looked
lygmies to me. Their costume was a shirt of coarse linen down to the
s, long trousers also of linen down to the feet, on which they wore
s of deerskin, and the head was covered with a hat made of bast.

,r weapons were a rifle or musket, a quiver with some twenty arrows,
a short battle-axe which they know how to throw very^ skillfully,
augh the nose and in the ears they wore rings, and on their hea s
the hair of the crown remained standing in a circle the size o a
ar-piece, the remainder being shaved off bare. They pull out with
ers all the hairs of the beard, as well as those on all ot er parts o t e

iptember the 16th. Yesterday we received the news that General

145

AMBUSCADE [AUGUST 31, 1778]

This skirmish was later known as the action at Indian Field or
Indian Bridge. At the upper left of the plan, below Valentine s
house, the Americans and Indians are shown surrounded by the
companies of Simcoe, Emmerich, and Ewald. To the left of t e
vertical road the legend reads, “Place where the cavalry fell upon
the rebel infantry after its retreat was cut off,” and below this,
“Small parties which advanced quickly as soon as the rebels re-
treated ” The cavalry of Tarleton, Emmerich, and Simcoe are
shown on the “Road to East Chester and Mile Square” before
the attack, with reserves of Emmerich and Lorey s and Ewald s
company to the left. The road forks below, with legends indi-
cating the “Road from the Jager post by Cortlandt’s house to
the left and the “March of Simcoe and Emmerich before the
attack to the right.

140

G = German
A = American

FROM ARRIVAL. IN NEW YORK TO END OF 1779

:ott, who stood behind East Chester with a corps of three to four
ousand men, had pushed Colonel Gist 21 with five hundred men up to
abcock's Hill. 22

Our three partisans immediately made the following dispositions for a
irprise attack. Lieutenant Colonels Emmerich and Simcoe set out with
ieir corps at twelve o'clock midnight, taking their route to the right past
ile Square to attack the enemy on the left flank and in the rear. At one
clock at night Major Prueschenck, with two hundred jagers, started to
a around toward Philipse’s Bridge, to force this post of the enemy and to
it off the retreat of the Gist detachment at the Albany road. At three
clock in the morning Captain Wreden, with one hundred jagers,
larched over the hills on Richland road to attack the enemy on his front
; daybreak. Each detachment arrived at its point at the appointed time,
ut Lieutenant Colonel Emmerich, who had actually decided to cut off
le retreat of the enemy with his own corps, had made the arc too small,
irough which the Americans kept open a small ravine for their retreat,
astead of the whole party, only six officers and some seventy men were
iptured. Their camp and baggage were burned.

The 19th. In order to be certain of the movements of the enemy,
ieutenant Colonels Emmerich and Simcoe marched tonight with their
arps on the East Chester road toward White Plains. Lieutenant Colonel
y U rmb and the Jager Corps marched on the main Albany road, where I
nd my jager company with fifteen horse took the footpath across the
lountains which led between the Albany road and the road past East
ihester toward White Plains. All the parties arrived toward evening at
ae abandoned camp of the enemy. There we gathered information from
lie country people and several prisoners, who probably were marauders,
bat Washington had moved toward Peekskill and Gates with the North-
rn army toward Boston. 23

On the 21st these parties returned, but they had to move forward at
>nce into the woods of Philipse’s plantation and push our outposts up to
he heights toward Dobbs Ferry. The 71st Scottish Regiment was placed
>n Valentine’s Hill, and Simcoe and Emmerich took their posts on Snead-
ng Hill. 24

On the 24th the army moved up to Philipse’s Hill.

During the night of the 25th, Captain Wreden was dispatched with one
lundred foot jagers and twenty horse past Tarrytown; he brought back
is prisoners three rebels of great reputation.

" Toward evening of the same day I was detached with 120 foot jagers to
Jccupy the post on Sneading Hill, because Simcoe had left it. He and his
-orps were detailed under General Grey, who had crossed the Hudson
River with a strong corps in order to surprise or attack an American corps
it Tappan. But since the fiatboats for crossing the river were too small,

149

THIRD AND FOURTH CAMPAIGNS, 1778 AND 1779

sawed in The Z^borhood^ SneacUng Hill.

covered my' rear in echelon, bu. could no. collect the si, glues, news Iron,

the country people and returned safely.

A Tde over halfway back, I me, Captain Donop w„h a party just as
strong which Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb had sen, out after me. I as-
su reef the good Donop that I had discovered no trace of the enemy, out

A h, * to be C,XU

cros! the defile. When several shots rang out there, he lost his presence o
H .nH sent Lieutenant Mem with his twelve horsemen past the defile

™ sh suppor w “he C jagers. Bu, Donop himself took High, with the
to rush suppo JB of several troops of enemy horse-

m™°on hUright who threatened to cut him off, although they could no,
have done hun anv harm if he had withdrawn only 150 paces, where

he and his footers were completely

dltlgh he ettetni horsemen, bu, was overcome by the supetw 1 force.
He was severely wounded by two saber cuts, and

^ -«*' the " Wr bt

the previous incident. 2 '’ , , , l.. 1v . Lieutenant

On the 1st of October General Scott sen, back ‘ h ' oro men-

Mertz on parole, accompanied by a trumpeter, w.th a letter of com

130

FROM ARRIVAL IN MAS YORK TO KND OF 1779

! riinton concerning the extraordinary good conduct of

captain who dehvered hint to our

ind " h o had been in the hand-to-hand tight with dm man. was sul
letelv filled with enthusiasm for his heroic deeds. He related tha
had killed a dragoon with his own hands, and had seriously
ded one of their bravest officers along with a dragoon. loget ier.
mitted that they had counted twenty-nine killed and wounded by
fourteen courageous men. I have never seen a battlefield on a smal
horrible than the little spot on which this slaughter had taken
"in a space the length of about 150 paces and the width of a country
we found twenty-one completely mutilated bodies, countmg fnen
me and seven horses. A loss that was regretted by both sides.

Mill Creek We had just crossed Storm s 2 Bridge to t e et w e
. tacked by an enemy post which lay at a defile near a plantation,
fourtgers of the advanced guard, who were chosen to seize the first
f hv frick or force were armed only with hunting swords, which
Concealed The four men answered the double enemy sentries that
“Te de^ermrs, bur jusr as they were about to = er .hem by a
r, the enemy sentries smelled

bbed'heir weapomand took flight, leaving behind them baggage and
art of their arms. The Corps, which immediately followed the four
hurriedly tried to deploy to attack the enemy, and the mounte
ers’ broke through on the right to take the enemy in the flanks anc
r But the bird had flown the nest. Day broke at this time, the Corps
rsued the enemy, and that element under General Grant which was
jposed to surround the enemy joined the Jager Corps beyond Watt
use having; captured only a tew straggleis. , . , ,

Dn ’the 10th the army marched back to its old camp, during which the

? er Corps formed the rear guard. This movement had “ "ndi-

l Province of Jersey as its objective, in order to draw away the

led attention of General Washington from t at ir ^ „. r m New
At that time Lord Cornwallis had crossed t e u s 28 d

>rk with a corps of six thousand men, landed on Paulus nd

Ivanced into the vicinity of Hackensack and Blizabethtow n. During
ne, the whole area had been foraged thoroughly and all the slaughter

THIRD AND FOURTH CAMPAIGNS, 1778 AND 1779

cattle carried off. An enemy corps had, in fact, made every effort to
hinder the foraging, but it had been repulsed three times with a leavy

loss 2<J

The 14th Printed royal proclamations appeared today at all the out-
posts, and parties were sent out immediately to post them on the houses
in the vicinity and to deliver them to the magistrates of the vi ages.
Furthermore, a naval officer with a flagship was sent to Philadelphia to
present the same proclamation to the Congress, but had the mis ortune
to run aground in the Delaware. The officer and two sailors were res-
cued, whereupon he hastened to deliver his commission to the Congress,
which informed him at his reception that unless he left the city at once
they would hang him. The proclamation consisted of an exhortation to
lay down their arms, and the people were therewith promised to be free

° On the 1 7th I was sent with a trumpeter to General Scott by the Com-
manding General. I was provided with a letter which pertained to the
exchange of prisoners. Then, between you and me, I was to try to ap-
proach the enemy outpost through a byway in order to reconnoiter
Monsieurs Armand and Lee, and to square our accounts by a trick against
one of these gentlemen. However, I was stopped quite unexpectedly by a
patrol of riflemen and brought in custody to a house in Tarrytown,
where the officer of the riflemen requested me to hand oyer my letter.
But I declared that I was bound to deliver my dispatches only to a soldier
wearing the uniform of a staff officer. By gaining time I hoped to find
out where General Scott and Armand were stationed through questions
to one or the other of my guards. But these gentlemen constantly dis-
played very mean looks and did not answer one question.

P After a lapse of several hours Colonel Armand arrived with six officer
and an escort of twelve dragoons. 1 was received by him with the utmost
politeness. He regretted that I should have been obliged to wait such a
long time among these uncivilized mountaineers. I gave him m> lette
ancf wejoked qmte friendly about the las, trick which he had played on
the lager picket, and 1 invited him to risk the affair once more. Toward
evening I left the gentlemen, and Monsieur Armand accompamed me tar
enough so that I could return safelv. . t

On the 19th I was sent out toward Tarrytown with one hundred mend
was to try to return on the Saw Mill road, which took place. I learned
from two deserters and the country people that G onera! Washmgton art^
his army had taken up cantonment quarters at Peekskill, Fishk ,
Danbury. His cordon, under General Scott, had been extended from the
Hudson River behind Sing Sing over to Bedford. h

On the 24th Major Ferguson 30 returned from his expeditioi ,
had sailed from New York on two galleys and four small vesse

1 :V2

FROM ARRIVAL IN NEW YORK TO END OF 1779

igo with a detachment. He had landed in Egg Harbor and de-
and burned a nu'mber of ships. Afterward, he had burned several
ions on the Jersey coast and destroyed an enemy magazine and a
rks there. 31

ad already embarked his troops when an American officer and six
ns appeared on the shore, indicating to him by a sign that they
to speak with him. He approached them in a boat, whereupon the
asserted that he was a deserter, and if Ferguson gave him assur-
' being placed in the English army he would lead him to surprise
;f, Count Pulaski, who was quartered not far from there on four
ions with six hundred men and four cannon,
r Ferguson took these seven men and their horses on board and
;ea, but returned as soon as it was night. He landed with his men in
t to the right of Egg Harbor pointed out to him by the officer. The
led him along a footpath to a bridge and they caught the whole
rom behind in deepest silence in its four quarters at daybreak,
arty was able to enter the houses without discovery by the enemy,
xty men were cut down, among whom were a French lieutenant
, 32 two Polish captains, and four American officers. They took two
id and fifty prisoners and captured four cannon and much bag-
acluding a cashbox of paper money. Luckily for Count Pulaski, it
;urred to him the previous day to look for another post, as this one
t seem safe enough, and consequently he was not present. 33
miserable human being, who had betrayed his friends and served
Ferguson as a jackal, was a Mr. von Juliat, 34 who had run away
te Landgraf Regiment at Rhode Island. He took employment with
imy and was placed with the newly raised Pulaski Corps. After his
: Egg Harbor, he admitted his perjury to the English major, who
id a pardon for him from General Knyphausen by petition of
tl Clinton. But since he found that everyone in New York despised
e took employment on an English privateer,
he 28th Captain Wreden and Captain Waldenfels, each with one
id foot jagers and twelve horse, were sent out to patrol toward
e’s Bridge and Babcock’s Hill. 35 At the former place Captain
n met with the Armand Corps, and at the latter Captain Walden-
it the corps under Colonel Gist, where skirmishes took place be-
the four parties.

th of November. The 2d. This morning the Jiiger Corps under
aant Colonel Wurmb, the rangers under Lieutenant Colonel Sim-
e English Legion, and the Emmerich Corps went out toward White
to draw a cordon from the Bronx River over to the Hudson River,
vere to protect several thousand workers with some hundred wag-
to had orders to demolish the houses of all the disaffected persons

THIRD AND FOURTH CAMPAIGNS, 1778 AND 1779

cattle carried off. An enemy corps had, in fact, made eJery effort to
hinder the foraging, but it had been repulsed three times with a heavy
loss. 29

The 14th. Printed royal proclamations appeared today at all the out-
posts, and parties were sent out immediately to post them on the houses
in the vicinity and to deliver them to the magistrates of the villages.
Furthermore, a naval officer with a flagship was sent to Philadelphia to
present the same proclamation to the Congress, but had the misfortune
to run aground in the Delaware. The officer and two sailors were res-
cued, whereupon he hastened to deliver his commission to the Congress,
which informed him at his reception that unless he left the city at once
they would hang him. The proclamation consisted of an exhortation to
lay down their arms, and the people were therewith promised to be free
of taxes.

On the 17th I was sent with a trumpeter to General Scott by the Com-
manding General. I was provided with a letter which pertained to the
exchange of prisoners. Then, between you and me, I was to try to ap-
proach the enemy outpost through a byway in order to reconnoiter
Monsieurs Armand and Lee, and to square our accounts by a trick against
one of these gentlemen. However, I was stopped quite unexpectedly by a
patrol of riflemen and brought in custody to a house in Tarrytown,
where the officer of the riflemen requested me to hand over my letter.
But I declared that I was bound to deliver my dispatches only to a soldier
wearing the uniform of a staff officer. By gaining time, I hoped to find
out where General Scott and Armand were stationed through questions
to one or the other of my guards. But these gentlemen constantly dis-
played very mean looks and did not answer one question.

After a lapse of several hours Colonel Armand arrived with six officers
and an escort of twelve dragoons. I was received by him with the utmost
politeness. He regretted that I should have been obliged to wait such a
long time among these uncivilized mountaineers. I gave him my letter
and we joked quite friendly about the last trick which he had played on
the jager picket, and I invited him to risk the affair once more. Toward
evening I left the gentlemen, and Monsieur Armand accompanied me far
enough so that I could return safely.

On the 19th I was sent out toward Tarrytown with one hundred men. I
was to try to return on the Saw Mill road, which took place. I learned
from two deserters and the country people that General Washington and
his army had taken up cantonment quarters at Peekskill, Fishkill, and
Danbury. His cordon, under General Scott, had been extended from the
Hudson River behind Sing Sing over to Bedford.

On the 24th Major Ferguson 30 returned from his expedition, which
had sailed from New York on two galleys and four small vessels four

PLAN OF THE AREA OF PHILIPSE’S HILL OR
PHILIPSE’S HEIGHTS

At the lower left corner of the plan is “Philips hauss,” or Philipse
Manor Hall, now in Yonkers. Crossing the Saw Mill River (“Samul
Crique”) below the house is Philipse’s Bridge. The vertical road
marked “Strasse nach albanien” is the Albany Post Road. Along-
side this road are the Hessian regiments Prince Charles and von
Trumbach, and above them the Jager Corps. At the upper left
are two jager pickets: “1 officer 40 jagers” and “1 noncommis-
sioned officer and 15 jagers.” The road to the right crosses the
Saw Mill River at Babcock’s Bridge, where it forks on the right
to the “Road to Mile Square” and on the left past Reverend Luke
Babcock’s house to the “Road to Sing Sing.” Tarrytown is further
to the north, beyond the map.

154

PLAN OF THE AREA OF PHILIPSE’S HILL OR
PHILIPSE y S HEIGHTS

154

THIRL) AN D KOI R I II CAM PAH »NS. 177S ANl) 1 770

in the entire district of Philipse s Manor, Cortlandt's Manor, and East
Chester. T he lumber from the houses was to be transported to \ ork
Island, where barracks were to be built for the troops, which were to
serve as the garrison of this island during the winter. Our antagonists
constantly tried to attack our chain, but they were always driven oft. 1 he
business was concluded on the 5th, when each corps marched back to its
post.

The 13th. Beginning today the army moved into its quarters on \ ork
Island, Staten, and Long Island. Those regiments which are assigned to
districts where no houses or barracks stand are to leteive the necessary
lumber to construct their own winter quarteis.

On the 18th the Jager Corps marched to its winter quarters in Flushing
on Long Island, where it arrived after a inarch of three days. The Em-
merich Corps retained its post at Kings Bridge on York Island, and the
rangers with the Legion received their quarters in and around Oyster
Bay, which covered the right flank of the jagers. At the Head of the Fly,
to the left of the jagers, lay the provincial corps of Robinson and DeLan-
cey. 36 The English light infantry and the English grenadiers, under Col-
onel Yorke 37 and Lieutenant Colonel Abercromby, were stationed at
Jamaica to furnish support for the Jager Corps in case of a landing from
New England, because our quarters lay along the Sound. But since the
front of the quarters was protected on this side by several row galleys and
armed vessels, we lay in these quarters as safe as in Abraham’s bosom.

Except for a little dutv of patrolling the shore, we enjoyed complete
repose along the Sound, of which both men and horses stood in the
greatest need. The most displeasing part of these accommodations was
that only the officers and mounted jagers received actual quarters with
the inhabitants. The foot jagers had to construct their own quarters, for
which they received the necessary wood and tools. But since the weather
this year was very severe, and deep snow and hard frost set in, the poor
men soon learned the necessity of working in order to get under cover. In
a space of eight days a new military community had grown up on each
place d’armes where the men were assigned their huts in the vicinity of the
captains’ quarters, in which thev enjoved their rest quite contented, e
cause they did not want tor money and provisions.

December, the 9th. After the Commander in Chief had received intel-
ligence that the captive Burgovne army would be transported from Bos-
ton to Virginia because of the scarcity of provisions and was to cross the
Hudson River below Peekskill, the following expedition was undertaken
to seize these prisoners and to rescue them from their captivity.

Under the Commander in Chief a corps of four thousand men em
barked on transport ships at New York, which sailed up the Hu so
River under escort of three frigates to Verplancks Point anc

i ;.r>

FROM ARRIVAL IN NKVV YORK TO END OF 1779

there. At the same time, Quartermaster General Erskine and two
thousand men advanced over the pass of Kings Bridge to Tarrvtown, in
order to draw the attention of the enemy troops stationed in this area,
and dislodged the militia from Tarrytown after a stubborn fight. How-
ever, the expedition arrived at Verplanck’s Point two days too late,
whereupon they returned. 38

PART TWO

From the beginning of the year 1779 up to the opening of
the fourth campaign.

Month of January. On the 13th the news came to hand that General
Campbell 39 and his corps from York, and General Prevost 40 with the 62d
Regiment and several hundred Florida militia from St. Augustine, had
landed at Savannah and taken possession of this province, being joined
by four hundred Creek Indians. They had flattered themselves that they
would find many loyalists in this province, but they had found the city, as
well as the whole area, deserted by all the male inhabitants who were able
to bear arms. 41 General Washington had immediately sent several
brigades under General Lincoln to assist this province.

One hopes that it is not the unfortunate plan of the English minister 42
to invade this distant part of the world from all directions, extending in
length up to 30° north latitude. 43 For should this happen all would be
lost, because he who will suddenly conquer and hold too much land in
war wins nothing, and loses all in the end.

On the 24th, to the joy of the entire army, the provisions fleet arrived
from Cork in Ireland, because for eight days grits had been issued to the
men instead of bread, and to the horses in place of oats. Meanwhile, no
one complained, since everything was to be had for money. This failure
of the bread ration for eight' days was the first in the three campaigns.
Nevertheless, it was a very good thing that it happened during the winter
quarters and not in the field, where desertion could have easily set in.
Moreover, General Washington had ordered his cordon to push forward
toward York Island as soon as he had been informed of the scarcity of
bread in the army, in order to prevent the country people from bringing
in provisions to Kings Bridge. 44

Li: Month of February. On the 26th we received the news that General
. Grant had taken possession of the French island of St. Lucia. The fleet
sJtnder Comte d’Estaing had landed a corps of troops shortly afterward to
.^dislodge the English, but had been repelled with a heavy loss. Because of
gits location, this island is the key to the West Indies.

THIRD AND F< H'RTH GAMPAIGNS. 1//H AND 1 / AJ

The 27th. The English light infantry marched today to Southold in the
eastern part of Long Island, and DeLancey went to Huntington.

WINTER <.)UARI KRS OK THE ARM''

NEW YORK HEADQUARTERS

The English Guards, the 23d Regiment, Volunteers ot Ireland under
Lord Rawdon, 43 and the three Hessian grenadier battalions under Gen-
eral Kospoth.

YORK ISLAND. UNDER LIEUTENANT GENERAL VON KNYPHAUSEN.

The 7th Regiment in huts between Maston’s Wharf 4 ” and \ ork on the
East River. The 63d Regiment in huts at Bloomingdale on the Hudson
River. The Regiment Lossberg in huts at Maston’s Wharf and McGowan s
Pass. 47 The Regiment Mirbach in Harlem and the ruined houses on the
East River. The Regiment Knyphausen on the plantations from Jones’s
house 48 and Bloomingdale to the Hudson River. The Robinson provin-
cial battalion in huts between Harlem and the Morris House. The 54th
Regiment and Regiment Trumbach in the barracks of Fort Knyphausen.
'Phg 44th Regiment in huts on Laurel Hill and the 17th on Hudson River
Hill. 49 These are two hills which cover the redoubts of Kings Bridge with
cannon. The Regiments Leib and Prinz Garl in huts on the heights of
Kings Bridge. The Emmerich Corps in several barricaded houses in front

of Kings Bridge.

LONG ISLAND, UNDER COMMAND OF LORD CORNWALLIS.

English grenadiers at Jamaica, the 33d Regiment at Bedford, the 4th 3 ®
at Newtown, Prinz Carl at Hallet’s Cove 31 and Bushwick, and Erb Prinz*
at Brooklyn. The Hessian and Anspach jagers at Flushing, the Queens
Rangers at Ovster Point, British Legion at Jericho, the 17th English Reg-
iment of Dragoons at Hempstead, the 3d Battalion of DeLancey at Hun-
tington and Lloyd’s Neck, and the English light infantry at Southold an
the southern end of the island.

STATEN ISLAND, UNDER GENERAL LESLIE.

The 26th and 37th English regiments, the Grenadier Battalion Kohler,
and the four battalions of Skinner’s provincials. 3 ' 1 The 64th Regiment a
Paulus Hook.

The 27th. During the night Colonel Stirling 34 went out from York with
the English Guards, the 33d, and the 42d Scottish Regiment in flatboat
and landed on Elizabeth Point in the Province of Jersev, in orde
surprise an American corps of two thousand men under General
well which lav in and around Elizabethtown. However, the enemy

ir>«

FROM ARRIVAL IN NFAV YORK TO END OF 1779

received intelligence several hours before the landing, moved between
the Point and the town, and received the English detachment with an
unexpected fire. They fell upon the English in the left flank and killed
and wounded over a hundred men with a single volley. The English, who
recovered after the first shock, attacked the enemy with the bayonet and
drove him back behind the town. Colonel Stirling then burned a
magazine and the barracks of the town and withdrew, arriving back at his
quarters in the evening. 55

Month of March. On the 10th I received a list of the English privateers
which were outfitted at New York and have run out to sea since Sep-
tember 8th. These armed vessels numbered 121, with from eight up to
twenty-two guns. Estimating between forty and fifty men for each vessel,
the number of effective personnel totaled about six thousand men.

Month of May. On the 3d the famous American corsair Captain
Conyngham 56 was captured by the English frigate Galatea. This corsair
had landed and plundered more than twenty times along the coasts of
England and Ireland, and had taken over twenty packet boats in addition
to a great number of merchant ships. He fought very bravely against the
Englishman, and did not strike his colors until the majority of his men
had been killed or wounded and his vessel was disabled to the point of
sinking.

On the 5th Colonel Hyde 57 and Major Ferguson with a detachment of
650 men put to sea in flatboats from York. The former landed at Shoal
Harbor four miles to the east, and the latter six miles to the west, of
Middletown in the Jerseys. They marched toward Shrewsbury, where an
American regiment was quartered. The regiment was immediately at-
tacked and driven back, whereby their entire equipage fell into the hands
of the English, and a magazine was destroyed in the village. Both de-
tachments returned to their quarters in the evening with a small loss. 58

The 21st of May. Since the Jager Corps and all the rest of the troops
had enjoyed over five months’ rest to recuperate, I visited the post of the
Queen’s Rangers and light infantry in the eastern and southern parts of
the island. I found that all the officers of this corps were speaking very
badly about General Clinton, and felt greatly offended that only the
regular troops were used on occasions where they lined their pockets with
money, in which case the light troops were quite forgotten. On that
account they were disposed to send a grievance to the Commander in
Chief, and they hoped that the Jager Corps would make common cause
with them. In all respects, there was something disgusting in the way it
was managed, for during the campaigns each chief or commander of a
light corps or a party had to provide for his own spies and guides himself,
and it was never asked whether they cost money. 59

Now, during the winter quarters with all the leisure,. they devised such

159

THIRD AND FOURTH CAMPAIGNS, 1778 jAND 1779

expeditions against the enemy as they certainly knew could not tail,
whereby little was risked .ha, would enrich the othcers and men. They
„ " ?hese plans to the friends of the pastry-crus, eaters tn headquarters
to command, in order to let their light shine in the Gault, t n London.
However the headquarters forgot that the light troops did no, have
anything to give up in the last campaign, since it was oil ) defensive, and
that they were marched into their quarters with turned horses , worn-out
clothing, and empty purses. They should have been permuted to carry

out couOs in order to improve themselves.

To be sure, the grievance wen, to the right place. However, they ex-
plained at headquarters that since the troops of the line had seldom faced
Se enemy during the entire last campaign, they should have the oppor-
tunity of getting accustomed to seeing the enemy again, whereas e ight
roops ought to be allowed to res, -He who knows the world can easily
comprehend how things hang together, for even ,n a headquarters court

intrigue finds entry.

PART THREE

From the opening of the fourth campaign up to the
expedition to the southern part of North America.

On the 25th of Mav the troops assembled close to their quarters and all
thfLht troops in the eastern part of Long Island assembled at Flushing
We received orders to get rid of all the baggage. No one was more joyful
*an ,he 1^: troops, who were not accustomed to long res, and whose

dish grenadiers marched to Lawrence ^Nec , o’clock in the

in which the East River, or Little Sound, was crossed. F n dish gren-

• v rr ,r <w landed on Willets Point* 1 in the province. The Lnglisn gr

Xn rnareh^d hmnecLelv to Butler's Ferry and the Jager Corps to
Philiose’s house where it had had its post in the previous campaig •

^ ,*£ ££ :rs- a,

Philipse’s house. r r „i Mathew returned

The 30th. In the morning the corps tindei Ge ‘ anchor at

from Virginia, passed up the Hudson River and rode a ed

Philipse’s wharf above Philipse’s house. I was du jour today

ir>n

FROM ARRIVAL IN NEW YORK TO END OF 1779

outpost toward evening. I had hardly ridden over it when I heard
mbly blown in the Jager Corps. I hurried back as quickly as possible
found that Major Prueschenck, Captain Lorey, and I, each with one
idred men, were ordered to march immediately to Philipses wharf.
; re we found all the grenadiers of the army, the light infantry, the
ion, Ferguson’s Corps, four English regiments, and Robinson’s pro-
:ials. The flatboats were boarded at once, and these troops were all
marked on the transport ships of the Mathew Corps. Eight hundred
i were thrown on each ship, whereby everybody was stacked in such
jnpleasant position that no one could either sit or lie down. All the
ses had been sent back. We had nothing with us but what we carried
aur backs, not even a bite of bread.

X daybreak on the 31st this fleet, under Commodore Sir George Col-
, 65 set sail under escort of two 64-gun ships, three frigates, and four
galleys. Aided by the flood tide and a mild east wind, the fleet passed
the Hudson River and anchored about midday at Tellar’s Point, 66
:re all the troops disembarked under General Pattison 67 except for
te English regiments and one hundred jagers under Captain Lorey,
ch were put ashore at Stony Point across from Tellar’s Point.

'he march of the main corps, under the Commander in Chief and
jor Generals Vaughan and Kospoth, took place along the bank toward
planck’s Point. The Americans had constructed a fort there for the
tection of this passage of the river, where a battery was cut in the rocks
itony Point. Since the work on the right bank was open, it was aban-
led at once by the enemy and occupied by General Pattison toward
ning, but Fort Lafayette on Verplanck’s Point was a good defensive
ition and garrisoned with a Carolina battalion and six 12-pounders. 68
Jeneral Vaughan advanced at once against the fort with two hundred
srs, Ferguson’s Corps, and the English grenadiers to assault all the
>roaches, and at the same time the row galleys drew close to the fort so
t they could Fire upon it. Firing began immediately between the galleys
l the guns of the work. The enemy work was summoned at once, but
commandant refused to surrender and declared he would resist. The
ly encamped so that the enemy corps under General McDougall 69
ild not attempt a rescue.

The row galleys fired upon the fort until nightfall, for it was unap-
lachable from the land side in front of heavy guns because of the
ccessible terrain. The jagers and Ferguson had to approach as close as
ssible on the land side in order to harass the garrison of the fort with
e fire, but this could not help much since the whole fort was built of
:ks and building stones.

tfonth of June. The 1st. At daybreak the row galleys began firing
tin. During the night General Pattison had erected a battery of two

161

IH1RM \ M ) KOl'RIH ( AM PAH AS, I77N AM) 1779

mortars and four heavy guns on Stony Point, from which side the fort
was now cannonaded with very good effect. Toward midday die fort
surrendered after a loss of thirty killed and as mam badly wounded,
whereupon the garrison became prisoners ol war. 1 he English gren-
adiers immediately took possession of the toil, and I hut tied thete to
inspect it, where I found the following.

The fort was built of rocks and building stones: an exposed square
without flanks or bastions. Each interior side was approximately thirty
good paces long. The ditches were a man's height, a good twelve feet wide,
partly in hewn stones and partly walled up with palisades. The breast-
work was provided with stockades. In front of the outer scarp of the
ditches were chevaux-de-frise, and at a distance of ten paces the whole
was surrounded with an abatis of pointed trees. In the middle of the work
there was a bomb-proof blockhouse. In the work itself were only two
cannon toward the land side; but at the foot of the fort, or on the slope of
the hill toward the river side, there was a battery built of stones whose
communication was maintained with the ditches. Toward the land and
water sides lav several fleches, which, however, were not occupied. In a
word, the work was too small, and since everything was of stone each shell
caused the greatest injury to the garrison. 70 We found a uniform with
silken inner lining near the prisoners, and a dead man wrapped up in
blankets hidden under the platform. But we could not learn who this
man, to all appearances a French officer, w-as.

In the afternoon, about two or three o’clock, the entire army marched
through the mountains to Verplanck’s Point, w r hich is made into an island
bv a creek w ith very marshy banks. The army encamped in the form of a
half-circle, being covered bv the creek with the Hudson River in the rear.
The jager detachment of two hundred men and the Legion crossed the
dam where the Herecland’s 71 falls into the Hudson River. A wooden
bridge was found there which the Americans had partly destroyed, but it
was repaired at once. To the left of the dam, along the mouth of the
Herecland’s, was a rockv and mountainous wood through which a deep
sunken road ran to Peekskill, in which Major Prueschenck posted himself
with one hundred jagers on the left, and I with just as many men on the
right. Directly in front of the wood Major Cochrane 72 stationed himsel
with the Legion to serve as support for the jagers. The night prevented us
from becoming acquainted with the terrain ahead of and around us.
could only put out posts and remain under arms in this very ddticu
terrain, where one could not get around at night without breaking
bones, and this was all that we could do for our security.

On the 2d at daybreak each of us took a party to reconnoiter the roa >
where we caught sight of several troops of enemy dragoons on
heights on this side of the Peekskill Creek.' * But they withdrew acros

UV2

FROM ARRIVAL IN NEW YORK TO END OF 1779

dge when we fired several rifle shots at them, for they realized that
y could not harm us in the rocky area.

Vhen we returned we found the Commander in Chief at our post,
ce he had decided to abandon it, he ordered us to withdraw im-
diately behind Herecland’s Creek and to post several pickets on this
which was done at once.

"he 3d. Early in the morning the entire army marched to Peekskill,
sre it halted on the heights on this side of the creek. General Vaughan
jarted here to the right toward Dutch Crompond 74 with the light
antry, Ferguson, the Volunteers of Ireland, and the Regiment Prinz
rl, where the cattle for several miles around were herded together for
army.

lince the enemy had partly destroyed the Peekskill Bridge, and a body
nflemen stopped on the heights on the other side of the creek insulted
and killed and wounded several men by good shooting, General Clin-
ordered me to cross the beams of the bridge with some forty jagers to
ve away these people. I was to try if I could go as far as Continental
lage to burn it and to catch a few country people, because all the
>ple in the entire surrounding area had been obliged to leave by order
General Washington except for several old men.

The mountains which lay beyond were so steep that as soon as we had
ssed the bridge the enemy was out of sight. I then divided the forty
n into four parts and climbed the mountain. The party on the left
ind a footpath by which the enemy was approached unawares in the
r and an adjutant of General McDougall was killed, whereupon the
?my party withdrew. I then took the way to Continental Village, set fire
the barracks, and, as I did not find a living soul in the place, I with-
rw. An enemy party followed me on the way back, with whom I skir-
shed, during which one jager was wounded. Toward evening the army
hdrew to its former position.

3n the 4th we put our pickets in a good defensive position. To the
ht and left of the bridge lay two small houses, which I ordered bar-
aded on the side toward the enemy. I constructed a fleche of wood
ween the two houses, which made our post quite secure, since it lay
der the rifle fire of the detachment. 75

3n the morning of the 5th an enemy boat with two cannon came down
i Hudson River and lay in the mouth of Herecland’s Creek, on the left
nk of our post. It fired four rounds, which killed two men of the
gion behind us, and sailed back again. At the same time an enemy
rty of several hundred men attacked our picket, whereby an Anspach
[ef was wounded. The detachment hurried at once to the rescue; the
emy was driven back and left behind seven dead.

3n the 6th an ambuscade of one corporal and ten jagers was laid

163

PLAN OF THE JAGER POST ON HERECLAND’S CREEK

Ewald’s text accompanying the plan reads as follows: a. New
road and dam which the rebels have made from Verplanck s
Point to Peekskill since the war. b. Lind’s [Lents] Cove and
Herecland’s Creek, which winds through very marshy ground
between the rocks and mountains, making this Point like an
island, and falls on the land side beyond both branches, which
makes the great road to Albany [Albany Post Road] accessible,
c Part of Verplanck’s Point, d. Part of Peekskill. e. Area which
is impassable because of the frequent rocks and thick woods,
f Posts of the Legion, g. Post of the 200 foot jagers. h. Noncom-
missioned officer picket of 16jagers. i. Officer picket of 28 jagers,
which had a fleche of wood in front of them.[j omitted.] k. House
and barn which had been placed in a strong position for the de-
fense of this post. At night 30 Hessian grenadiers came here as
reinforcement, who had orders to defend themselves in the en-
trenchment and the jagers in the houses during an enemy attack.
1 Sentries of the officer picket, m. House which had also been
prepared in a state of defense, and where one noncommissioned
officer and 13 jagers, in addition to 9 grenadiers, were posted at
night, n. Armed sloop [Cornwallis] and galley for the protection
of our left flank, o. Rocks and woods where the ambuscades
were placed, and footpath on which the rebels approached our
posts.”

1(54

THIRD AND KOI RI M C'. WU’ AU.NN. 177S AND 1 771*

beiveen the rocks in front of the post -> th<-‘ pitk«s In the fo.e.roon an
enemv partv of New England light infantry appeared, which tell mho the
trap But hecatt.se of the overhastv ardor of the yagers. only three were
killed and two captured sotnul. which was veil agreeable to the t-
nrandet in Chief nevertheless, since we could collect some u, ta rnation
"tout the enemv Iron, these people. We learned through them that Gen-
eral McDougall. with sis thousand men. had a forth, ed camp the
mountains between Peeksk.ll and Fishkill on the

River and that this party was composed ot New Lnglancleis three
hundred men of the light infantry and one hundred dragoons, who had
the r outpost an hour and a half away from us m the mountains of
Peekskill . However, iheir chief had no fixed post, but changed „ every

ei Toward e'enl’n°g U a S ca P tain of the Indians arrived at our post, who had
served under Butter and Brant.™ He was captured by the Ante mans on
th™ Susquehanna. imprisoned in fetters a, Poughkeepste, had broken
oose and had ransomed himself. The man was covered wtth rags and,
Once' he must have taken the most concealed country for his route, he
had endured the greatest distress and had sores al ovet hts body. But in
spimof everything, one could observe by his conduct that he must be a
courageous and resolute man. He was strong and well built and hts
heS was about five feet, eight to ten inches. We requested htm ,0
remain with us several hours before we sent him to headquaitets, an
during this time sought to refresh his hear, and soul with wine and btead,
whereupon he enlightened us with the following account.

His father was a native Englishman who had gone to America and h.
lived* continuous! v on the frontier of the Iroqttots as a gunsmith; hence
this nation had chosen him for a leader.

“How strong is the corps under Colonel Butlei — When \™ 3S
captured it consisted of fifty English regulars, a number of loyalists,

and four to five hundred Indians. t ,. v v__-in the

• How did you obtain your food in the wild coun >.
beginning we lived on the wild game that is found m plenty there,
which the savages shot and shared with others. But as soon as
reached the holders of Pennsylvania and Maryland, we fou, d flo
and meat — provisions in abundance-hut we could not get

SU :-Hlw dul disaffected subjects and theirs?-

“Man. woman, and child were either cut down o. carr ed
the dwellings plundered, devastated, and jut nt . yvho l e

which we had with the rebels on the busquehani . • scalpe d

brigades were massacred, ot which the gieatei pc

U\(\

• • t.c- .. * J .,ui ‘ - v . Yc v 7

FROM ARRIVAL IN NEW YORK TO END OF 1779

“Have you also scalped, since no Indians are allowed to keep suc^h
ophies?” — “Oh, yes!” — (whereat a wild laugh expressed in his fea-
res indicated his delight at the recollection) — “In the same affair I
id worked so hard with my tomahawk and scalping knife that my
ms were bloody above the elbows. I was born and brought up
nong these people, and am trained in their customs. This piece of
ousers I am wearing here, which they gave me in prison, is the first
at I have worn in my life. He who lives with the Indians and wants
enjoy their friendship must conform to them in all respects, but
en one can depend upon these good people. They are indeed
>od, sincere people.”

“But can’t Colonel Butler prevent this cruelty?” — “No, not in the
ast. If he dares to do this, and meddles with our customs and laws,
‘ would be deserted instantly by these people. Indeed, they would
on become his enemy and certainly murder him.”

“Don’t the Indians ever give quarter?” — “No, seldom, especially
len they are far from their homeland. An officer never receives
larter. Should they spare his life during the fighting, he will be
:pt only for a greater torture, in order to make their celebration
orious with it after the battle.”

“A Major Adams 78 fell into our hands, whose life had been spared
save him for the celebration. On this occasion, he was bound
iked to a tree and flogged with rods for several hours. Pieces of
*sh were cut off him at different places, and he remained in this
mdition for three days, exposed to the terrible bites of the insects,
he celebration lasted three days, during which the Indians danced
►ntinually around this poor fellow among their prisoners of war.
nee he was a brave and distinguished soldier, they shouted to him
at he should now act like a man at the end of his life.”

heart seemed to rejoice with this tale. It grew, dark during our
'sation. We parted from him, giving to him according to our cir-
inces. We would have gladly given him a shirt, for which he asked,
mrselves had had more than what we carried on our backs. Then
him go to the headquarters.

n this story of a people, one perceives that all our acts depend upon
^bringing and customs.

the 7th, in the afternoon, an enemy party appeared in the vicinity
post, which, however, withdrew when I moved against it with the
. I then went to the noncommissioned officer’s picket on the right
'ho had his post in a house which I put in a defensive position. But I
that much of the woodwork had been ruined or burned. There-
I punished the noncommissioned officer with the flat of my
sword. Just as I struck him, two rifle shots were fired at me from

167

H1IKI) AND KOI' R 1H CAMPAIGNS. 177s AND 1 770 I

the left side. When 1 looked around, I saw two riflemen fleeing, who must
have sneaked up and hidden behind the rocks in the area. I went at once
to the nearest sentry, who had not seen these two men until the\ had
fired and were running away.

The l()th. Since our patrols had not discovered any of the enemy, a big
washing was undertaken todav because we had nothing else with us but
the shirts that we wore on our backs. Each officer and jager was ordered
to take off his shirt and stockings and wash them in Herecland s Creek,
during which clothing and boots had to be kept on the body until the
wash was dry. In three hours' time we had tresh linen, since the weather
was extremely warm, which it certainly was afterward, too. tor the water
was salt water and our washing was not provided with soap. But every-
thing is learned from necessity; it is the best teacher.

The 11th. An armed sloop and a galley lay before the mouth ot the
Herecland’s to secure our left flank against the insults of the enemy

gunboat. , . , ,

The 14th. Todav for the first time we neglected to lay an ambuscade,

and to our chagrin a party of enemy dragoons appeared on the highway.

The 20th. Because our sentries could not see very tar around at night
due to the intersected terrain. I ordered an abatis made whose ends
reached up to the creek and surrounded the houses where the pickets
were stationed, behind which I withdrew the sentries at night. Moreover,
since the nights were very dark I ordered large woodpiles laid out at a
distance of three hundred paces in front of the pickets, and lighted tires
at night so that the pickets could not be approached unseen.

Todav three enemv deserters came in, who gave us the news that three
hundred volunteers were sent out last night to surprise our pickets, but
thev had retired because our sentries had been wide-awake.

The 21st. We are very busy digging entrenchments on Verplancks
Point as well as on Stonv Point, in order to put these posts in such a state
of defense that thev can defy a superior force. These two posts make us
masters of the Hudson River, which passage' 9 has constantly served
enemv for maintaining the communication between the northern an
southern provinces. But since General Clinton is now the master of it,
Americans must make use of a higher passage at West Pom , w
their troops and transports are forced to make a detour of five to six ,
march. Even then they are still not safe against our excursions, it a s B
corps is stationed at these two posts. Moreover, we can easi > assau ,
principal fortress at West Point from here. If we can get control ot ,
northern provinces will be severed from the southern, anc t e co
cation between New York and Canada will be opened. As soon as
two posts are put in a satisfactory condition, the amn wi wi
None of us can understand whv Washington has not supporte

USA

FROM ARRIVAL IN NEW YORK TO END OF 1779

s better and thus let us stay here so peacefully. He has not stirred in
mcampment in the Jerseys. 80

tie 25th. Last night a sharp small-arms fire broke out in front of our
, and no one could discover the reason for it. At daybreak I roamed
ugh the area and found several dead and wounded Americans of two
ies. One of the wounded men told me that two parties had gone out
lrprise us, of which one lost its way, whereby both parties had run
each other.

award evening the jager detachment and a battalion of light infantry
er Colonel Abercromby proceeded to Dutch Crompond to surprise
nemy party, and a battalion of light infantry and the Legion were
ed on the heights of Peekskill to cover the rear of the former. At
>reak Abercromby arrived before the village. I was detached with
jagers and fifty men of the light infantry to surround the place and
;ize a defile formed by a dam, whereby the enemy’s retreat was cut
The enemy detachment consisted of four hundred infantry and fifty
e. I had scarcely arrived at my place when small-arms fire began on
other side. At that moment a large body of infantry and cavalry
■oached me. I fired at them on sight, and immediately ordered the
men of the light infantry to charge. After a few were cut down,
>st one hundred men threw away their arms and surrendered as
iners.

lout eight o’clock on the morning of the 26th we were masters of the
le area, counted three hundred prisoners and thirty-three horses,
marched back. The most unpleasantness during the stroke was the
ling on fire of the village, the cause of which we could not discover,
iring these exceptionally warm summer days, the thunderstorms in
country are very dangerous. Yesterday three sailors were struck dead
ghtning on a ship which lay off Verplanck’s Point, and today a stroke
red three Hessian grenadiers of the Lengerke Battalion. The thun-
torms usually come daily and last for about four to five hours,
ae 27th. Yesterday the Guards, the Volunteers of Ireland, and the
ment Prinz Carl were embarked and sailed to New York. Toward
ling the following troops likewise received orders to embark early in
morning: the Hessian grenadiers at six o’clock; the English gren-
rs, except for two companies of the 71st Regiment, at seven o’clock;
ight infantry, the Legion, and the jager detachment at eight o’clock.
Stony Point, the 63d Regiment at nine o’clock, the 64th Regiment and
ager detachment at ten o’clock. Colonel Webster, with the 33d Regi-
t and Ferguson, remained to garrison the work on Verplanck’s Point,
mel Johnson, 81 with the 17th Regiment, the two grenadier companies
ae 7 1st, and Robinson 82 remained for the same purpose on Stony
it. The frigate Fanny and two armed schooners remained for the

169

PLAN OF THE TWO POSTS ON
STONY AND VERPLANCK'S POINTS

This plan may have been made about the time Clinton took Stony
and Verplanck’s Points on May 31 and June 1 , 1779, since it shows
Stony Point occupied by the 1 7th, 40th, and 45th British regi-
ments, with jagers on an outlying hill. When Wayne took the
fort on the night of July 15 the garrison consisted of the 17th
Regiment, the grenadier company of the 71st Regiment, a body
of Loyal Americans, and an artillery detachment. Stony Point was
open on the side toward the river, which is here marked West-
Point,” perhaps because of its position on the west si e o t e
river The road above the fort leads to King’s Ferry, which crossed
to Verplanck’s Point. The inscription in the river between the
ferry landings reads, “Where General Washington always crossed
the North River.” Fort Lafayette lies just above the ferry landing
on Verplanck’s Point. The inscription along the lower road reads,
“Road to Hereckland’s Creek or Peekskill,” and along the upper
road, “The very same, particularly to our posts.” Below the roa
on the left bank of the river are the “Works completed by the
rebels ” At the bottom of the plan is the “Creek which makes
this Point a peninsula.” The troop dispositions show Robertson s
(Robinson’s) Corps below, and the Hessian and English gren-
adiers at the extreme right. The legend in the box reads as fol-
lows: “Plan of the two posts on Stony and Verplanck s Point.

B C Newlv constructed works on our side. D. D. D. An out-
lying work which lav lower than Fort Lafayette, in which the
rebels had three 1 8-pounders on the rampart side which tired
en barbette." The letters given in this description are missing trom
the plan, except for the letter B. which is found at the extreme

lower rieht.

THIRD AND KOI RTH CAMPAIGNS, 1778 AND 1770

protection of both points. King near Haverstraw to maintain the com-
munication by water. The warship Rainbow maintained us station at

Tellar’s Point. . ,

The 98th of lune. At davbreak we set tire to the tonifications at the

laser posts and burned the bridge over Herecland’s Creek. At five o’clock
the iaser detachment set out for the embarkation place and at eleven
o’clock in the morning all the troops were on board their designated
transport ships. Toward two o’clock the fleet set sail. Afterward, we were
obliged to anchor at Haverstraw Bay because ot calms, and arrived on the
afternoon of the 30th at Philipse’s wharf, where all the troops disem-
barked at once and moved into camp at their former posts. e jager

detachment rejoined the Corps. . „

Month of |ulv. The 15th. Our entire duty in the Jager Corps now
consists of strong and small patrolling toward Tarry town, but no man of

Washington’s army lingered in this area. ...... ,

The 16th. Last night a violent cannonade was heard in the direction of
Verplanck’s Point and Stony Point. Around midday a boat arrived at
Philipse’s wharf with the news that Colonel Johnson had been surprised
on Stony Point by the Americans, and that from this work the enemy had
bombarded the one on Verplanck’s Point. Hereupon, the Commander in
Chief embarked at once at Philipse’s wharf with the 42d, 63d, and 64th
regiments and sailed up the Hudson to save Verplanck’s Point.

On the 19th the news arrived that after the Americans had ma
themselves master of the work on Stony Point, during which the greater
part of the garrison is said to have been killed with the bayonettey
erected several batteries of the captured guns opposite Verplanck s Point
with which they bombarded the work on that promontory. This was the
firing we could hear quite well at our post. 83

The 21st. After they had transported all the captured guns and de-
stroyed the work, the Americans abandoned Stony Point. The Com-
mander in Chief has landed Colonel Stirling with the 42d, 63d and 64 h
regiments on Stony Point and taken possession of the work Gen
Washington and his army have approached within an hour of Stony

in order to support any undertaking.

The 22 d. The Jager Corps had to advance toward White Plains in

order to occupy this pass until a foraging was completed in the vicinity o

E£ On the 28th we received the news that General Prevost has U,ld ^ la ^
an expedition from Savannah to South Carolina General Lmcoln, who
covers this province with a corps of six to seven hundied me ,
driven into Charlestown after several engagements.

During the night of the 30th, the following parties went outww ^
f,,t thi. enemv detachments under the two colonels Sheldo

FROM ARRIVAL IN NEW YORK TO END OF 1779

e 84 which had appeared in the vicinity of ouit post. Lieutenant Col-
Wurmb and the mounted jagers went to Dewese’s Hill, 85 and or-
d me to take my post with one hundred jagers between Tarrytown
Sing Sing in order to cover his rear. Lieutenant Colonel Simcoe and
orps took the route along the Saw Mill Creek and occupied Storm's
ge. Lieutenant Colonel Emmerich went with his corps and the Le-
almost to White Plains. According to this plan, it was impossible that
nemy party — if one was in this area — should not be found and de-
d, for it must fall into our hands, since these three detachments
i mutually assist each other.

daybreak Emmerich’s horsemen ran into those under Colonel Shel-
they were overthrown, and lost ten to twelve men killed and cap-
d. Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb, who heard the pistol firing, rushed to
; he overthrew the enemy, took some twenty men prisoner, and
ued him as far as Sing Sing.

l the 31st of July the army marched back to York Island and took up
ame position as in the previous year. This is now the third campaign
'e we have continually lost in the end what we won with the first rush
e beginning.

onth of August. The 5th. Early today we received information that a
lg party of the enemy was approaching East and West Chester to
k the loyalist corps under Major Bearmore 86 in front of
risania. 87 The cavalry of Simcoe, the Legion, Emmerich, and the
ar corps under Captain Diemar 88 were rushed at once to assist this
s, since they were situated closer to West Chester than the Jager
is. Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb, who commanded all these light
ps, set out and followed with the Jager Corps as soon as he had news
le incident.

te van of the English was in a narrow road between New Rochelle
Mamaroneck, on the other side of the tobacco mill, when it ran into a
p of enemy cavalry, which withdrew. In the flurry, the officer of the
need guard followed without looking in front of or around him. At
moment when he thought he had reached the enemy troop, he re-
id small-arms fire from the enemy infantry behind a hedge, into
h the cavalry had lured him. At the same instant, he was overthrown
attacked with such fury that only he alone escaped, although
nded. His men, consisting of thirty horsemen, were all shot dead or
down, partly by the infantry. Lieutenant Colonels Simcoe and Em-
ich rushed to assist their advanced guard, but could undertake noth-
against the enemy, because he had placed his horsemen behind the
le and occupied it on both sides with infantry. 89
i a moment the Jager Corps arrived, which immediately attacked the
ny infantry and dislodged it after a stubborn resistance. All the

173

THIRD AND FOURTH CAMPAIGNS, 1778 AND \ / <9 |

cavalrv crossed the defile at once and followed the enemy up to the
vicinity of the Bvram River. But he had withdrawn so far with the infan-
try during the fight that he could no longer be caught. Now, since the
Corps had exposed its left flank toward White Plains on its march and
during the fighting, Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb ordered Major Prues-
chenck and four companies of foot jagers to return quickly to
Mamaroneck and to occupy Pell’s Bridge 99 between New Rochelle and
West Chester. I had to remain with two companies at the defile where the
fight had taken place and wait for the withdrawal of the cavalry following
the enemy Toward six o’clock in the evening the cavalry returned, and
the Corps marched back to its post. In all, the Jager Corps had covered a
distance of thirty good hours, from six o’clock in the morning until ten
o’clock in the evening, during which it had run nearly three hours and
fought one hour.

The 12th. Today an officer from the corps of Colonel Armand came in
as a deserter. This man could justly claim the most perfect title to the
name of adventurer. He was a native Russian named Diwizow [?]. He had
served twenty-four years as an officer with the Don Cossacks, had taken
part in the Seven Years’ War against Prussia, the following war against
the Turks, and was present against the Confederation [Poland] and the
rebel Pugachev. 91 After that war he had had a station with a postal service
twenty-two miles behind Astrakhan, where he had amassed a fortune of

one thousand rubles. .

Afterward, he had resigned his commission and gone to Petersburg in
order to seek employment in a better and more agreeable area, but he
was not successful there. During this time he had heard talk about the
American War, whereupon he had set out on a journey to Germany. In
time he had arrived in Brunswick, when the Brunswick troops were pre-
paring to go to America. There he had applied for an officer’s appoint-
ment but this was denied him. Since his money was running short, he
realized the necessity of taking service as a noncommissioned officer with
the lager Corps. He had been taken prisoner by the Americans at
Saratoga, and had enlisted with the Armand Corps. He was a man ot
about fifty years and could converse very well.

The 15th. The 16th Regiment of Dragoons and the rangers a
crossed over to Long Island today. The former was to occupy the quar-
ters in Jamaica because of the scarcity of forage and the lattei to take p
at Oyster Bay in order to prevent the repeated landings of the New

England privateers. , „ , . ..... nnr i

The 1 7th. At midday we received information that Colonel W
a strong detachment were on the march against our post. Th ^J.^ r
Corps went quickly against him. crossed the defile of Philipses Bndg ,
turned to the right past Babcock's Hill, and arrived back at its post during

174

FROM ARRIVAL IN NEW YORK TO END OF 1779

night without having seen the enemy. On the way we learned that the
Tiy had approached by way of Mile Square, and had withdrawn again
ig Saw Mill Creek toward White Plains.

he 19th. Last night Lieutenant Colonel Buskirk 92 had to make a foray
nst an enemy party in the vicinity of New Bridge. He left Major and
utant General Sutherland 93 with Skinner’s 2d Battalion and sixty in-
is to guard the works at Paulus Hook in the Jerseys. Captain Schal-
‘ with forty men of the Regiment Erb Prinz had been ordered there to
ngthen this post. The Americans had received news of it and
ched at once with a party of five hundred men from the brigade of
d Stirling, 95 under Major Lee, to lay an ambuscade near Paulus Hook,
he same time they put a picket close to this post, which was to with-
er to the opposite side of the ambuscade as soon as it was attacked by
English party from the works. Toward midnight the aforesaid de-
lment under Buskirk ran out and drove back the picket, which moved
ard New Bridge with the English following it.

/hile this was taking place, Major Lee and his detachment approached
post of Paulus Hook and crossed the marshy creek which makes it an
ad. A drawbridge was situated over the creek, where a picket of one
icommissioned officer and ten men of the Erb Prinz Regiment was
ted. In deepest silence, Lee surprised the sleeping invalids quartered
blockhouse. He attacked the Hessian noncommissioned officer in the
r, who resisted to be sure, but was captured nevertheless,
laptain Schaller, who had remained under arms with thirty men (al-
ugh he had assured the commandant that he could sleep peacefully,
ause a strong party had gone out against the enemy), threw himself
ckly into a fleche which lay behind him. He was scarcely in it when the
lericans shouted to him that he was completely surrounded: he must
render or he would receive no quarter. The captain replied that if
y wanted to have him they should attack him, for then they both
aid have more honor from the affair. He then fired and defended his
it until daybreak, whereupon the Americans withdrew and Captain
taller had the honor of having saved this important post. 96
rhis surprise attack, as well as that on Stony Point, actually succeeded
:ause these posts were surrounded on the side toward the enemy by a
>rass on whose depth the English depended and which they had con-
ered impassable.

rhe 23d. According to all accounts, Washington and his army are
tioned at his fortified post at West Point. He will have to remain on the
Fensive, as well as we, since he has been obliged to detach General
llivan with six thousand men against Wyoming to stop the incursions of
lonel Butler and the two Indian princes, Joseph and Brant, 97 whose
rties are said to be increased by six to seven thousand men. 98

173

PLAN OF PAULUS HOOK AND ITS WORKS

Paulus, or Powles, Hook is the modern Jersey City. The fort t is
said to have been located near the present Washington and Grand
streets. This plan may have been made around the time of Lee s
exploit, for it shows his route of attack and wnhdrawaf Ewald s
inscription reads as follows: “ Explanation . A. March of the

rebels^ to attack Paulus Hook. B. The redoubt which Major
Sutherland, Captain von Schaller, and Ensign [Georg] Cress
defended with twenty-five Hessians. C. F o« ^ lth ' lx ^
pieces, of which the rebels took possession. D- The ^° C £ h °^
on the right side with one corporal and fifteen Hessians^ E. The
center blockhouse with one subaltern, one sergeant, an eig
m-iva.es of the garrison baualion. F. The blockhouse on the left
side with one subaltern and eighteen privates of the Samson to •
talion. G. Barracks of the garrison battalion. H. A demo
ished bridge.” The remark at the bottom of the plan in Ewald
handwriting reads: “Paulus Hook lies opposite New York, the
river here is a good German mile wide.

176

THIRD A Nil KOl'RTH CAMPAIGNS. 1778 AND 1 771*

Month of September. The 6th. For several days the toads lizards, and
snakes appeared so numerous on our rocky post that one had to use all
his ingenuity to elevate his night’s lodging; and when one awoke, some
still had companions in slumber.

For us light troops these two campaigns in one area are very disagree-
able We are troubled with party sorties and patrolling just as much as in
an offensive campaign, I venture, because this constant patrolling of one
kind is bound to take away one’s respect with each step. The endless
monotony makes the whole business tiresome, since every jager alieady

knows where he is supposed to go when he starts out.

On the 23d nine hundred Hessian recruits arrived from Europe of
which the Jager Corps received one hundred and thirty-seven men. ey
had rebelled against their officers on the ships, but s i nce a " English
frigate of the convoy threatened to shoot them down they had become
peaceful. Meanwhile, several of the officers were badly mistreate . he
twelve ringleaders, among whom are several unfortunate noblemen and
students, are locked up and will get a court-martial in New \ork Gener-
ally, they are handsome people, whose ways of thinking will no doubt be

changed by good discipline. . ,

Month of October. The 3d. At last a situation appeared that interested
me which made the continual monotony bearable for a while. Last night
Major and Adjutant General Beckwith™ with thirty hussars of Diemar s
and fifty men of the 64th Regiment, went out from the encampment on
York Island to lav an ambuscade in the vicinity of East Chester, where the
two roads from White Plains and New Rochelle meet and where the

“ITda^reak I wm ordered to cross the Bronx River over the Williams
Bridge with eighty foot jagers. I was to take a post on the road to White
Plains, on this side of East Chester, such that I could support Major
Beckwith and protect his rear in case of an unfortunate accident. Bu
since I found no suitable post in the designated area 1 went . one hour
further where I discovered from a hill the whole aiea bevond the a
tade^nd had two roads under my fire. 1 had all .he people bmugh. ro me
who passed near my ambuscade, but everyone assured me that they had
seen no patrols of their people for eight days.

About eleven o’clock in the morning I detected a body of horseme
the d, stance which was making its way toward the ambuscade »
mediately crawled behind the walls which surrounded the field I , u
to be in a position opposite them and shoot down whatevet shoul p. 1

th Nc,w b |inaMajor Beckwith wanted to have the most exact •

that the enemy patrol today would take the route iron. White Plains

178

FROM ARRIVAL IN NEW YORK TO END OF 1771)

ie left past East Chester and return by it to the right, he placed his
lfantry behind a wall of a burned-down house so that the patrol had to
ass this first, and put the hussars behind a hill. At the moment when the
riemv would receive the fire from the ambuscade, the hussars were to
ill upon and pursue the fugitives.

For this positive information which Beckwith wanted to have, I placed
lyself as the plan 100 shows. But to our complete displeasure, the enemy
atrol this morning took an entirely opposite route, luckily for him, and
in unexpectedly into the hussars first, who to their misfortune had their
^es solely on the ambuscade in front of them and not behind. The patrol
verthrew the hussars, hacked their way through, and passed through
ie infantry fire so successfully that only the horses of Lieutenant Gill 101
ad his trumpeter were killed, six to seven wounded, and only the first
vo were captured. I rushed up to the firing, and since the trumpeter
>sured me that two hundred infantrymen followed this party, we took
ar march back with our two prisoners as quickly as possible.

The American party consisted of fifty horsemen and the lieutenant,
horn one learned from his resolute action as a soldier was just as fine a
ian as a good hussar. He related to me on the way back that Diemar’s
Pficer and his hussars were sitting on their horses in such deep thought
lat they did not see him before he had commanded loudly, “At them! At
iem!”, for he could not retreat without running the risk of being de-
lated. 102

On the 8th a part of the fleet, which had on board the troops for Cape
reton, returned in miserable circumstances. All the ships have lost their
lasts through a violent storm, and three with Hessians and two with
nglishmen are said to be lost. 103

The 23d. We have again abandoned the posts of Stony Point and
erplanck’s Point, after all the works have been demolished as much as
ossible. A corps of two thousand Americans under General Howe 104 has
ready taken possession of them. Perhaps we shall not take these impor-
mt posts from Washington again so cheaply. Once more, we are now no
irther than we were at the beginning of the campaign. — How easily can
ie plan of an entire campaign be upset by the negligence of an officer to
horn a post is entrusted!

On the 29th I received the unpleasant news that my very good friend
ieutenant Colonel Simcoe had been badly wounded in the Province of
-Fsey and was in enemy captivity. He had taken a party of twenty-six
orsemen and two hundred infantrymen from Staten Island to the Prov-
ice of Jersey in order to destroy several enemy magazines. He left his
ifantry at Amboy to protect his rear and went with the horsemen to
runswick and Bound Brook, where he succeeded in destroying a pro-

179

THIRD AND FOURTH ( '.AM l'A U .NS, 1<<H AND I"-

Rnt is soon as the state militia learned of it, they assem-
visions magazine. But as h()t down t hc majority of his men,

bled immediately at the passes. 1() .

and finally wounded and capture n dangerous is the service of

From .his example one ™ P^^stSnnation from .he
light troops in this country. One ne S then one is likely

^ sh -
to ils winler

quarters.

NEW YORK HEADQUARTERS

The four Hessian grenadier ba.ralions, the 42 d Scottish Regiment, the
54 * R^e„ntin g ner's 2d Banal, on, and the heavy arullery.

YORK ISLAND, UNDER GENERAL MATHEW

The English Guards and P Kn7pha^ThT Hessian

huts and barracks on aure Mon q s House and the ruined houses of
and Anspach jagers in the huts olantation of McGowan and the

Harlem. 106 The mounted jagers .on the ment on the planta-

Regiment Mirbach in the huts e . Qn the plantation from

tions on the East River, °> Bo se in the houses and

Bloomingdale to Jones’s house. The Regiment

huts on the Hudson River.

LONG ISLAND, UNDER LORD CORNWALLIS

English grenadiers and light infantry Tn then M
17, h Regimen, of Dragoons a, Hempstead Uh » " Newl ^

a, Bedford, the 33d in huts a, Denys » Jeny, thc^./t ^ ^

30th in the barracks of the net, "°' D ^ • 3ci Battalion and .he Fan-

"SXd“ S Si“BavandH,tn,n, g .on.

STATEN ISLAND, UNDER GENERAL SKINNER

Q The "hd, tatTled from Rhode island were stationed in

Huyn, and Bunau, under General Huyn, N Y ork, the American

Voters" ‘ami EngffioyalL to Lloyd’s Neck, the Legion to

FROM ARRIVAL IN NEW YORK TO END OF 1771)

tyster Bay, and Skinners 2d Battalion from New York to Jerusalem,
he roving band, the Refugee Corps under Major Bearmore, to
lorrisania. These people lived by plundering without pay.

All the outlying works beyond Kings Bridge pass were demolished and
bandoned, so that we were still more restricted this year than in the past,
ccordingly, General Washington ordered his cordon drawn from the
ludson River at Tarrytown across East and West Chester up to the
ound, and kept us as if besieged with his parties.

The Jager Corps received very dilapidated huts for their winter quar-
ts; therefore they had to rebuild their own dwellings again. About this
me the winter began to set in; consequently, the men suffered very
tuch until they had dug and built their hovels so well that they were
rotected against the frost. Officers and everyone had to build huts;
“nee they received sixteen guineas for the costs of construction. I ap-
;ared to have a somewhat better fate, for I moved with my company
to the ruined houses of Harlem, in order to support the refugees at
orrisania in case of an attack.

Month of December. The 6th. Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb had re-
lived intelligence that the Americans were going to undertake some-
ing against the post at Morrisania, and let me know at once so that I
iuld watch it closely. I immediately notified Major Bearmore, who sent
ick word that he was not worried: “Just let the rascals come.”

Before daylight on the 7th, I heard small-arms fire at Morrisania. I
imediately took eighty men of my company and crossed the Harlem
ver in the two boats assigned to me. I had hardly set foot on land when
number of refugees came running, who begged me to hurry since they
id been attacked and the majority were killed. I ran in a trot to
orrisania, but the disaster had occurred. Major Bearmore was captured
id over a hundred of his men had been cut down miserably. I followed
e enemy as far as West Chester, but he had withdrawn. I remained with
ese people until they had recovered from their fright and had taken
tter measures. I returned to my post in the evening. 113
On the 20th we finally received positive news that a ship with eight
ficers and two hundred men from the 44th Regiment and a ship with
ven officers and two hundred and fifty men from the Regiment Alt
>ssberg had fallen victim to the sea. But the other two vessels, with four
mpanies of Hessians from the Regiment Knyphausen, were rescued off
e Jersey coast in very miserable circumstances and fell into enemy
ptivity. 114

Remarks on the incident at Savannah . 115

On every occasion during this war, one can observe the thoughtless-
ss, negligence, and contempt of the English toward their foe.

183

PLAN OF THE POST AT HARLEM

This plan shows the Hessian Field -Jager Corps stationed in and
around Harlem and along the right bank of the Harlem River.
Morrisania lies across the river, with the Morris House, now in
the lower Bronx of New York City, shown above. An armed sloop
is noted in the river. The islands shown are not in their correct
geographical locations. Montresor's Island is now Randalls Is-
land; “Phasen Island” was Barren Island, now Ward’s Island;
and “Ruckurs Island is a rock” is Rikers Island. At the left of
the plan is the post of Captain John Althouse, New York Volun-
teers. The vertical writing states, “The two banks of the Harlem
River are so marshy that no boat can land at low tide.” The round
markers with pennants along the river bank are sentries. Ewald
has labeled the defense barrier at the river “My night post.”

The village of Harlem is located at the center of the plan, which
shows Ewald’s quarters, the picket house, and the hospital of the
Jager Corps. To the right is a night picket of six jagers and a
noncommissioned officer. Near the upper right corner is a picket
of Regiment von Mirbach guarding the defense barriers of Mc-
Gowan’s Pass. The site of the pass is now in the northeastern
part of Central Park. The long road running from the left to
the right is the “Road from Kings Bridge through the highlands
of York Island to the city of New York.”

THIRD AND FOURTH CAMPAIGNS, 1778 AND 1779

Before the attack of the French and rebels on the English at Savannah,
the commander did nothing more for his defense against the rebels than
have the four old redoubts repaired and construct several new ones for
support, which they believed to be sufficient against the Americans. And
who knows, if the Americans alone had undertaken the assault on the
works in the beginning, whether they would not have captured the place,
since it was considered strong enough for them.

But now the Comte d’Estaing suddenly arrived with his fleet. Now the
water almost came up to their necks. Three hundred Negroes had to
work head-over-heels at once under Moncrief , 116 and they had luck alone
to thank that they repelled the enemy. And who knows, if the French
admiral had given General Prevost only two hours’ respite instead of
twenty-four when he summoned the city and then risked his assault,
during which time they still had to work in the place, whether the general
would not have lost his head. But the troops grew accustomed to the
dangers of their posts during the eight days’ bombardment. They began
to scorn it, and surely fought more courageously than they would have
done had the Comte carried out his assault on the garrison under an
intense cannonade and bombardment during the first days . 11

End of the Second Part.

186

Volume III

Fifth Campaign, 1780

CHAPTER 1

From the expedition from New York up to
the assault on the Charlestown fortress.

PART ONE

From the embarkation at New York up to the disem-
barkation on Simmons Island in South Carolina.

1779 .

Month of December. Since a planned expedition was never kept secret in
the English headquarters, through which fault the best plans often failed,
this was also the case with the impending one.

I had long since received news of this expedition. Moreover, a number
of regiments and two hundred jagers under Major Wurmb had been
notified to hold themselves ready at a moment's notice. But in the past
two campaigns we had constantly wandered about in the Province of New
York, whereby I had become heartily tired of this area and the entire
service we had performed on the defensive. My heart bled with longing
to look around in the South. Since the Jager Corps was staffed with six
captains, Captains Hinrichs and Bodungen had been detailed in their
turn to the approaching expedition. Yet I had to remain calm.

On the 14th my mind impelled me so forcibly to ride to the headquar-
ters at New York that I hurried there the very moment I was struck with
the idea. In the anteroom of the Commanding General I found one of
my best friends, Colonel Abercromby. When he saw me he shook hands
at once and wished me luck in accompanying the expedition. I assured
the good man that it was not my turn, but since we constituted a com-
bined corps, everyone would be detailed in his turn. But he assured me
once more that the general had requested me, and that if I could not go
with the jager detachment he would take me along in his suite to make
use of my services whenever the opportunity arose. I should go im-
mediately to General Knyphausen, where I would find all the details. I
followed his advice with joy.

As soon as I had paid him my compliments, this worthy old gentleman
wished me luck and spoke to me as follows: “General Clinton and Lord

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

Cornwallis request you for the approaching expedition. Since it is now
vour turn, I have detailed you along with eighty jagers. I will give you the
orders for the Corps.” I jumped for joy, hurried to the Corps with my

news, and readied myself to march.

On the 16th, 17th, 18th, and 19th the following troops were embarked
in the East River at New York under the command of Sir Henry Clinton
and the generals Lord Cornwallis, Huyn, Kospoth, and Paterson.

1. 280 Hessian and Anspach jagers.

2. Two battalions of English light infantry, reckoned at 1,000 men, under
Colonel Abercromby and Major Dundas. 1

3. Two battalions of English grenadiers of 1,000 men under the two col-
onels Yorke and Hope. 2 ,

4. Four battalions of Hessian grenadiers under the lieutenant colonels

Linsing, Lengerke, Schuler, and Graff.

5. The 7th, 23d, 33d, 63d, and 64th English regiments.

6. The Hessian Regiment Huyn.

7 The British Legion under Colonel Tarleton.

8. A company of the 17th Regiment of Light Dragoons

9. A company of Bucks County, Pennsylvania, refugees.

10. The Althouse sharpshooter company. 5

1 1. The Scottish corps under Major Ferguson.

12 One hundred Hessian volunteers drawn from all the regiments under
' sir George Hanger, 6 who served as a volunteer with the Jager Corps.

13. 250 English and Hessian bombardiers and gunners under Majors
Traille and Collins, 7 which were equipped with all necessities for a
siege.

14. 200 pontoniers and pioneers.

This entire corps numbered between 7,000 and 8,000 men.

The jagers who were embarked last, left their miserable winter quar-
ters early on the morning of December 19 full of joy. These quarters
consisted only of half-finished huts and destroyed houses. Moreover, a
very severe winter threatened us, with little wood available. Our com-
rades who had to remain behind wished us all blessings on our journey
and would have gladly exchanged their lot for ours.

About two o’clock in the afternoon we arrived at New York. Major
Wurmb and the two captains Hinrichs and Bodungen were embarked
with two hundred jagers on the transport Apollo. I, with my eighty jagers,
boarded the ship called the Pan.

On the 21st and 22d the winter set in unusually severe for several day ,
contrary to its customary behavior here; the navigable riv’ers threatened
to freeze over and the ships hurried to put to sea. But since I had the
luck that half of the sailors had run away, the ship could not leave
wharf earlier than the evening of the 22d, when it had recovered

190

FROM NEW YORK TO THE ASSAULT ON CHARLESTOWN

regular crew, and thus was compelled to drop anchor this long in the East
River.

Early on the morning of the 23d, about five o’clock, I was awakened
from sleep by a violent noise from the deck. At that moment the
helmsman burst into the cabin. Since I had no misgivings about the
clamor, I asked him whether we would soon put to sea. He had a large
glass of brandy which he put to his mouth and downed in great haste, and
assured me that we would founder right away because the drift ice had
cut off our main anchor, and the flood tide was driving the ship with the
drift ice toward the reefs of Hell Gate. I rushed up on deck and discov-
ered that all the sailors had lost their heads. I looked into the water and
noticed that the ice had surrounded our ship and piled up in such huge
masses that nothing at all seemed to help. In these circumstances the day
broke and the ebb tide came, driving us toward the rocky coast of Long
Island and running us so hard against a reef that nearly all the people on
deck were thrown to the floor by the shock.

The largest masses of ice left us, but we now saw big pieces of timber
between the water and ice which obviously were from our ship, and the
ship’s captain found that the ship was half-full of water. We remained in
this condition until about noon, when luckily for us we settled on a
sandbar at Hell Back 9 several hundred paces from Long Island, which
was the best thing that could have happened to us. We remained fast in
this position until about one o’clock, when Lieutenant Winter worked his
way through the ice toward us with three boats, picked us up, and put us
safely on shore an hour later above New York, whereby I, like the other
officers, lost my provisions and equipment.

Now, since all the ships had already sailed into the mouth of the har-
bor, out of fear of the ice, and no other vessel in place of the Pan could be
provided at the anchorage of the fleet, I had to work my way with my
detachment in boats through the drift ice to the fleet, where the detach-
ment was distributed among the entire fleet. I was placed with an officer,
Lieutenant Wintzingerode, 10 and our servants and the hornblower on
board the brigantine Spring, on which was one company and a half of the
Regiment Huyn.

On the 25th all the commanders of the troops and the ships’ captains
received their instructions concerning the signals. The call was “59” and
the reply “Lord Hawke,” which were assigned so that in case a ship
should drift away from the fleet and encounter another ship at night they
could recognize each other. In the event they met in the daytime, a
- certain flag was to be hoisted and answered by another designated one.
Moreover, each commander of troops on a ship received a sealed letter
which he might open if he had been driven off course and was twice
twenty-four hours distant from the fleet, in which he finds the rendez-

191

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

vous of the fleet. Should his ship face the danger of falling into enemy
hands, it is his responsibility to destroy these instructions, including the
signals and the sealed letter.

On the morning of the 26th at eight o’clock the signal was given to
weigh anchor. The fleet set sail under a favorable northwest wind and
passed the Hook and the Middle Ground where the men-of-war were
anchored, under whose escort the entire fleet under Admiral Ar-
buthnot 11 sailed to the east in the following formation.

Perseus frigate, 32 guns,

Captain Elphinstone, 12 an excellent and
celebrated naval officer who was very familiar
with the southern coast of North America.

Roebuck ,

The transport

[Europe,

The transport

Romulus ,

44 guns,

ships with

64 guns,]

ships of

44 guns,

Captain

the English

Principal

the light

Captain

Hamond, 13

grenadiers.

Agent,

infantry.

Clinton

a very

Captain

[Gayton]. 15

meritorious

Ton ken. 14

The

naval officer,

Commander

where Lord

in Chief,

Cornwallis

General

was aboard.

Transport

Second

Transport

Clinton was
aboard here.

ships with

Agent,

ships with

the Hessians.

Captain

the English

Chads. 18

infantry.

Robust ,

Defiance,

74 guns. 17

Ordnance

Third Agent,

Transport

64 guns. 18

ships with

Captain

ships with the

the artillery

Winter. 19

engineers.

and all that

pontoniers,

belonged to

and pioneers,

it.

including the
equipment
and horse
transports.

Renown ,

Raisonnable,

50 guns. 20

64 guns. 21

Provisions ships.

Provincial corps ships.

Russell , 74 guns. 22

Richmond frigate, 32 guns, Captain Hudson, 2,5
a very courageous and experienced seaman.

FROM NEW YORK TO THE ASSAULT ON CHARLESTOWN

regular crew, and thus was compelled to difop anchor this long in the East
River.

On the 25th all the commanders of the troops and the ships’ captains
received their instructions concerning the signals. The call was “59” and
the reply “Lord Hawke,” which were assigned so that in case a ship
should drift away from the fleet and encounter another ship at night they
could recognize each other. In the event they met in the daytime, a
certain flag was to be hoisted and answered by another designated one.
Moreover, each commander of troops on a ship received a sealed letter
which he might open if he had been driven off course and was twice
twenty-four hours distant from the fleet, in which he finds the rendez-

191

FROM NEW YORK TO THE ASSAULT ON CHARLESTOWN

The entire fleet consisted of one hundred and thirty-three sail, among
which were a number of one-masters which had on board the horses for
the dragoons, the mounted of the Legion, and the artillery.

On the morning of the 27th we lost sight of the coast and sailed SSE.
Toward noon the wind turned NE and became stronger hour by hour, so
that a very severe storm arose which continued until the 30th. The wind
turned SE and the fleet had to tack about.

Year 1780.

On January 1 we saw several ships in the fleet which had lost some of
their masts in the storm and appeared to be in distressed circumstances.
Toward evening the second storm came up, combined with rain, hail, and
snow, which continued in the most terrible manner until the forenoon of
the 6th. The fleet had become separated in such a way that one could
count only twenty sail in the farthest distance. Since the storm came out
of the southeast and drove us toward land, the sailors were greatly wor-
ried about shipwreck on the Great Bank of Cape Hatteras, which extends
over thirty nautical miles into the ocean.

Since a sunbeam fell around noon, an observation was taken and we
were at latitude 31° 29' north, but the wind blew too contrary and very
hard. In the meantime, one could make a small coal fire in order to
prepare some tea.

On the 7th a northwester came up, during which the sea rose so high
that one could call it a half a storm.

On the 8th we were at latitude 30° 17' north. Up to half the fleet
assembled today.

On the 9th we were at latitude 29° 58' north, off St. Augustine. Toward
evening a severe storm arose, mingled with sleet and hail, which lasted
until the morning of the 10th, whereupon a complete calm ensued with
such warm air that one could remain outside in his shirt. We thanked
God that we could move our legs again and take fresh air on the deck. A
ship sailing alongside ours gave us the doleful news that all the horses had
been thrown overboard, and that many ships were dismasted and ship-
wrecked.

Around the 17th the wind changed. We soon made headway and were
soon tacking, and shortly the signal was given to heave to against the
wind. At times the sea was very high and often completely still. Toward
evening three ships raised distress signals, whereupon the troops were
taken off and distributed among the fleet.

On the 18th we were at latitude 30° 8' north. Sunrise in this area was at
forty-eight minutes past six o’clock, and sunset at twelve minutes past five
o’clock. The wind turned favorable today, but toward evening it changed

193

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

vous of the fleet. Should his ship face the danger of falling into enem :
hands, it is his responsibility to destroy these instructions, including th<

signals and the sealed letter. . .

On the morning of the 26th at eight o’clock the signal was given t<

weigh anchor. The fleet set sail under a favorable northwest wind ant
passed the Hook and the Middle Ground where the men-of-war wen
anchored, under whose escort the entire fleet under Admiral Ar
buthnot 11 sailed to the east in the following formation.

Perseus frigate, 32 guns,

Captain Elphinstone, 12 an excellent and
celebrated naval officer who was very familiar
with the southern coast of North America.

The transport
ships with
the English
grenadiers.

[Europe,

64 guns,]

Principal

Agent,

Captain

Tonken. 14

The transport
ships of
the light
infantry.

Roebuck ,

44 guns,
Captain
Hamond, 13
a very
meritorious
naval officer,
where Lord
Cornwallis
was aboard.

Robust ,

74 guns. 17

Renown,

50 guns. 20

Transport
ships with
the Hessians.

Ordnance
ships with
the artillery
and all that
belonged to
it.

Second

Agent,

Captain

Chads. 10

Third Agent,

Captain

Winter. 19

Transport
ships with
the English
infantry.

Transport
ships with the
engineers,
pontoniers,
and pioneers,
including the
equipment
and horse
transports.

Romulus ,

44 guns,
Captain
Clinton
[Gay ton]. 15
The

Commande
in Chief,
General
Clinton was
aboard here

Defiance,
64 guns. 18

Ra iso finable
64 guns. 21

Provisions ships.

Provincial corps ships.

Russell, 74 guns. 22

Richmond frigate, 32 guns. Captain Hudson,-
a very courageous and experienced seaman.

192

FROM NKW YORK TO THE ASSAULT ON CHARLESTOWN

ve found over eighteen sail of the fleet which we had given up for
On the 3d I visited several of my good friends on board their ships to

ne4th Today the admiral put out to sea with the fleet to blockade the
)0 r of Charlestown. 24 I heard today that Fort Mobile on the Missis-
i in Florida had been taken by the Spanish, in which the grenadiers ot
Waldeck Regiment were partly killed and partly capture . ow
man bones are scattered around in this war!

n the 8th the fleet received orders that no one should stray trom his
,, and that we were to haul in the flatboats and to weigh anchor at the
cannon shot Fired by the Roebuck.

1 the forenoon of the 9th the fleet weighed anchor and set sail. T o-
d two o’clock in the afternoon the ships hove to off Trench Island* 3 to
mble and about four o’clock dropped anchor near this lslan .

>n the morning of the 10th the fleet, consisting of some sixty sail, got
ler way and set course NE along the coast. In the vicinity of the
rnrv of the Port Royal River we found the warships Romulus and
Jn cruising, since a number of American privateers and row galleys
-e stationed in this river. Toward evening anchor was cast near Hunt-
Island. We were at latitude 31° 52' north.

r a rly on the morning of the 11th the fleet set sail. The wind was so
orable that about noon we reached the mouth of the North Edisto,

I toward evening the harbor, which forms a circular basin in w ic
> r one hundred ships can ride at anchor. Although the mouth of this
rbor is so narrow that only two ships at a time can wind through the
idbars, Captain Elphinstone guided the entire fleet through safely. We
apped anchor near Simmons Island, 26 the coastline of which sur-

ands a part of the basin.

Toward evening a signal was given to lower the flatboats in the water,
d to provide the troops with provisions for four days. At the same time
other signal was given for the commanders of troops to go on board
e Roebufk, where the Commanding General issued the following orders

r disembarkation.

FIRST DISEMBARKATION

English grenadiers and light infantry under General Leslie, with whom
ere the Commanding General and Lord Cornwallis.

SECOND DISEMBARK ATION

Hessian grenadiers, the jager detachment, and the 33d Regiment,
hich were to perform the service of light infantry. The first was placed
nder General Kospoth and the last two under Brigadier Webster, a very

leritorious man.

195

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

THIRD DISEMBARKATION

The 7th and 23d regiments under Brigadier Clarke. 27 The 63d, 64th,
and the Hessian Garrison Regiment Huyn under General Huyn.

PART TWO

From the landing on Simmons Island up to the arrival on

James Island.

On the same evening, about ten o’clock, the beginning of the disem-
barkation was carried out in a strong wind. But since the weather grew
constantly worse, no more than the first disembarkation and a part of the
Hessian grenadiers could be put ashore.

On the 12th at daybreak all the troops disembarked without the guns
(except the four amusettes of the light infantry, which the men them-
selves had to remove) or any of the baggage, not even a horse for the
Commander in Chief. He informed all the officers, in the most polite
manner, to look after their most necessary equipment as soon as possible.
Hence, no officer had any more with him than what his servant could
carry in his hands.

Toward ten o’clock the troops set out through a pathless and marshy
wood, which continued with the greatest difficulty until five o’clock in the
evening. A path often had to be cut through the bushes with axes and
bayonets in water up to the waist.

By this time we reached a prepared road and discovered a plantation,
from whose owners this island had derived its name. The Leslie and
Webster brigades crossed the creek which divides the island into two
parts here and cuts off the inhabited from the uninhabited part, crossed a
second creek which separates this island from John’s Island, and took
post. The jager detachment and the 33d Regiment, under Colonel Web-
ster, occupied a road leading to Stono Ferry which covered the left flank
of the English grenadiers and light infantry. The remaining troops en-
camped on Simmons Island.

At midnight we had to move forward over a mile to Wilson’s planta-
tion, where the landing place for the provisions and baggage ships was
situated. We had nothing but stinking water in this area.

By this maneuver of the admiral, the enemy had been deceived in such
a manner that we did not find a single man of the American army in this
area. For no one, either in the countryside or in the army, had believed
that any person would think of landing in this area and marching toward
Charlestown from this side. 28

190

FROM NEW YORK TO THF. ASSAULT ON CHARLESTOWN
Remarks on Simmons Island.

his island is about several German miles long and almost as wide, of
ch only one half is cultivated. Its product is rice, and the woods consist
■abbage conifers and live oaks. The trees are covered with a sort of
5 S which hangs down from the highest point over all branches like
ses’ tails. This phenomenon absorbed our complete attention because
ts rarity, giving a very melancholy appearance to a forest. One finds
; gift of nature throughout the Southern provinces. Since the ground
he low part of the country consists of black sandy soil and grass cannot
,w due to the great heat, abundant nature has replaced this deficiency
h the moss. The inhabitants take it off the trees and feed it to their
;stock in place of hay. When it is dried it is as good as deer or cow hair
stuffing saddles, chair cushions, and mattresses.

)n the 13th the corps advanced one hour past Wilson’s plantation to
in’s Island, and the light infantry marched to Chisholm’s and Fen-
k’s plantation villages toward the right bank of the Stono River. The
lericans were determined to contest our crossing of the river, since
:y had stationed a strong corps in the vicinity of Stono Ferry. In this
•a the woods were filled with Virginia Nightingales, 29 which are com-
tely red and make a splendid sight in the woods. The ladies in England
y from six to twelve guineas for a piece of this very beautiful bird.
Early on the morning of the 14th, Colonel Webster marched with the
;er detachment and the 33d Regiment from Wilson’s house toward
mo Ferry, which crossing was said to be occupied on the left bank by an
emy corps. Since all the country people, especially the males, had run
ay, spies and guides were very scarce. With the utmost effort we had
tten hold of a Negro boy of eleven or twelve years who knew the way
ere. To our ill luck, however, this boy spoke such a poor dialect 30 that
was extremely hard to understand, which predicament was worsened
cause none of us was provided with a map of this area.

The entire march proceeded through the woods across the island, and
out noon we unexpectedly came upon a stone and log causeway that
n zigzag through an impenetrable morass without its end being visible,
nee we knew for certain that the enemy had left John’s Island, an
Ivanced guard of a corporal and eight jagers was assigned to us, fol-
wed by the jager detachment and the 33d Regiment. When we had
arched along this causeway for a half hour, we asked the boy when we
mid reach the Stono River, which cuts off this island from the main-
nd. “Soon, soon,” the boy replied. After a lapse of a good half hour, we
scovered high ground and several houses. We asked our boy whether
ie elevated land and the houses lay on this side of the river or on the
her, but no one could understand his gibberish. During the conversa-

nt?

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

tion with the boy, we came closer and suddenly discovered whole groups
of horse and infantry formed behind the houses on the elevation, during
which time we had approached these people up to rifle-shot range.

All of us suddenly became cautious and discovered that this post was
situated on the other side of the crossing of Stono Ferry, and that this
detachment was the one which covered the crossing. We halted, observed
the enemy, and found that the houses were fortified and occupied with
men and guns, and that a line of troops, foot and horse, had deployed
behind them at some distance.

Each of us silently wished to get out of this affair with honor, but we
were in column on a narrow causeway between impassable morasses that
formed the right bank of the Stono River, which separated us from the
enemy. In this situation it depended on the enemy to shoot us to pieces.

Hereupon the colonel ordered the column to turn back. We marched
back safely; the enemy did not fire a shot, and we certainly didn’t want to
fire any! We reached the causeway safely, laughed heartily, and were
astonished over the strange behavior of the enemy. In such circum-
stances, I have usually found that good luck does not desert the bold, but
generally punishes the fainthearted or those who lose their heads. Col-
onel Webster took post in the woods at the side of the causeway, and the
latter was occupied by a picket, since it was the only approach to us. See
the Plan of Stono Ferry . 31

Several of our flankers, who marched at the head of the advanced
guard, assured me that they had seen vessels on the river. Since I could
easily imagine that the enemy had placed several row galleys there, be-
cause he knew we would have to cross the river in this area, I resolved to
reconnoiter this post by a ruse in order to render a service to the Com-
mander in Chief.

Without saying a word to anyone, I took Lieutenant Wintzingerode
with me and approached the enemy post within rifle shot. Here I took a
handkerchief out of my pocket and waved to the people who appeared to
be observing us, among whom I could recognize a few officers.

Several of these gentlemen took off their hats and caps and gave us a
countersignal, which I accepted in good faith. We then approached the
right bank of the river and greeted the gentlemen. I gave as the reason
for my visit my wish to know whether a certain Leopold, whose actjuain
tance I had made in Saxony, was among the Pulaski Corps, for when I
drew near them I had noticed by the uniform that it was the Pulaski
Corps which occupied this position.

During this conversation I looked around on the river and discovered
that a half-burnt row galley was the vessel which had been seen. It oc-
curred to me that this must be the Rattlesnake , which had burned in the
previous year during the unfortunate expedition against Charlestown

198

FROM NEW YORK TO THE ASSAULT ON CHARLESTOWN

> r General Prevost. Jokingly, we wished to see each other closer soon,

I bid them adieu. They politely warned us to be careful, because this
was full of alligators, some of which were twelve to sixteen feet

irly on the morning of the 15th, the general officers arrived at out
I took pleasure in telling them about my discovery ot yesterday, and
laring little enterprise was amply rewarded by the approbation of the
inlander in Chief. Today the 1st Battalion of Light Infantry occupied
pass at Gibbes’s house, 33 where there was a crossing over the Stono
r, and the army advanced to Wilson’s house.

he 16th. Last night I was ordered to keep a watchful eye on the
ny position at Stono Ferry so that the Commanding General would
aformed at once if the enemy left it. At midnight we discovered that
enemy had abandoned the post in silence. I had this reported lm-
liately to Colonel Webster, who notified the headquarters, which were
Vilson’s house. As soon as the news arrived there, General Clinton
“red the 1st Battalion of Light Infantry to cross at Waite’s plantation
Uhe aid of several small boats that had been dragged with great effort
rland to Stono River from Bohicket Creek, for we still had no contact

i the fleet.

s soon as Colonel Abercromby had crossed the river, these boats were
ught to Stono Ferry, where the jager detachment and the 33d Regi-
at under Colonel Webster crossed the river, followed by the general
cers. About three o’clock in the afternoon, General Leslie and the
rke Brigade also crossed the river. The jagers, the 33d Regiment, and
light infantry advanced at once toward the crossings of Wallace’s and
atowle’s creeks, where the general officers reconnoitered the cross-
's, The 2d Battalion of Light Infantry under Dundas occupied the
it at Gibbes’s house which the 1st Battalion had left, and Lord
rnwallis established his headquarters here.

Vbout midnight a patrol of the Pulaski Corps, which was commanded
the Chevalier Vernier 34 after the death of the count, ran into the jager
ket which held the post in the woods on the road from Ponpon where
. ro ad from Wallace’s Creek intersects it. The enemy withdrew after
ne dozen shots were exchanged.

Dn the 19th the jager detachment had to go out in three parties toward
; passes of Cox Swamp to collect information about the enemy and to
nt up Negroes and livestock. Each party had its own guide, but none of
could manage to talk with these people because of their bad dialect,
en had we spoken with the tongues of angels. On my way I was obliged
cross three creeks with marshy banks where the inhabitants had re-
aved all the bridges, and 1 was compelled to wade through water over
y navel. I had one hundred jagers and left a few behind at each creek to

199

PLAN OF STONO FERRY

The plan shows the zigzag causeway across the morass leading to
Stono Ferry, several fortifications on the north side of the river
surrounded by an abatis, and the British and jager troop dis-
positions on both sides of the river.

Jager Corps
British

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

secure my withdrawal. A short distance behind the last creek I found a
plantation from which all the people had fled except an aged woman,
who trembled and begged forbearance for her life.

I had several jagers roam through the wood situated to the right, where
a house Negro fell into their hands, who agreed quite sensibly to tell the
truth about everything. He then made the following assertions: firstly,
that General Lincoln had an encampment with five thousand men behind
Cox Swamp, and that General Moultrie, 35 with two thousand men, had
occupied the works of Charlestown and Sullivan’s Island; 36 secondly, that
another corps was stationed at a fortification which had been thrown up
at Ashley Ferry on the left bank of the Ashley River. Hereupon 1 with-
drew, arriving at camp in the evening, and the Negro appeared to be a
great treasure to General Leslie.

The 20th. Since yesterday we have transported the field artillery down
the Stono River and disembarked it at Mathews’s Ferry, where the Huyn
Brigade is stationed. In the afternoon three row galleys followed, which
had made their way along the coast from New York to this place despite
all storms.

The 21st. During the following night one of the best galleys of these
three blew up through carelessness, which was a great loss for us, since it
could not be replaced soon.

The 24th. Several days ago we began to work on three redoubts and a
few fleches and surrounded them with an abatis, which are now in a
finished condition, since through these posts we control the entire Stono
River. Since we could expect that General Lincoln would make an attack
upon them, the posts had to be maintained until we had gained a firm
footing on the mainland across James Island.

On the 25th the corps under Lord Cornwallis crossed the Stono River
at Mathews’s Ferry and landed at Hamilton’s Ferry on James Island.

The 26th. Since several officers of the 7th and 23d regiments of the
Clarke Brigade begged General Leslie to allow them to go out on patrol
to share the glory of the service with the light troops, their request was
approved and one captain, two officers, and fifty men were sent out early
today. They took the route toward Ponpon to collect Negroes and live-
stock, if any were still left.

The Chevalier Vernier was informed at once by the country people,
who were devoted to him, while they hated us from the bottom of their
hearts because we carried off their Negroes and livestock. After he had
observed these people for a long time, marching like a changing of the
guard, Vernier followed alongside them on their return march until they
were inside the narrow approaches between the ponds. Since they had
not seen or heard anything of the enemy on their way out, they marched

FROM NF.W YORK TO THF. ASSAULT ON CHARIT.STOU'N

c in all tranquillity and without formation. Suddenly Vernier attacked
n on all sides and killed and wounded nearly half of these people,

, had their impertinent and unskilled officers to thank for their mis-
une.

s soon as we heard the firing every jager grabbed his rifle and hurried
leir assistance with all speed. By luck we arrived just in time, when the
mv had cut off the whole detachment and was about to finish them
The chevalier, who seemed to be certain of his prey, now in turn
dved rifle fire from all directions and withdrew. The English detach-
lt was rescued, but they had ten killed and nine wounded. Afterward,
surely killed and wounded just as many of the enemy. In addition, we
tured one noncommissioned officer, four soldiers, and two lancers,
took three horses. 37

he 27th. At nine o’clock in the evening the corps under Colonel
bster recrossed the Stono River and took position at William Ashley’s
nation on John’s Island. The remainder of the 71st Scottish Regi-
at, which had arrived from Savannah, joined us here. The regiment
[ melted away during this war from three thousand to four hundred
ti, due partly to the sword and partly to the climate. A captain and one
idred men remained in the redoubts at Stono River.

)n the 29th, while work was being done on a redoubt at the de-
lished Fort Johnson on James Island, the workmen were disturbed by
firing of two enemy frigates. A Hessian grenadier captain had the
idard guard and two fieldpieces of a Hessian grenadier battalion
>ught up against the frigates. They were so well received by the enemy
t two grenadiers and one gunner were killed by the first shot. General
spoth recalled the guard and the pieces, relieved the captain, and the
rates remained quiet.

donth of March. On the 1st the transport ships, which until now had
;n anchored in the North Edisto River, entered Stono Inlet. Since we
• now masters of James Island, the upper part of the Stono River is no
iger essential to us, because the line of communication between the
ny and the fleet is shorter than previously.

Jn the 3d the Clarke Brigade left the Webster Corps and marched to
: army on James Island. The 1st Battalion of Light Infantry crossed the
ippoo Cut and established post on the mainland, and the ruined
dge over the Wappoo Cut was repaired.

Dn the 4th my turn came to occupy the redoubts across the Stono River
:h the usual detachment. Since I had made a very thorough inspection
these miserable works, which resembled heaps of sand, I requested
rty Negroes provided with axes and shovels to repair the works and
engthen the abatis surrounding them. Toward evening Monsieur

203

FIFTH C AMPAIGN, 1780

Vernier appeared with foot and horse, and again on the 5th, about eleven
o'clock in the morning. However, he withdrew after several of his men

and horses were shot dead and a few wounded. .

But since I thought he would return toward evening 1 placed a toi-
poral with six Scots and six jagers in two ambuscades in the outlying pine
woods along the main road. My plan was quite correct. Toward seven
o’clock in the evening a small party of about fifteen to twenty men ap-
peared. The signal for the ambuscades was the tiring of a double post
which I had placed right in the open in front of the works. e sig t o
these two men was so pleasing to Vernier's gentlemen that t ey sur-
rounded them in such a way that they thought they had cut them off.
These well-chosen jagers allowed the enemy to play with them until .t
became serious. They fired the signal, the ambuscades attacked, and the
enemy was nearly all shot or stabbed to death. Since night fell, some of

^On The 1 morning of the 6th I received orders to abandon the post
completely and to destroy the works as much as possible. I had as much
earth, or rather sand, pulled down as I could, set the abatis on fire, and
crossed the Stono River. Since I could not save the boats used fot the
crossing, I had them broken up and burned on the causeway.

On the 7th at three o’clock in the morning Colonel Webster marched
with thejager detachment, the 33cl Regiment, and the 71st Scottish Reg-
iment to Mathews’s Ferry, where they would be ready to cross over to
lames Island at a moment s notice. rc , i

J The 9th Toward morning the Webster Corps marched off, crossed the

Stono River at Mathews’s Ferry (a good half hour wide here because of its
marshy banks), and landed at Hamilton’s landing place on James Island.
We found the entire army assembled here, except for the 63d Regiment
which had remained behind on Stono Island. We received our post a

Newton Cut bridge, where the Huyn Brigade stood. The headquarter
were at Hudson’s plantation, Lord Cornwallis’s quarters were at Notto [.]
plantation, and General Kospoth was stationed with the Hessian gre

adiers near the ruined Fort Johnson. , ■

Although like all the other officers I had not mounted a horse during
all this time, nevertheless my curiosity impelled me to take a walk o
twenty-two English miles (seven to a German mile) to Folt J ^ ns « 3 ;
where I had a view of the harbor, the city of Charlestown, Foi t u

and the enemy fleet. . ,,. nno .| P 0 f

This fort was remarkably constructed. It consisted of a quadrangle

bricks with four bastions whose breastworks were twenty-four fee h
It was situated on a sandhill which completely commanded the h b
and was designed for thirty-four guns and four hundred men^Atthe
base of the fort on both sides a zigzag line about two hundie p

204

Jager Corps
British

PLAN OF THE POST AT ROSE'S PLANTATION

At the top of the plan the road from St. Andrew’s Church runs
through rice fields to Fenwick’s Point on the Ashley River. A
picket of a captain with thirty jagers is posted below the road,
and another one of a noncommissioned officer with fifteen jagers
above it. Tom Rose’s plantation is shown at the bottom of the plan,
surrounded by a picket of a noncommissioned officer with fifteen
jagers above, and another one of an officer and twenty men of
the 33d Regiment to the left. Other jagers are shown above the
plantation buildings, with the 33d Regiment itself below.

FROM NEW YORK TO THE ASSAULT ON CHARLESTOWN

o forage the plantations which are situated on the right bank of St.
\ndrew’s Creek. At the same time, Colonel Webster advanced with the
agers and the 33d Regiment to Lowndes plantation to cover Major Dun-
las’s left, and to forage there and divide the enemy forces. The Ameri-
;ans had demolished the bridge near the church and posted a number of
riflemen along the creek, with whom the jagers skirmished from our side
af the bank up to the end of the foraging.

On the 16th I held the outpost, and an American officer with a
trumpeter appeared with letters for the Commander in Chief. But on the
17th Captain Hinrichs held the outpost. He placed an ambuscade of one
corporal and ten jagers along the highway to Ashley Ferry, since the
enemy knew that we were without cavalry. But since the captain had set a
bad example of sparing his men, which a young officer often follows and
generally observes at the wrong time, he let the men leave the ambuscade
in the morning about eleven o’clock because it was very warm. This step
was hardly taken when to his and our dismay a party of thirty horse
appeared which would have been his. These horses would have helped all
the officers, because we still had to go on foot. 43

On the 18th the two grenadier battalions Schuler and Graff left Fort
Johnson and joined the army at Hudson’s house. The newly constructed
redoubt at the ruined fort was occupied by the English Major Mecan 44
and 120 men of the Huyn Brigade.

Today a dragoon of the former Pulaski corps arrived here as a de-
serter. He was a Prussian by birth, and had served in the Seven Years’
War with the Kleist volunteer hussars. He was dressed in Polish uniform
and armed with a lance, generally well equipped, well mounted, and knew
how to show off his horse like a good hussar. He had deserted from the
detachment at St. Andrew’s Church and gave us a warning that we would
be attacked very soon by their cavalry. Since he seemed to be quite a
reasonable fellow, I asked him what sort of a man the dead Count Pulaski
had been. — “He was a young and noble gentleman, a very daring horse-
man, and feared nothing in the world. For how could he have known
fear, since he tried to leap over the abatis with us during the storming of
the works at Savannah under the Comte d’Estaing to attack it in the rear.
He certainly would have succeeded in crossing over with us had he not
been mortally wounded in front of the abatis, of which wound he
died.” — What a splendid eulogy for an officer after his death from the
mouth of one of his subordinates! What esteem does this count not merit
in the eyes of every officer? It is a pity that this great man and courageous
soldier had sullied his reputation in the history of his country through the
conspiracy against his king.

The 19th. We have surrounded Hudson’s house on James Island with a
breastwork twelve feet thick. Two redoubts have been constructed to the

209

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

left of it, three hundred paces distant from each other, and connected
and surrounded with an abatis of pointed apple and peach trees. The left
redoubt is based on the left bank of the Stono River and the right on the
old Wappoo Canal. Each redoubt is arranged for two hundred men and
two fieldpieces, and thus entrenches the house, which serves as a bar-
racks. The pieces fire en barbette and the work is situated in a very good
position, since the whole is surrounded by level ground which extends in
all directions for a distance of six to eight hundred paces. Under the
protection of this post, our provisions fleet and transport vessels will lie in
the Stono River when the army marches to Charlestown.

Yesterday the fleet under Admiral Arbuthnot, which rides at anchor
near Lighthouse Island, discharged a part of the guns, ammunition, and
provisions and awaits a favorable wind to cross the bar and enter the
estuary formed by the two rivers, Ashley and Cooper, which constitutes
the harbor of Charlestown. Should luck now turn its back on us, and a
severe storm come up which would force this fleet to go far out to sea, it
could plunge us into a very great disaster and tear the entire undertaking
to pieces, since these ships no longer possess their normal balance be-
cause of too great a buoyancy and are provided with provisions for only
four days. Every sensible man will realize from this how many hardships
and risks are taken with each step in this war, and that he whom luck
forsakes loses everything in an instant.

Toward evening an armed English brigantine and a row galley crossed
the bar and anchored at Five Fathom Hole, whereupon all the enemy
vessels which covered the canal between Sullivan’s Island and Fort
Johnson withdrew closer to the works of Charlestown.

The 20th. About four o’clock in the afternoon the entire English fleet
crossed the bar under the protection of its frigates and anchored at Five
Fathom Hole, which ought to give new spirit to the army and discourage
the enemy, for Charlestown was now completely cut off by water.

The 21st. Since up to now all our efforts to lay ambuscade have been
wasted, and the Commanding General wanted to take a prisoner, I tried
to approach the enemy today with a small party to reconnoiter the chang-
ing of his patrols. I was lucky enough to find the place where the main
party stayed and the smaller ones departed toward our post. Since the
ground is sandy and there is no other thoroughfare in this area, I could
easily detect hoof prints and distinguish the fresh tracks from the old. I
placed a corporal and five jagers in ambuscade in a small thicket near the
place where the enemy party which alarmed our post usually turned
back. I gave each man a guinea and ordered each one to take a bottle of
water and bread and not to stray off until I recalled him. The night was
beautiful, with bright moonlight. About midnight a party appeared,
which was attacked from the ambuscade after they had fired their pistols
toward our sentries, but only one sergeant major with his horse was

j FROM NKW YORK TO THK ASSALLl ON C.HARLKS I OW N

ounded and captured. We gathered the news from him that General
incoln had occupied Charlestown with seven thousand men several days
to that the post at Ashlev Ferry was held by a warning detachment, and
’at one hundred and fifty horse and two hundred men stood at St.
ndrew’s Church, which were detached from the corps posted at Bacon’s

ridge.

PART FOUR

From the march of the army from James Island up to the
assault of Charlestown.

The 22d of March. Toward four o’clock in the afternoon the army
narched off. The van under General Leslie consisted of the jager de-
achment, the 33d Regiment, and the light infantry. We had scarcely
rrived in the vicinity of St. Andrew’s Church when we were greeted with
annon shots from the opposite bank of St. Andrew’s Creek, whereupon
he army halted. Now, since it could cost many men to drive away the
•nemy and capture the bridge, the general asked me whether I would not
ittempt to cross a little further up the creek, which would force the
memy to leave his post. If not, cannon must be brought up, since nothing
'ould be accomplished here with four amusettes.

Who would say “No” if he thinks of distinguishing himself? I accepted
he offer. I was permitted to select fifty jagers, supported by the worthy
Captain Boyd, 45 my close friend, with three companies of light infantry.
We took a detour through the woods and about seven o’clock in the
evening reached and crossed the creek, which was no deeper than three
feet But we found a swamp on the other side, a good half hour wide,
which was so muddy and deep that many of our men sank in up to their
chests. Meanwhile, Fortuna and Bellona did not let us sink. The enemy,
who could have destroyed us here because we were dispersed and every
man was compelled to work his way through the swamp, abandoned his
post to us. We had only a small skirmish with his rear guard and two
wounded. We quickly took post in the churchyard and began work on the

bridge at once. ,

On the 23d, about eight o’clock, Captain Boyd and I received oideis
to try to get to Drayton’s house. 46 The country in this area is mostly cut
through with woods and fences, but without cavalry this undertaking sti
remained uncertain, because we constantly had to risk being attac e y a
superior detachment of cavalry, infantry, and guns and quite possibly
falling into an ambuscade.

We had not marched a half an hour when we encountered an enemy
detachment of cavalry, but since we vigorously attacked and pressed
them with rifle shots they remained in the distance only to observe us.

PLAN OF THE AREA OF ANDREW’S CHURCH

The inscription to the right below Church Creek reads: “Where
General Leslie halted and where I departed to fall on the enemy’s
rear.” Along upper road: “To Dorchester, where the enemy re-
treated.” St. Andrew’s Parish Church was founded in 1706.

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

Toward noon we reached the zoological garden of Drayton s plantation,
where we took post and were now out of danger.

We requested Mrs. Vice Governor Drayton 47 to refresh our hungry
souls with bread and wine, which she gladly did, and in return for which
she received a sauvegarde . 48 After the anxiety we had experienced, we
enjoyed this good meal. In the afternoon General Leslie arrived with the
van and took up his quarters at Drayton’s plantation. The jagers and the
33d Regiment, under Colonel Webster, took their post in a thicket oppo-
site the zoological garden on the road to Dorchester, and the army ad-
vanced to St. Andrew’s Church.

On the 24th at daybreak General Leslie and five hundred men of the
light infantry arrived at the jager post on the highway to Dorchester. He
ordered us to shoulder arms and advance to Middleton’s plantation to
reconnoiter the area and the banks of the Ashley River, and to collect
Negroes, forage, and cattle. We received positive information that Gen-
eral Lincoln occupied Charlestown with seven thousand men, 49 and that
Colonels Washington 50 and Vernier with six hundred horse and a part of
the light infantry stood at Dorchester and occupied the pass to Bacon’s
Bridge.

The 25th. At daybreak the outpost under Captain Hinrichs on the
highway to Dorchester was alarmed by an enemy party. He sent several
men through the wood lying before him on the right to fire a few shots in
the flank of the enemy. A noncommissioned officer of the enemy party,
who ventured ahead beyond all daring, was shot in the belly and cap-
tured. I asked him why he had behaved so rashly. — “Sir, Colonel
Washington promised me that I would become an officer right away, if I
could discover whether the jagers were supported by infantry and had
cannon with them, because if not, he would try to harass the jagers.”

He begged me to ask the surgeon whether his wound was mortal, and
when he heard that it was he quietly lay down like a brave man, clasping
his hands, saying: “Well, then, I die for my country and for its just cause.”

Captain Hinrichs handed him a glass of wine. He drank it down with
relish, and died like a man. 51

The 26th. About ten o’clock in the morning General Leslie paid me the
honor of asking if I wanted to go with a party to Rantowle’s Creek, since
the corps under General Paterson had arrived there and would join the
army in the morning. The way amounted to something over two good
hours; the Commanding General and Lord Cornwallis would ride there,
and he would take along three companies of light infantry for escort.
About one o’clock we arrived at General Paterson’s, where we found that
all the cavalry was mounted, and that this corps had brought along many
Negroes, horses, and cattle which it had collected in the countryside. My
good friends told me they had made a very troublesome march, that they
had been compelled to cross more than ten rivers, each crossing having

214

j FROM N FAS YORK TO THE ASSAULT ON CHARLESTOWN

i disputed by the militia of the state, and that they had suffered a loss
,vo officers and perhaps one hundred men. 52

nee the light infantry remained behind. General Leslie assigned a
r 0 on horse to me, and 1 took the way back with the general officers.

’ road from our camp to the position where the Paterson Corps was
ited ran continuously through woods in which four highways tell in,
:oming from Dorchester. When I noticed this, I took the liberty of
ng the generals that this presented an excellent opportunity for Col-
1 Washington, or Monsieur Vernier, to seize all the generals, for he
ded only to put twenty or thirty horsemen in ambuscade along this
tmunication line. Lord Cornwallis joked and said: “Let us ride on.
ild almost frightens me. It was indeed wrong that we did not take the

t infantry back with us.” .

leanwhile, we reached the headquarters about five o’clock in the at-
mon, where I was ordered to stay for dinner. The meal was not yet
shed when an officer of the Legion appeared, who announced
athlessly that Colonel Hamilton and Inspector General Schmidt of
hospital had just been seized, and that only his good horse had saved
i. Now had happened what could have occurred this morning. A
ssian grenadier battalion immediately marched halfway up the road to
.p open the communication between both parties. Now the generals
;d my timely idea, and I laughed up my sleeve. (

The 28th. 55 Toward afternoon the entire army assembled at Drayton s
ntation. The Huyn Brigade had remained at the fortified post on
nes Island for the protection of the fleet. The corps under General
:erson, which consisted of the 63d Regiment, the Legion, Ferguson s
rps, the South and North Carolina Volunteers, those of York, and the
ht infantry of the 71st Regiment, occupied Fenwick’s Point and recon-
itered with strong patrols to Bacon’s Bridge.

The 29th. One hour before daylight the army set out to Drayton s
iding place, where several armed ships and a number of flatboats were
ng in line along the right bank to transport the troops to the left bank,
iptain Elphinstone directed the landing and the Principal Agent, Gap-
in Tonken, commanded the flatboats.

At daybreak the troops boarded the boats in the following order, i he
/er here is a good half hour wide.

Two battalions of light infantry, the
jager detachment under Major von
Wurmb.

2 .

Four battalions of Hessian grenadiers,
two battalions of English grenadiers.

Under General
Leslie

Under General
Kospoth

Under

Lord

Cornwallis

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

The English Brigade under Colonel
Clarke.

The 33d and the 7 1 st regiment of Scots
under Colonel Webster.

A troop of light dragoons of the 17th
Regiment and all the field artillery.

About eight o’clock the light infantry and the jagers climbed up the left
bank of the Ashley River at Benjamin Fuller’s plantation, opposite
Drayton’s house. The river here forms a full berid, and this plantation
was situated on elevated ground. Some distance away several groups of
horsemen and a number of riflemen appeared, who honored us with a
few rifle shots; without any damage, however. They seemed to be observ-
ing rather than hindering us.

The light infantry spread out beyond the plantation in the shape of a
crescent, which became larger as the troops increased. The three jager
divisions, under their captains, had to advance to the center and select
their positions at both ends of the crescent, and as the crescent expanded
they had to try to gain ground. I took possession of a pleasure grove to
the left of the crescent, on this side of a bushy ravine. On the other side
lay a very imposing plantation, behind which at a distance of three to four
hundred paces the enemy cavalry and infantry appeared, which had
divided into three groups just like the jagers.

I greatly desired to obtain information about the enemy. Since I could
not discover anyone in the countryside, I risked several jager volunteers,
who crawled under cover to the plantation to see if one of the inhabitants
could be found or caught there. But they returned with the report that
infantry and cavalry were on the other side, where they could not be
observed from here, and that they could not get into the house without
being captured.

I then took twenty men and went cautiously through the ravine with
four men deployed one after the other; as soon as they were through, I
let four more men go, and gradually all twenty men. I reached the oppo-
site height safely, and had a dozen shots fired into the windows and doors
of the dwelling. The occupant of the house appeared at once. I beckoned
to him with my hat. but he went back into the house. I immediately
ordered several more shots Fired at the house, whereupon he appeared
with his better half and approached me. But since I did not consider
myself safe here, I ordered the good man, whose neatly dressed spouse
clung firmly to his arm and would not leave, to go back with me through
the very muddy ravine. Both good people trembled like an aspen leaf. I

216

FROM NEW YORK TO THE ASSAULT ON CHARLESTOWN

poke kindly to them, assuring them that no harm would come to them if
ley would tell me the truth of what 1 wanted to know, and what they
aemselves knew.

The man then admitted to me that this corps, which observed us from
11 directions, was under Washington and Vernier; that the garrison in
Charlestown was seven thousand men strong, and that he himself had a
on in the city serving as major (his name was Horry). 56 He also said that
ne garrison would defend itself to the utmost, that it was provided with
ood French engineers, guns, ammunition, and sufficient provisions, and
bat they had placed their entire hope on the works on Sullivan’s Island,
"he fort was mounted with forty-two heavy guns which would defend the
ntire channel in the vicinity if the fleet should try to pass it to bombard
he city from the water side. They considered such an undertaking to be
tnpossible, and said that the city had communication with the mainland
s long as Sullivan’s Island remained in their hands.

Hereupon I had a mind to send this good man to Lord Cornwallis, but
ince his spouse begged me with tears in her eyes not to do so, I let it go
nd made a verbal report of his statement personally.

I then asked him why he had given his son into the services of the
ebels and not into the service of the King.

“For the entire war we have been kept under the mandate of the
Congress, and not the slightest help appeared from the King’s party,
on which the loyal subjects — whose number was not small — could
have depended. Last summer the very weak army under the English
General Prevost appeared, which did nothing more than plunder
friend and foe. While we were scarcely overjoyed to see ourselves
protected by them against the demands of the Congress, General
Prevost had to retreat again in the greatest haste, because of the
superior army of General Lincoln.

“At that time my son was not in the military service. But as soon as
the English had left our area, I was given the choice of giving up my
son to the service of his country or leaving everything that I possess.

“Look, sir, at my house. As far as you can see around you in this
direction is my own property. I possess this excellent wife, whom you
see here before you, and have five more children in the house. Can
you still blame my action?” 37

I shrugged my shoulders, assented to all this in my heart, appreciated
the sincerity of this man, and permitted him to return quietly to his
home. He offered us breakfast, which offer I accepted with thanks, since
we were all hungry and very thirsty because of the extraordinary heat of
the sun. At once a basket with Madeira wine and bread was served, which
I consumed with my regular gang. The Negro had hardly returned with

217

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

his basket when a number of riflemen appeared, with whom we skir-
mished until nearly afternoon, during which two jagers were wounded. It
seemed as if these gentlemen had agreed with our host to let us breakfast
first in peace.

About five o’clock in the afternoon the troops and the field pieces had
crossed the river and the army set out at once toward Charlestown. Dur-
ing the march the jagers skirmished constantly with a party which ob-
served us and withdrew toward Charlestown as we advanced. The queue
of the army was also accompanied by an enemy detachment, so that we
now marched between two fires. About nine o’clock in the evening the
army moved into camp near the Quarter House, 58 six English miles from
Charlestown. Since the right flank was protected by the Ashley River, the
army formed a front facing three sides. The entire army, with the troops
General Paterson had assembled at Savannah, may well now consist of ten
thousand men. This piece of land which we now occupy lies between the
Cooper and Ashley rivers and is called the Charlestown Neck. At the
Quarter House it is well over a good hour wide, but in front of the city the
width is scarcely a half an hour. 59 Hence this terrain was easy to occupy,
since we were protected on both sides by navigable rivers. But on the left
side, that is, the front facing the city on the side of the Cooper River, we
were not secure against a landing, since the enemy was still master of this
side through his fleet.

The 30th. During the night two light 12-pounders and two 6-pounders
along with the light baggage were brought ashore at Ashley Ferry and
transported to the army. At daybreak the army set out in the following
formation:

1. The jagers.

2. The light infantry.

3. The troop of dragoons.

4. The English grenadiers.

5. The two 12-pounders and two 6-pounders.

6. The Clarke Brigade.

7. The 33d and 71st regiments, under Colonel Webster, which formed the

rear guard.

The army marched along the highway. Toward noon the vanguard
encountered an enemy party of about one thousand men at the Gover-
nor’s House, a good German mile from Charlestown.

The jagers meddled at once with the enemy party and were supported
by the light infantry. During the skirmishing the general officers recon-
noitered from the upper part of the house. The jagers were ordered to
attack slowly, since the generals were afraid of an ambuscade in this area,
which was intersected by deep ditches and short bushes. Meanwhile, the

218

FROM NEW YORK TO THE ASSAlll ON CHARI. ESTOWN

„ forced back from one ditch to another up to an advanced
- mv ' vas ‘ OIce , . innon range of the fortifications,

g to °^ r s PP moment the Commanding General appeared and

SSi=:sa*»“

ss^^‘S^=^sst.sss

.ejagers and l.ghnntatry once m ^ ^ .jO, ^ d opened fire on

1 s “ « unS A u h ithdrew to the city but was not pursued beyond the
ie enemy, who withdrew to y infantry . The Commanding

,eche. The jagers were re le y personally extended his warmest
General had the jagers assembled and pei sonay ^ ^ ^ acdon

hanks to them, while everyone in the b Wg ^ nine ki n e d,

‘ ad ^anTc^n 'S and Che «g»* -fantry probabiy had
tve missing, and eie e dead q{ . thg enemy> among

°st just as q ^ C ° Th j a detachment was assigned its post at

vhom was a staff officer 1 he j g moved mtQ camp at a distance of

^‘good 5 quarter "hour behind the p.antation. Co, one. Webster and his

bri lfte e r C . 0 he r nght e , r wa r s ordered on duty and the Engineer Major
Moncrief was placed over my division.

good friend, could tell ™ n ^‘^ e ™°" and he knew nothing else. It was
how to hel P myse ■ h ^ cou ld hear lhe bar king of dogs,

an extraordinarily dark ana snem g r tVl „ ritv and the mournful

the calls of “Who’s there?” on the ramparts of the cuy.and^he ^ ^

voices of the wounded who a remaine could not help

They surely were from the enemy, and I felt sorry that couia y

^ lTould see that 1 was standing in a garden, and searched toi the ^post of
the light infantry, wh.ch I ^£^£^£2%

han'ds and knees' for mAriour, 1 luckily probably^ cotddTit^ longer

had heard his cough, which the poor e o P w hich fi_ll 1:u , , the

hold back. He told me that the marshy Black s Creek ' h'ch

Ashley River, lay in front of me a thousand - ' ^

around 1 had fallen more than once into the water a p

219

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

knees, but how could I have guessed that this wet area was not passable?
Meanwhile, I remained under arms without a fire and relieved my sen-
tries often to keep them awake. In the middle of this unpleasant night I
remembered that this day had been my birthday, 60 which I had thought
of celebrating fully since I had kept all of my bones intact.

The 31st. To my pleasure, daylight dispelled the dark night and I
discovered with delight that I had spent the night in a very lovely and
well-laid-out pleasure garden. I sent a jager into the very beautifully built
dwelling to see if a chair was still to be found in the house. 61 He reported
that the entire house was still furnished. Then I inspected my post and
found I could relieve all the sentries except one, since an impenetrable
swamp and the creek protected me up to the post of the light infantry.
On my return I found a few beautiful tables of mahogany and several
dozen chairs, on which my jagers rested their weary bones. One of them
had even hung up a large mirror on a tree, a novelty which amused
everyone so much that all hardship was forgotten.

About ten o’clock the Commander in Chief and Lord Cornwallis ar-
rived with a number of pioneers. A farm building on the plantation was
torn down at once to construct a footbridge across the swamp and creek,
which was erected within a short time. General Clinton ordered me to
cross over with thirty men, and to try and get as far forward as possible so
that he would be able to observe the works of the fortifications.

I sneaked from ditch to ditch and got as far as under the guns, where,
as soon as they caught sight of me from the outer works, they honored
me with several cannon shots. A small number of sharpshooters sneaked
out of the works toward me, with whom I skirmished, but since one of
them was shot dead the others withdrew.

At three o’clock in the afternoon, the general gave me the prearranged
signal to withdraw with a white handkerchief. I whistled back to my men
to retire (for on such occasions no horn is blown, but one whistles) and
arrived at my post in the evening. I ordered the bridge toward the enemy
removed and was relieved by Captain Hinrichs and his division. A patrol
of the light infantry had discovered the five missing jagers, who had all
been killed with bayonets. One of them had had his eyes cut out, which
showed that the enemy was very angry and must have lost many men.

CHAPTER 2

From the siege of Charlestown up to
the arrival at New York Island.

PART ONE

From the siege of Charlestown.

i of April, the 1st. Since yesterday we have been occupied with
)orting heavy pieces, munitions, entrenching tools, gabions, fascines
fferent lengths, and provisions from Linning’s Creek over the
y River to Gibbes’s Ferry. Gibbes’s plantation has been designated as
ark and depot for the siege, and the greenhouse as the laboratory,
ick of horses, the sailors and Negroes were used to drag these things
:ir places.

e English Engineer Moncrief, who will conduct the siege, had all the
en buildings in the vicinity torn down, from which he had a kind of
slet made; these are six feet high, twelve to sixteen feet long, and
three legs to stand firmly on the ground. It took eighteen men to
away each one. 1 Last night Major Moncrief reconnoitered the
1 of the ditches of the fortifications, where six jagers armed only
hunting swords served as his escort.

e 2d. At sunset five hundred workers moved out under the protec-
)f Colonel Abercromby with five hundred light infantry and Colonel
iter with just as many men as a reserve. The place d’armes is in a wood
r the highway, where it intersects the road coming from Gibbess
The troops marched to the places designated by the engineer and
ed the trenches without being hindered by the enemy. This work
sted of three redoubts which were situated about six hundred paces
each other. They were connected by a ditch that served as the first
llel, which the besieged had neglected to fill up.

>day a deserter came in from the city, who informed us that the
ty had had forty killed and just as many wounded during the last
with the jagers before the city. Among the dead were one captain
four officers.

te 3d. The jagers established their camp in three divisions alongside

PLAN OF THE SIEGE OF CHARLESTOWN IN
SOUTH CAROLINA

Ewald’s plan shows the Charleston Neck, the city, and the British
fleet in the harbor. The three jager divisions are deployed on
Gibbes’s (“Gibbons”) plantation, with Ewald’s division next to
Gibbes’s house and garden. Behind these positions, the British
army is encamped at various locations, including Williams s
house, which was Clinton’s headquarters. The three siege par-
allels are shown in front of the city.

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

each other in front of the army and enjoyed their rest. Toward evening
an even larger number of workers and guards moved out to improve the
works. During this time the besieged fired single shots at the workers and
threw thirty 6-inch shells, killing four English grenadiers.

The 4th. Last night we began to work on two crescent-shaped redoubts.
One was raised on the right near the bank of the Ashley River, and the
other on the left close to the Cooper River. Each one was advanced two
hundred paces so that the wings of the besieger are now completely
covered, since we have discovered that the two swamps to the right and
left of the first three redoubts can be crossed easily, and the water can be
drained off.

Since we expected an enemy sortie against the two redoubts, Major
Wurmb and one hundred jagers reinforced the guard of the new work
on the right, and I with just as many jagers the one on the left. The
besieged had fired several shots and a few shells since last night, but at
daybreak they directed their entire fire on the two advanced works, kill-
ing three soldiers of the 33d Regiment and severely wounding three
together with two Hessian grenadiers.

About ten o’clock in the morning the two frigates Boston and Provi-
dence , both 32 guns, which were anchored in the Cooper River during the
night, set sail and got in a position such that they could fire on the flank
and rear of the work in which I was posted. For over an hour we had to
endure heavy cannon fire. These vessels surely would have succeeded in
destroying the work if the diligent and indefatigable Moncrief had not
brought up two 12-pounders and a howitzer to a promontory on Cooper
River, whose first shots damaged the Boston, whereupon the frigates fired
several more sharp salvos and withdrew to their station. Toward evening
an enemy brigantine whose deck was crowded with people of both sexes
attempted the same pastime. It fired twenty-three shots at us and sailed
back. As soon as night fell the jagers departed.

The 5th. Last night the works were improved and a communication
trench was constructed connecting the two wing redoubts with the others.
The fire of the besieged was violent during the night and continued the
whole day, wounding two officers and four English grenadiers. Toward
evening, during the relief of the trench guard, the enemy redoubled his
fire. About this time the battery near the distillery, with which Moncrief
had repelled the vessels the day before, began to play at random to
prevent either of the frigates from lying on the flank of the works.

Toward nine o’clock in the evening, the Commander in Chief ordered
the batteries on Fenwick’s and Linning’s points to play upon the city,
which quieted the enemy fire somewhat. A terrible clamor arose among
the inhabitants of the city, since the firing came entirely unexpectedly-
During this time I had approached quite close to the city to discover the

224

FROM CHARLESTOWN TO ARRIVAL AT NEW YORK ISLAND

:t of these batteries, and in the short intervals between the shooting 1
d often hear the loud wailing of female voices, which took all the
sure out of my curiosity and moved me to tears,
he 6th. Last night work was begun on a battery of nine 24-pounders
te first parallel, between redoubts Numbers 1 and 2, which is to be
ined by sailors. After their fright of yesterday, the besieged kept very
t until four o’clock today, although we had worked all day on the
forms in the batteries and redoubts. The left-wing redoubt is de-
ed for seven heavy guns.

oday the energetic Captain Elphinstone hauled a large boat on rollers
land from the Ashley River into the Cooper River. It is being armed
two 6-pounders to intercept the boats of the besieged, which are still
ing unhindered from the city across the Cooper River to the main-
1, or at least to make this crossing unsafe. The British Legion crossed
Ashley River today and joined the Webster Corps, which covered the
• of the besieger.

had to advance with my division up to the sandhills near the Ashley
;r. I set up my hut in an old, dilapidated Indian fort which lay on the
lest hill; the ruins of its breastwork consisted of oyster shells. About
aaces behind my hut two officers were buried, one of whom had died
iis wounds during the siege. — Here I could daily sing, “Memento
-i!” 2

oward evening the besieged began to fire violently, which lasted until
and midnight. During this time two men were killed and two
inded.

ince buildings were lacking, the hospital for the wounded and sick
been established in large tents a thousand paces behind my hut. The
t and the vermin increased extraordinarily, and these poor people
to experience this double discomfort.

'he 7th. As soon as night fell, we began moving the heavy pieces to the
-wing redoubt. But since the swamp lying between the highway and
redoubt was not covered sufficiently with heavy boards, everything
ept for one 24-pounder mired in the swamp, and we had great diffi-
;y in moving even this one piece to its position. All the pieces and
munition, and practically everything required for the siege, must be
ught from the landing place up to the destination points by the sailors
l Negroes, all of which takes up considerable time.

'he fire of the besieged was violent throughout the whole night, which
> answered by our batteries on Fenwick’s Point, whereby four men lost
ir lives. Toward midnight a deserter arrived from the city, who
•ught the news that the besieged would make a strong sortie before
/light. The entire light infantry and a part of the English grenadiers
mediately reinforced the trench guard, but the enemy did not appear.

225

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

The 8th. In the afternoon, about one o’clock, eleven American schoon-
ers and sloops loaded with troops sailed down the Cooper River to the
city right before our eyes. They are said to be reinforcements, under
General Woodford, 3 from the Washington or Northern army.

As soon as the reinforcements had arrived in the city, the besieged
shouted for joy three times from their works, which mingled with an
hourly pealing of bells and a continuous cannon and mortar fire at our
parallels and redoubts, during which our batteries on Fenwick’s Point
were completely silenced.

To our relief, the worthy English Captain Collins and his eighty-three
artillerymen arrived today. His vessel had foundered, but he and his men
had been saved by an English privateer at the very moment when his ship
was at the point of sinking.

The besieged continued their fire the whole night. On our side, we had
finally brought six 24-pounders to the left redoubt, making the noise
which probably had attracted the heavy fire from the city. For all the
sailors were drunk and dragged the guns amid a constant shouting of
“Hurrah!”, no matter how often they were asked not to cheer. But since
everything was carried out with the greatest orderliness, the cheering
merely demonstrated the boisterous and stouthearted character of the
English sailor.

The 9th. The besieged kept up their fire throughout the past night.
Thus far, one English officer and one man have been killed and five men
wounded.

In the afternoon 4 Admiral Arbuthnot passed the channel with the
fleet, under the most violent gunfire from Fort Moultrie. It was the most
majestic and beautiful spectacle that one can imagine. The fort was veiled
in fire and smoke, and the roar of forty-three heavy guns resembled a
terrible thunderstorm. Despite all dangers threatening the fleet, it sailed
quite slowly past the fort with colors flying proudly, one ship behind the
other, without firing a shot. As soon as it had passed the enemy fort, each
ship made a sudden turn, fired a broadside, and sailed to its designated
anchoring place. The admiral guided the fleet in a small boat with a
plummet in his hand. 5 On only one ship, the Roebuck, which led the
column, was the main mast damaged, and the entire fleet had only some
forty dead and wounded.

Friend and foe admired the conduct of these courageous seamen, and
everyone must realize by it that only an English fleet can execute such a
masterpiece. It appeared, too, as if the heavens wished to enhance their
brilliant performance, for it was the most beautiful weather in the world,
with hardly any wind; the maneuver was carried out only with the aid of
the flood tide. A single vessel laden with powder, 6 which had kept a little
too far away from the fort because of its very dangerous cargo, sailed

FROM CHARLESTOWN TO ARRIVAL AT NEW YORK ISLAND

i on a sandbank. Since it lay under the guns of the fort, and its cargo
Id have been recovered at night by the enemy, the admiral dispatched
irmed boat with an officer and twenty sailors, who set the vessel on
under the most frightful firing from the fort, but the boat returned
he fleet without losing a man. The fleet had anchored between the
er batteries of the city and the fort on Sullivan’s Island. The distance
n the city to the fort by water was reckoned at seven miles or one
•man mile. The fleet later separated and lay partly in Servan Bay and
tly in Spencer’s Inlet. 7

rom this time on the besieged were remarkably quiet, and I do not
eve they fired more than twenty shots and threw over ten shells. They
[ considered this undertaking by the English fleet to be impossible in
face of their fort, because of the narrow winding channel whose deep
er runs between sandbanks. The distance from the muzzles of the
non was less than six hundred paces, and the pieces consisted of 24-,

- and 42-pounders. The English fleet consisted of fourteen sail,
luring this time the besieged were busy transporting cattle and all
ds of chattel from the city to the other shore. Moreover, many families
leaving the city out of fear of famine. All this could have been pre-
lted by some one thousand more men, with whom the surrender of the
tifications surely would have been hastened. On our side, we are oc-
->ied with mounting the batteries, and have transported another boat
land to the Cooper River; both of them were armed and ready for

rhe I Oth. During the past night we erected a battery of six 12-
unders between redoubts Numbers 4 and 5, three hundred paces in
mt of the first parallel. As we expected an enemy attack on this outly-
I battery, I was ordered to occupy this unfinished work with forty
rers and fifty grenadiers one hour before daybreak.

When day broke I was bombarded extraordinarily hard, during which
e iager and five grenadiers were killed and four wounded. The be-
:ged fired nearly three hundred cannon shots and threw forty-one
ells at this work alone, so that pieces of the breastwork flew up in the

Toward evening General Clinton summoned the fortifications, where-
)on General Lincoln answered, “Duty and orders from the Congress
rect me to defend myself to the utmost.” 8 This reply was accompanied
i a violent bombardment. Today we brought the third armed boat over-
nd and launched it in the Cooper River.

The 11th During the night we worked on all the batteries. A zigzag
ench had been dug from the first parallel as far as the advanced battery
lentioned above. In addition, two heavy mortars and four howitzers
ere brought to the right of the parallel. The besieged delivered an

227

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

intense fire during this activity, but in the daytime the enemy did not fire
over fifty cannon shots and threw only sixteen shells. This fire was an-
swered by the battery on Fenwick’s Point.

Last night the three armed boats ran out for the first time to board an
American polacre 9 lying at anchor in the Cooper River not far from the
city, which had a number of prisoners, especially royalist subjects, who
were held in custody. Under cover of the very dark night, the boats had
approached within musket range of the vessel, when they were suddenly
challenged by the watch on deck, who threatened to shoot them out of
the water if they did not quickly answer where they hailed from. — “We
come from the city and want to go to the other shore.” — During this reply
the English boats drew near the ship to discover if it was strongly manned.
But they found the deck was full of people and rowed back. As soon
as the Americans saw this, they shouted to them that one boat should
come alongside the ship at once, and the other two should lay to. They
should also declare what they had on board or they would be sent to the
bottom. The malicious sailors, who now saw their game was spoiled by the
vigilance of the crew of the ship, replied, “Our cargo consists of sabers
and pistols!” Then they began to laugh loudly and clapped their hands,
whereupon they were accompanied by grapeshot from the ship’s pieces
and by small-arms fire.

The 12th. Last night several hundred paces of approaches were pre-
pared between the redoubt on the right and the sailors’ battery. The
engineer laid out a demiparallel from the advanced battery up to an
inundated area which the enemy had on the right in front of his outer
works, during which the besieged did their utmost to disturb this work.
Toward five o’clock in the afternoon, an English frigate and two schoon-
ers passed the works on Sullivan’s Island despite the heaviest gunfire, and
joined the fleet without firing a shot.

The 13th. Since our batteries are now mounted with twenty-two 24-
pounders, a number of 12-pounders, two large mortars, and a number of
howitzers, we hauled ammunition day and night to the small magazines
in the trenches. One grenadier was killed and two infantrymen were
wounded. We have also begun to work on a second parallel, which ex-
tends from the head of the approaches to the advanced battery on the
left.

Toward eleven o’clock in the morning our batteries opened. They were
served with such good results, especially the sailors’ battery, that several
pieces of the besieged on the bastion to the left were dismounted by the
first thirty shots. We also fired several carcasses from our left, but they
fell into the city against the wishes of the Commander in Chief and
ignited seven or eight houses, which created a deplorable sight, since it
served no purpose. The firing remained intense on both sides the whole

228

from CHARLESTOWN TO ARRIVAL AT NEW YORK ISLAND

, and three sailors and two artillerymen were killed, with six men ot
infantry either killed or wounded.

he 14th. Last night our batteries were louder than those of the he-
ed. One hour before daylight I was ordered to occupy the heads of
new work with sixty jagers. Since the besieged diligently pounded us
i gunfire and shells, I noticed the jagers were not cheerful and that
e hung heavy on their hands. Hence I tried firing rifle shots with one
a half loads at a communication consisting of palisades which con-
ted a detached work on the right with the fortifications. I observed
i astonishment the effect of the rifle shots, for I was certainly five
idred paces away, whereupon I decided to shoot at the embrasures, as
semed the powder was not wasted, especially since rifle bullets were
yet expected. At sunset the Commander in Chief came into the
aches and took the firing in very good part, since the men asserted the
i of the besieged on this side had become somewhat weaker, which I
ild not confirm. However, faith alone makes happy!

)uring all sieges the besieger attempts to dismantle the batteries of the
•my and become master of the besieged by his fire. He can easily do
5, since he can mount more pieces against the besieged front of the
tifications than the besieged can place opposite him. But unless we
/e placed our entire reliance upon an assault here, I cannot com-
;hend how we intend to manage. As we are mounting about thirty
ces against some ninety which fire at us from all directions, and more-
ix, since the enemy works form a full crescent, they will flank us in the
d if we continue to work along the same lines as we have begun.

[n order to point out the thoughtlessness and levity of these otherwise
excellent soldiers, I shall record here word for word a conversation
out the siege which I had early today, the 15th, with my good friend
Dncrief. We were firing only a few shots from each piece at one-hour
ervals, during which we were exposed to the most frightful fire of the
sieged.

Question: “Why do we fire so little, since we shall prolong the siege
by our procedure?”

Answer: “That cannot be helped. We must be sparing with am-

munition, for we have lost one third at sea. We do not
know when the fleet will arrive which will bring us the
necessary supplies. In addition, the honest man who re-
ceived the order to draft the plan for the siege has erred
very much.” 10

Question: “But won’t we mount more pieces and put more of them
in the second parallel?”

Answer: “What good does all the cannon fire do? This is nothing

229

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

compared to your rifle fire, and with small-arms fire will
I take the city.”

Question: “Why haven’t you established a communication lirte
from the depot to the first parallel, so that the generals
can walk more safely into the trenches? They must now
walk a stretch of three to four hundred paces across
open country to get there.”

Answer: “The rebels do not deserve this.”

These are the principles of the man who conducts the siege, and I well
believe that he will reach his objective, provided no human life shall be
spared. But I surely believe that for all his courage and tireless zeal he
would come off badly against any other army in Europe, and that he
would not capture a dovecot in a European war. For the excellent men of
the English army are as poor besiegers as they are brave soldiers in the
field. They have demonstrated this during the Seven Years’ War, at the
siege of Havana, and at several others, where only good luck and their
courage helped them capture the fortresses. That of Havana cost eight to
eleven thousand men. 11

The 16th. We advanced very well with the approaches, and the fire of
the besieged was very severe. Today Captain Bodungen occupied the
head of the advanced work and exchanged fire the whole day with the
sharpshooters of the besieged, who were protected by a counterapproach
which the besieged had constructed from their right up against the ad-
vanced trench. Since we have now advanced up to rifle range, the enemy
fired mostly grapeshot today. This was answered by twelve coehorns
(hand mortars) which we had placed at the head of the approaches to the
right and left, which fired most effectively. One man of the light troops
and four of the infantry were killed today.

In the afternoon the so-called Admiral’s Battery of six 24-pounders
was opened, which Admiral Arbuthnot had erected close to the mouth of
the Wappoo Canal on James Island opposite the city. It appears as if this
battery is more effective than all the others along the mouth of the Ashley
River.

The 17th. We extended the approaches considerably, and during the
night we constructed a demiparallel on each side. During this activity the
besieged fired continuously with grapeshot and musketry, through which
five Hessian grenadiers and three Englishmen were killed and fourteen
wounded. Today I occupied this unfinished work with sixty jagers. Since
we had not constructed traverses in the boyau, 12 and were now working
into the crescent which forms the fortifications, this work was enfiladed
in such a way that the balls passed through the entire length of the
communication trench and the boyau.

280

FROM CHARLESTOWN TO ARRIVAL AT NEW YORK ISLAND |

ie fire of the besieged was extraordinary: they fired scrap iron and
en glass. Although this fire is not very dangerous, and the fragments
Hy fly up in the air, my men lost their composure and thought of
ing else but to conceal themselves, despite the fact that they could
hide. Since I was tired of the firing, which had cost the legs of nine
, I sent for entrenching tools and constructed five traverses within
hour, which protected us and spared many people,
he 18th. During the night we improved the incomplete work, while
besieged kept up a constant grapeshot and small-arms fire. Captain
richs occupied the outermost work. One light infantryman was killed,
wounded, and ten men of the artillery and infantry were either killed
/ounded. The jagers were kept extremely warm.

he 19th. Last night we were busy completing the communication of
second parallel, which was not yet connected because of a swamp.

> was accomplished by erecting trestles upon which we placed baskets
d with sand. During this work two Hessian and two English gren-
:rs were wounded. We mounted several more hand mortars in the
,nd parallel and in the boyau, which rendered good service to the
rs under Captain Bodungen, who was in the trenches today,
i the afternoon we received the good news that a fleet of twenty-four
had arrived in Stono Inlet from New York with the following troops
aoard:

1. The 42d Regiment, called the Royal Scots.

2. The Hessian Regiment von Dittfurth.

3. The Queen’s Rangers.

4. The Volunteers of Ireland.

5. The Browne Corps. 13

These troops amounted to fully 3,600 men. H

ust at this time, a chief of the Lower Creek Indians arrived at head-
irters, who had been sent out by several Indian tribes to observe the
jlish army before Charlestown and to find out if it was in such a
idition that it was worth the trouble for these nations to venture fur-
r into an alliance with the English, since the American envoys had
en them the assurance that the English army consisted of only two
adred men, who would soon be caught. His companion was a seventv-
ht-year-old Scotsman named McIntosh, 10 who had commanded the
; wing of the Pretender at Culloclen. Since that time he had left his
ive land and spent his life on the frontier of these savages. This worthy
i man, who still possessed the vigor of youth, was one of the greatest
:s of the Americans, and was glad to be still useful to his fatherland in
old age. I gazed at this man with astonishment — the fires of youth still
zed in his eyes.

231

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

The Indian chieftain was known under the name of "Ravening Wolf”
as a great warrior who had never lived in peace with neighboring nations.
He was copper-colored and of average size. His eyes sparkled like fire,
and his costume was the following.

He wore a shirt of coarse linen and over this a blue coat with red lapels
and collar, but had neither breeches nor stockings. His feet were clad in
sandals. His head was shaved except for the crown and pendants of silver
pistols and swords hung from his ears. His face was daubed with red
paint in several places, and in his nose he wore a double silver ring. With
great skill, he had wound around his head a silk scarf, which was fastened
with silver clasps. On his chest he wore a ring-shaped silver collar and
around both arms silver shields fastened with red ribbons, which were
gifts from England and on which the monogram “George Rex” was en-
graved.

The same evening he was introduced to the trench guard, and he was
led as close to the fortifications as was safe for him to watch the firing of
the besieged without danger. The thunder of the guns frightened him
very much, and his friend McIntosh had to urge him strongly to walk
forward, but he liked the flying shells. He observed with astonishment
the long beards of the grenadiers and was allowed to touch them, for he
believed that these beards were put on merely for ornament.

The 20th. Today I occupied the new work with the usual number of
jagers. We were lucky enough to fire several well-placed rifle shots into
the embrasures which flanked us on the right, so that this part of the
enemy guns was very badly served the whole day. Our batteries fired so
effectively all day, and the shells were so well played from our side, that
two powder magazines in the enemy works blew up. One jager was killed.

The 21st. During the night we advanced a little further from the
center, where we erected a battery of four 6-pounders to demolish the
gate and barrier of the forward ditch on the highway. The firing from
both sides was violent, and the besieged threw any stuff which could be
loaded from their mortars and injured our men.

In the afternoon the besieged beat a parley, but since they demanded
free withdrawal, which was not accorded them, the negotiations were
broken off at nine o’clock in the evening, and a severe cannonade from
both sides followed afterward. 16

The 22d. We pushed aj>arallel forward from all three approaches.
Captain Bodungen occupied it with sixty jagers. Today the enemy rifle-
men used all their power to silence the fire of the jagers, one of whom was
killed.

The 23d. Last night we began to push forward with the double sap
from all three heads. We have now approached so close that one could
easily throw a stone into the advanced ditch on the other side, which is
dressed with pointed trees. I occupied the heads today, and was kept

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FROM CHARLES TOWN TO ARRIVAL AT NEW YORK ISLAND

varm with stone missiles and scrap iron. One jager and two light infan-
rymen were killed and one officer severely wounded. Four men of the
nfantry were killed.

The 24th. We improved the sap, during which both sides opened up
tvith the most intense musketry fire. Captain Hinrichs occupied the heads
af the work, but his jagers had hardly taken post when the besieged made
t sortie on the right. The enemy attack was made with bayonet in hand,
without firing a shot. The light infantry abandoned a part of their post
md rushed back to the second parallel, whereby the jagers had to pay
or the feast. Since it was not yet daylight and they could not shoot, the
agers defended themselves with their hunting swords. Two jagers were
jayoneted, four severely wounded, and two, along with eight English-
nen, were captured.

On the whole, I cannot understand why General Lincoln makes hardly
my sorties, 17 since he has with him the skillful engineer du Portail, 18 who
vill surely assist him with good advice, although he is not very experi-
;nced in siege warfare.

Last night Lord Cornwallis crossed the Cooper River at the Governor’s
douse with the Volunteers of Ireland and the North and South Carolina
Drovincials by means of our three armed boats to join Webster’s corps
md take over the command.

The 25th. During the past night we connected the saps with a parallel,
vhich one can call the third, and approached up to the advanced ditch,
vhich lies in front of the main ditch across an esplanade about thirty to
'orty paces wide. The firing on both sides was violent. Toward midnight
he besieged suddenly appeared behind their abatis on the other side of
he ditches and opened up severe small-arms fire on the workers. Several
French officers shouted, “ Avarices , tires!”, 19 which caused such a terrible
aanic among the workers and their guard that they rushed back into the
rear trenches and threw the guard there into disorder. The guard then
oegan firing without considering whether any people were still in the saps
Dr upon what they fired. Toward three o’clock in the morning our men
reassembled, and the most severe cannonade continued all night long.

When day broke the besieged had abandoned the abatis, which was
now in our hands, including the barrier and the demolished bridge. A
cannonade and small-arms fire continued the whole day.

The 26th. During the night we crowned the advanced ditch and
erected a breach battery of six pieces right in front of the barrier in order
to fire on the so-called Royal Work, which consists of a hornwork. We
continued working the whole day under the heaviest cannon and small-
arms fire. Today I visited this lodgment, where two jagers, two light
infantrymen, and two gunners were killed and one officer and eight
grenadiers wounded. Meanwhile, we kept the enemy gunners very warm.

The 27th. We improved the lodgment and raised another battery of

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

two 6-pounders in the boyau to the left of the second parallel. Cannon
and mortar fire continued on both sides the whole night through. The
enemy kept three pitch fires burning in front of their works, since they
expected to be taken with sword in hand, which really was the unanimous
wish of the besieger, so that the disagreeable task might come to an end.
For the dangers and difficult work were the least of the annoyance: the
intolerable heat, the lack of good water, and the billions of sandflies and
mosquitoes made up the worst nuisance. Moreover, since all our ap-
proaches were built in white, sandy soil, one could hardly open his eyes
during the south wind because of the thick dust, and could not put a bite
of bread into his mouth which was not covered with sand. The few wells
we had dug in the trenches for water were mixed with sand and as white
as milk. The jagers kept entire sections of guns so warm that often not a
shot was fired by the enemy for hours.

The 28th. We extended the line farther in the advanced ditch and
worked diligently on the new batteries. We brought two 9-inch mortars
and twelve hand mortars into the third parallel, and two 9-inch mortars
were placed in the demiparallel between the second and third parallels.
They rendered good service, since the pieces in the second and third
parallels, except for two 24-pounders in Number 6, could no longer fire
without damaging our own works.

The 29th. Last night we advanced from the left head of the sap toward
the dam to destroy the lock and let the water out of the canal which
protected the front of the enemy’s fortifications on the right. Cannon and
small-arms fire continued against this work the entire night, during
which six English grenadiers were killed and fourteen English and Hes-
sian grenadiers wounded, mostly slightly. I occupied this new sap today,
and since it seemed to be very important to the besieged they threw small
shells and stones at this approach all day long.

We received the news that the enemy fortifications on Lempriere’s
Point had been abandoned and that the garrison had withdrawn into the
city. Four guns, a great amount of ammunition, and a number of small
vessels have fallen into the hands of Lord Cornwallis. Now the besieged
are surrounded on all sides.

The 30th. The new approach proceeded with good results in places,
and we advanced with the sap so far toward the dam that the water from
the flooding started to drain off. Today Captain Hinrichs, with fifty
jagers, was in the sap and at the front of the new approach. All kinds of
fire from both sides was very severe. Two men were killed and eight
wounded.

Month of May. The 1st. We worked diligently on repairing the bat-
teries and cutting through the dam. The cannon and small-arms fire
remained constant, and four English and three Hessian grenadiers were

FROM CHARLESTOWN TO ARRIVAL AT NFAV YORK ISLAND

; d and just as many wounded. Captain Bodungen was in the trenches
iy One jager and one light infantryman were killed and a jager had
right arm shot off. Toward evening our mortars played with such
d effect that the enemy guns were silent.

'he 2d Through their fire the besieged destroyed the lodgment at the
anced ditch and held up the work opposite the dam so much that little
, accomplished. 1 was on duty today and the fire was as always. One
;r, one artillery corporal, and eight men were wounded. The siege
ps had one deserter.

7he 3d. Captain Hinrichs was on duty today.

fhe 4th. The dam was pierced almost completely and the water ran ott
iceablv. The fire of the besieged was violent, while ours was silent. The
,ieged had aimed a part of their guns at the highway, and when Cap-
i Bodungen and the jagers entered the trenches, one jager was killed
i seven severely wounded. In all, about twenty men were lost today,
ward evening the gunfire continued for two hours without interrup-

The 5th. In the evening at ten o’clock the cannon and musketry fire of
* besieged was so violent and directed with such good effect that the
>rkers could do little. I occupied the advanced approaches today. Last
rht the besieged started a counterapproach from their bastion on the
’ ht opposite the sap to the dam, which greatly hindered our work. I
ed to protect the workers as much as possible, but there were at least
, e hundred sharpshooters in the hole, whose fire was so superior to
ine that the jagers no longer dared to fire a shot.

The 6th. Last night we transported guns and ammunition to the bat-
ries The sap leading to the dam had progressed so far that all the water
-ained out of the canal, which the enemy could not prevent by his
cessant grapeshot and musketry fire.

The 7th. Last night we finally brought the dismantling and breach
itteries into the second and third parallels and readied them to open,
hey were mounted with twenty-three heavy pieces, two howitzers, two
-inch and one 13-inch mortars, and some twenty hand mortars to de-
lolish the Royal Work and make breaches in it. I cannot understand our
ork. We excavate the earth toward the entire front, we shoot at the
ntire front, and nowhere do much damage. I spoke once more wit my
riend Moncrief.— “The cannon fire is nothing. We only want to Lighten
le rascals with it. We will capture the rascals with small-arms fire and i
lat doesn’t work, with the bayonet. You and your jagers shall still force
Hem to surrender, for you certainly must notice that you and your goo
nen stop the enemy gunners more than once— that they can t fire as o .
Ve captured Pondichery from the French by the same method.

Thus spoke this man always. It is true 1 have never met a braver and

235

FIFTH CAMPAIGN. 1780

more energetic man, for what he lacks in scientific knowledge, he makes
up by his courage. Where one of those great engineers, a Vauban or a
Gribeauval, 21 would survey much at a glance, this man places himself in
one spot for hours with all composure, invites a hundred shots fired at his
red coat, and does not leave his place until he has seen what he wished to
know. If he believes he has erred, he returns at once and undertakes a
second promenade of the same kind. During the night he constantly
prowls around with one or two men and visits those places he could not
approach in the daytime. But what good is all this? His entire excavation
work is confused nonsense. I assert once more that this man could hardly
serve as an errand-boy for an engineer during a siege in a European war,
although he has served as a subengineer during the sieges of Louisburg,
Havana, St. Augustine, and several more in the Seven Years’ War, where
he may have learned this method of work from his superiors.

Admiral Arbuthnot ordered Captain Hudson 22 and three hundred
seamen to land on Sullivan’s Island and seize the fort with sword in hand.
But as soon as the garrison saw that the situadon was serious, they beat a
parley and surrendered the fort. Forty-three heavy pieces were captured
and a major and one hundred and fifty men taken prisoner. 23

The 8th. Last night the besieged opened two embrasures of two 24-
pounders at the bastion on the Ashley River which flanked our third
parallel, the sap, and all the batteries, during which the enemy cannon
and musketry fire continued without letup. I was on duty today, and just
at daybreak one jager and two Scots were smashed by shells.

At seven o’clock, when all the forward batteries were in good positions,
the Commander in Chief ordered the besieged summoned for the second
time. The negotiations lasted until nine o’clock in the evening and were
broken off. Hereupon the besieged shouted “Hurrah!” three times, while
the bells rang and their batteries opened fire, which was answered briskly
by our batteries.

From now on, orders were given to use small arms constantly, for
which purpose double-barreled guns were distributed at the lodgment, in
the trenches, and at the dam. In addition, boxes filled with cartridges
were placed along the parapet, so that the firing could be sustained
continuously.

The 10th. Last night we advanced the sap up to the canal and built a
new lodgment. Captain Bodungen occupied these two lodgments. The
fire was murderous, and two officers and ten men were either killed or
wounded.

The 11th. Last night we constructed a gallery over the canal, broke
through the abatis under the most terrible fire, and built a lodgment
about thirty paces from the main fortifications; another one was con-
structed through the advanced ditch. I was on duty and occupied both,

236

FROM CHARLESTOWN TO ARRIVAL AT NEW YORK ISLAND

here I was supported by grenadiers and jagers. Cannon and musketry
re were horrible, and, certainly, almost every minute cost the lives of
veral men. Without noticing it, due to the frightful musketry fire, the
^sieged were lucky enough to demolish all our dismantling and breach
itteries.

Toward eight or nine o’clock in the morning, orders were given to fire
i the city with red-hot shot, which set fire to several houses and made
ie sight still more terrible and melancholy, whereupon the enemy fire
eakened somewhat. The Commander in Chief, who pitied the city being
‘duced to ashes, issued orders about ten o’clock to stop the firing of
?d-hot shot, and granted the besieged time to reconsider. But since the
lemy fire increased with scrap iron and stone missiles, our firing con-
lued until two o’clock in the afternoon.

During this murdering and burning I heard the sound of a drum. Just
ien I was in the lodgment, which had been built through the advanced
itch. I heard that it was a parley, shouted we should cease firing, and
:nt jagers in all directions. At that moment, Lieutenant Colonel
frithshebet [Shepheard?] of the light infantry appeared and handed me
letter from General Lincoln, addressed to General Clinton. We both sat
awn in the lodgment. I sent for wine, and we both comforted our souls
: ter such a difficult business. I made the remark that, “If you knew what
know, you would have had eight days’ more time before surrendering.”
or actually the besieged were now completely superior to us, since none
F our dismantling and breach batteries were in a condition to fire a shot,
loncrief merely scratched his head. 24

After a lapse of two hours the reply arrived, which the American
mtenant colonel took back with him to the fortifications. Within a short
me, whole swarms of French and American officers came out of the city,
ith whom we conversed, on which occasion I became acquainted with
leir First Engineer, Monsieur du Portail. The negotiations continued
ntil four o’clock on the afternoon of the 12th, whereupon the fortifica-
ons were surrendered and the garrison became prisoners of war. The
arrison retained its equipage and the officers their swords. One English
id one Hessian grenadier company took possession of the Royal Work,
id the 7th, 42d, and 63d regiments occupied the interior of the city,
he admiral took possession of the ships and the works which protected
le harbor.

The besieged together with the citizens who had fought on the walls
insisted of seven thousand men, who laid down their arms on the
iplanade about six o’clock. 25 The generals in the city were Lincoln,
loultrie, Scott, and Woodford, 26 and among the officers were many
rench and Prussian, including one officer from the Trier service as a
ilunteer.

237

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

The garrison consisted of handsome young men whose apparel was
extremely ragged, and on the whole the people looked greatly starved.
We captured four hundred guns, including twenty brass cannon and a
number of mortars and howitzers, and large stores of rum, coffee, rice,
and indigo. There were still nearly two hundred Frenchmen of the army
of Comte d’Estaing in the city, where I made the acquaintance of a
French grenadier.

The besieged concealed their losses, but one officer told me that the
largest number had been killed by rifle bullets. All the houses were full of
wounded, and the number of their dead was estimated at one thousand
men. Since I carry around my diary constantly in my portmanteau, and
cannot know if it may not one day fall into the hands of the enemy, I have
not accurately listed our dead and wounded, but have been especially
concerned about the killed and wounded jagers. Meanwhile, I under-
stand that both sides have lost many men. The besiegers estimate their
losses at seven hundred men. 27

The following vessels have been taken, which list was given to me by a
good friend from the navy. 7

1. The frigate Boston, 32 guns.

2. The frigate Providence, 32 guns.

3. The frigate Ranger, 24 guns.

4. A polacre, 18 guns.

5. Five three-masted ships.

6. Seventeen schooners and over one hundred boats of all kinds. Fourteen

vessels had been submerged, which formed the barricade in the Cooper
River. r

Thirteen vessels of various sizes loaded with merchandise, which had
withdrawn into the Wando River, fell into the hands of Lord Cornwallis.
The row galleys had escaped. 28

On the 14th the captured officers stirred up a tumult in the city, drew
their swords, and shouted “Long live Congress!” After a short hand-to-
hand fight, in which several men were killed and wounded on both sides,
we mastered them and they all had to hand over their swords. The
generals were confined to their quarters. I came across several officers
who had a cloth bound around the left leg. This symbol appeared suspi-
cious to me and I led them to the guard.

The 18th. Now, after the greater part of those who were present at the r
siege had escaped uninjured, and he who enjoyed this good luck had
reason to be heartily glad, a new peril hovered over many a head which #
could not have been foreseen. In the company of Lieutenant •
Wintzingerode, I went to the city today to purchase a few muskets from

238

FROM CHARLESTOWN TO ARRIVAL AT NEW YORK ISLAND

ie prisoners or to obtain several through the good offices of the English
tillery captain Collins, whose business it was to inspect the arsenals and
i>wder magazines. I inquired after the building or magazine where the
uskets were stored and found an English artilleryman who worked
ere and directed me to the place.

By our mutual good luck, however, when I was still about a hundred
ices away from the entrance to the magazine I met the servant of Gren-
lier Captain Biesenrodt, 29 from whom I learned that his master was ill
the city. Now, since I did not know how long the siege corps would
main together, and I wished very much to see this man — one of my
>od old friends — I turned around with the servant and decided to go to
e magazine in the afternoon.

But Providence interposed in order that Lieutenant Wintzingerode, as
-11 as myself, should not be burnt up. Suddenly, the lucky idea struck
e to ask him not to enter the magazine until I returned, and I asked him
go to the coffeehouse, where he should wait for me. We parted,
intzingerode went to the coffeehouse and I to Captain Biesenrodt’s
larters, which lay about seven to eight hundred paces away from the
agazine. I had hardly entered the house, when such an extraordinary
ast occurred that the house shook. I ran out of the house, saw a thick
>ud of vapor a short distance away, and rushed there. The most dread-
1 cries arose from all sides of the city. I saw that the magazine, into
lich I had intended to go some eight or ten minutes earlier, had blown
> with all the people who worked in and around it, along with several
jacent houses. The view was horrible. Never in my life, as long as I have
en a soldier, have I witnessed a more deplorable sight. We found some
:ty people who were burnt beyond recognition, half-dead and writhing
e worms, lying scattered around the holocaust at a distance of twenty,
irty, to forty paces, and in the confusion no one could help them. We
v a number of mutilated bodies hanging on the farthest houses and
ng in the streets. Nearby and at a distance, we found the limbs of burnt
ople. Many of those who hurried to the scene were killed or wounded
the gunshots which came from the loaded muskets in the cellars.
Toward evening we discovered that about three hundred people had
t their lives, among whom were the following: Captain Collins (who
d been rescued twice at sea with his eighty-three artillerymen, only to
burned to death), an officer of the artillery, Lieutenant McLeod 30 of
; 42d Scottish Regiment, seventeen English and two Hessian artillery-
:n, and one Hessian grenadier who stood guard at the entrance.

The entire disaster had occurred through carelessness. In the cellars in
lich the muskets were stored there was a quantity of powder, and, as
e might assume, one of the muskets had discharged while being

239

FIFTH CAMPAIGN. 1780

handed into the cellar and the shot had struck a powder keg . 31 The
catastrophe could have been greater, since a very large powder magazine
was situated only two hundred paces away . 32

From this incident I realized once more that if one still lives, it is
destined that he shall live. One should do as much good as possible, trust
firmly in the Hand of God, and go his way untroubled. Here I recalled
the following French verse:

Miserable toy of blind fortune,

Victim of wrongs and laws,

Man, you, who through a thousand injustices
Must find life troublesome,

From whence comes only death, you fear all its power.

Coward, face it without flinching.

Think, that if it is an outrage,

It is the last you will receive.

Remarks concerning the city and its works .

The city is laid out in a triangle, the long sides of which are formed by
the Ashley and Cooper rivers. Reckoning from the hornwork to the fort
which protects the harbor, the city is about one hour long, and its greatest
width is a good quarter hour at the exit of the fortifications. The streets
are straight and all run at right angles to each other. The houses number
about eight hundred, built mostly of wood in three stories. The number
of inhabitants, who consist of all nations, is said to amount to six thousand
whites and mulattoes in peacetime, without counting the Negroes. Most
of the inhabitants are prosperous merchants who live in the best taste and
greatest luxury. We did not find any men in the city other than those who
had fought on the rampart, among whom were many Jews, especially
Polish Jews, who had arrived in the country with Count Pulaski. It was a
sad sight to see most of the houses empty and locked, which, however,
were now opened and occupied by the garrison. Most of them were
extremely well furnished and provided with the most beautiful
mahogany furniture.

On the land side the works consist of a regular hornwork, called the
Old Royal Work. It is mounted with eighteen guns and walled up from
the ground with bricks to the strongest thickness. Its slope and scarp are
faced with lime mixed with oyster shells two feet thick. It is surrounded
by a muddy ditch, over which there is a stone bridge protected by a
lunette surrounded by a double-palisaded ditch twelve feet wide and six
feet deep. Within musketry range of the works is an entrenchment of
redans built in the shape of an indented crescent, whose flanks are pro-

240

FROM CHARLESTOWN TO ARRIVAL AT NEW YORK ISLAND

ed by two detached bastions. The ditch around these works is a good
Ive feet wide and certainly six feet deep, double-palisaded,
he breastwork is dressed and the ditch surrounded by a strong abatis
>ointed trees. The only entrance, which was built in the center of the
ks, is a lunette protected by a double-palisaded ditch, around which
abatis of pointed trees extended. Forty to sixty paces in front of the
•ks they had dug an advanced ditch eighteen feet wide and seven to
it feet deep, which was protected to the scarp by an abatis. At the
nts where the advanced ditch extends to the Ashley and Cooper riv-
they had constructed sluices to control the water passing from the
•rs into the ditch, which had formed a morass in front of the flanking
tions.

t appears to me that we should have directed the point of attack at one
hese bastions, for it was impossible to blast a breach in this hornwork.
is work was too solidly built for us to reach our objective here. More-
r, since this work was in the center of the crescent, we exposed our-
/es to the flanking Fire from both sides, as indeed we experienced,
wever, it would have been safer to attack the flank bastions, because
would have needed to protect ourselves on only one side,
rhe French colonel and engineer du Portail, who arrived in the works
irteen days before the surrender, found it very bad that all the works
re open to the city. He changed and remedied as much as he could in
s short time: he closed the hornwork at its gorge, joining with a curtain
; two detached bastions, which were protected by the morass and con-
:ted with the other works by a palisade; in the hornwork itself he
iced another small redoubt for defense in case of the direst need. Had
s man arrived in Charlestown sooner, I believe we would not have
tained such a cheap bargain. These works were mounted with ninety-
ree pieces.

The works which were laid out along the two long banks of the Cooper
d Ashley rivers consist of batteries whose outer and inner walls are
vetted with whole palmetto trees, the wood of which is as tough as cork,
d on which the heaviest cannonball makes no mark.

The harbor where both rivers converge was protected by a triangle
lose exterior side was walled up from the water with bricks, and the
terior side faced with palmetto logs. It was built in terraces and had
ree tiers of heavy pieces numbering thirty-seven 24- and 16-pounders.

all, the works facing the water were mounted with three hundred
eces.

The 20th. Yesterday and today two thousand of the captured militia
ire paroled to their homes under the condition that they do not serve
jain until they have been exchanged. This transaction, which leally

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

borders on the ridiculous — doing something beneficial for a person on
parole of which he has no idea— was arranged onlv to avoid sustaining
these guests. However, this economy will cost the English dear, because I
am convinced that most of these people will have guns in their hands
again within a short time. All the captured officers were sent under guard
to Haddrell’s Point. 33 °

PART TWO

After the capture of Charlestown, from the departure up
to the arrival of the siege corps at Staten Island.

Month of May. On the 21st at daybreak the light infantry, the 42d
Regiment, and the Queen’s Rangers marched to Dorchester and Straw-
berry to disperse the enemy parties which had appeared again between
the corps under Lord Cornwallis and Charlestown. A part of the siege
corps received orders to keep in readiness to embark. We received the
news that the militia of South and North Carolina, which had assembled
since the siege of Charlestown, had left Georgetown and retired toward
Camden just as Lord Cornwallis arrived at Manigault.

At noon I walked once more through the works of the city, where I
suffered a sunstroke due to the intense power of the sun. I began fainting
and could hardly reach a sutler’s hut, where I luckily started vomiting for
two hours. After swallowing much liquor mixed with water, I came
around well enough so that I was in a condition to return to camp about
five o clock, where the jager detachment received orders to march at
once, but the orders were countermanded after the lapse of an hour.

The 22d. At ten o’clock in the evening thejagers and the English and
Hessian grenadiers, under General Kospoth, marched out beyond
Ashley Ferry to support the light infantry in case of necessity.

The 24th. In the afternoon some sixty loyal inhabitants arrived from
the mountains demanding officers, arms, and ammunition to serve the
King and take revenge on their neighbors, who had oppressed them very
much up to now. They asserted that a great number of their comrades
had already gone over to Lord Cornwallis.— I do not trust these people,
for what can such a handful of men undertake? I believe they are carry-
ing out a deception to obtain arms and ammunition and to use them
against us. It is said that Major Ferguson has volunteered to lead these
people.

On the 27th General Kospoth marched back with the above-mentioned
corps, and the light infantry arrived back at the siege corps on the 28th.

242

FROM CHARLESTOWN TO ARRIVAL AT NEW YORK ISLAND

On the 30th and 31st the jager detachment and the English and Hes-
in grenadiers were embarked on transport vessels in the Cooper River
ove the city. Today all the warships which were to protect the fleet
iled to Five Fathom Hole.

Month of June. On the 1st and 2d the light infantry, 42d Regiment,
d the Ranger Corps were embarked. The Hessian regiments Dittfurth,
uyn, and Angelelli 34 were assigned as the garrison of Charlestown. The
>t-named regiment had just arrived from Savannah by water. General
iterson was appointed commandant.

The 2d. Toward evening I found myself reassured through my own
perience of the principle that what God will preserve, will be saved. I
id been on shore and had hardly arrived on board the ship at dusk
ien the ship’s captain came into the cabin and reported to me that a fire
is still burning in the galley, which is against the ship’s regulations, for
) fire is permitted after sunset. I ran out of the cabin to shout to the
•rporal of the watch on deck to extinguish the fire at once. They had
;en draining water out of the ship, and the hatches were not yet closed. I
d not notice this opening because the fire blinded me. I fell down
rough the entire ship, certainly eighteen or twenty feet deep, without
jrting myself other than that I felt somewhat stiff in my limbs for
veral days, which disappeared later. I thought to myself: “You misera-
e human, you always fear the dangers which you see, by which you
:ldom perish, and often stand on the brink of the grave without suspect-
ig it.” Is not all fear in vain?

The 3d. At six o’clock in the morning all the transport vessels left the
harves of Charlestown, passed through the channel between the es-
icade, and cast anchor about ten o’clock near Sullivan s Island.

On the 4th all the warships crossed the bar (a chain of sandbanks), and
n the 8th the transport vessels followed. The entire fleet consisted of
jme one hundred sail. Toward evening, with a good southwest wind, we
ad lost sight of the mainland.

The return journey was as pleasant as the outward journey was un-
leasant. The wind was usually present, although we often had calms
uring the best weather. But on the 1/th we reached the Highlands of
lavesink, passed Sandy Hook at four o’clock in the afternoon, and the
reater part of the fleet cast anchor in the Narrows near Middle Ferry
etween Long Island and Staten Island.

Since our company aboard ship consisted of only two lieutenants and
ixty jagers, everyone had sufficient accommodations. I he ships captain
nd helmsman were both very reasonable people. We were supplied with
n abundance of all necessities and spent these eleven days in real rest
vith good food, wine, and sport.

213

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

PART THREE

From the disembarkation on Staten Island until the siege
corps rejoined the army on York Island.

1 he 19th. At six o’clock in the morning all the troops under command
of General Leslie disembarked at Cole’s Ferry on Staten Island and
moved into cantonment quarters at Richmond, Rosebank, and Newton.
The reason for this landing was the following.

After General Knyphausen had received the news of the capture of
Charlestown, he had been induced by several braggarts (fugitive loyalists)
to undertake an expedition from New York to the Jerseys. His reasons
were based on the following information, which these windbags had rep-
resented to him as credible. 33

1. That by the capture of Charlestown, many people would side with the
King’s party.

2. That a great dissatisfaction existed in the American army; that if he
would show himself, entire brigades would throw down their arms and
desert. 36

3. That General Maxwell and his corps could be surprised, and that they
themselves had an understanding with reliable people in the neighbor-
hood where this corps was cantoned.

Accordingly, General Knyphausen had proceeded with a corps of five
thousand men from York by water and landed at Elizabeth Point in the
Province of Jersey on the 10th 37 to surprise or attack and destroy the
corps under General Maxwell, which was cantoned between Elizabethtown
and Springfield.

General Maxwell, who was no mediocre general, was on his guard and
promptly informed of the landing. He stationed himself in a good posi-
tion at Connecticut Farms Meeting House, 38 where his front was covered
by a marshy brook which cut through a range of hills and by marshy
woodlands. Moreover, one could not get near this position at all, because
of the narrow approaches at the flanks which the Americans had strongly
occupied.

General Knyphausen had hardly landed and marched off when he ran
into enemy parties which made his every step troublesome. As a very
sensible man, he realized that he had been deceived by the braggarts, but
to withdraw at once, that, too, was not advisable to undertake in the
presence of a courageous enemy. Thus he dared to attempt something
more than stake his good name and reputation on a retreat, which had to
be carried out in full view of the enemy across a navigable river.

The Jager Corps under Lieutenant Colonel VVurmb, reinforced by the

FROM CHARLESTOWN TO ARRIVAL AT NEW YORK ISLAND

rlish Guards and Hessian Leib Regiment, made the attack on the pass
Connecticut Farms Meeting House. 39 The enemy gave ground, hut it
realized that it would cost many men to dislodge him. The Jiiger
-ps, which suffered very much in the attack, held out until almost all its
iridges were expended and no rifle fired any longer. The English
irds and the Leib Regiment relieved the jagers, and the fight con-
ted until the night. The losses of both parties were estimated at one
usand men, and said to have been fairly equal on both sides. In killed
Jager Corps lost Lieutenant Ebenauer of the Anspachers and twenty-
, noncommissioned officers and privates, and in wounded Captain
nop, Lieutenants Cornelius and Bohlen, and fifty-nine noncommis-
led officers and privates. 40

,ince General Knyphausen gathered intelligence in the evening that
enemy had received reinforcements, he withdrew as far as the heights
lind the Elizabethtown River and ordered the town occupied by the
er Corps, where there were skirmishes daily. In addition, the general
i a bridge of sloops built across the Sound 41 to have a secure com-
nication with Staten Island.

Dn the 20th I traveled from Staten Island to Elizabethtown to visit my
;nds, and to occupy the camp and post there. I found General Clinton
d General Leslie, and wished to remain at Elizabethtown, since for lack
officers the commanding sergeant was in command of my company,
t General Leslie did not give me permission to remain, and desired
it I should return at once to the detachment on Staten Island. 42
3n the 21st General Leslie’s corps on Staten Island received orders to
irch at a moment’s notice from General Knyphausen, since General
ishington had drawn near Chatham and threatened to fall on the neck
General Knyphausen’s corps.

rhe 22d. At seven o’clock in the evening, General Leslie’s troops re-
ved orders to assemble at Cole’s Ferry and to embark on their former
insport vessels. This was carried out successfully on a very dark night
ring a violent storm with thunder and lightning.

The 23d. In the morning these transport vessels set sail, moved up the
jrth River, and anchored toward evening near Philipse’s house. This
meuver forced Washington to withdraw to the Clove, since the Leslie
>rps could land in his rear and place itself between his army and his
pot at West Point. He ordered Generals Maxwell and Dickinson to
ind near Elizabethtown with a strong corps to observe General
lyphausen.

The 24th. As soon as General Knyphausen received intelligence that
ashington had withdrawn his army to the Clove, he broke camp with
s corps and attacked the enemy’s advanced corps to gain air and to
cure a safe retreat. 43 The enemy was driven back beyond the defiles ot

245

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, 1780

Springfield, during which over seven hundred men on both sides re-
mained on the field. The Jager Corps, which launched the attack as
usual, had fourteen men killed and Lieutenant Colonel Prueschenck, the
Anspach Captain Roeder, Captain Lorey, Lieutenant Diemar, and
thirty-five men wounded. 44

Toward evening General Knyphausen’s corps withdrew past
Elizabethtown to Elizabeth Point, without being pursued by the enemy,
and dismantled the bridge across the Sound. 45 The troops embarked on
sloops, moved up the North River, and in the evening joined the Leslie
Corps at anchor at Philipsburgh. 46

The 25th. At daybreak all the troops, under General Knyphausen,
were disembarked at Philipsburgh and moved into camp. The right wing
was situated on the Bronx River, and the left past Philipse’s Hill to the
Hudson River. The headquarters were at Philipsburgh. — Thus I was now
back safely in this area where we had roamed about on the defensive for
two years. Had I been able to follow my own desire, I would have gladly
remained in Carolina with Lord Cornwallis. I had brought up the subject
at headquarters through Major Andre, but the Commander in Chief sent
me word that I should remain with him.

PART FOUR

From the disembarkation at Philipsburgh up to the end of

the campaign.

Month of July. The Jager Corps was assigned its post in Philipse’s
woods, between the Hudson River and the Saw Mill River, which it had
occupied at various times for the past two years.

On the 9th Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb proceeded with the entire
Jager Corps toward Tarrytown, during which I with the foot jagers cov-
ered the passes of Odell’s house and Dobbs Ferry, since Lieutenant Col-
onel Prueschenck was wounded and Major Wurmb sick.

The 14th. Since information came in that the enemy took post at night
before Tarrytown to lie in wait for the parties of DeLancey’s refugees, of
which several had been captured, I was ordered to go out at nine o’clock
in the evening with twenty horse and one hundred foot jagers toward
Tarrytown to attack or disperse these parties. But since I did not discover
the enemy I returned.

The 18th. The news came in that the French fleet under Admiral
Ternay 47 had arrived in the harbor of Rhode Island with the following
troops, which disembarked under the Comte Rochambeau. 48

1. The Regiment Bourbonnais with 1,000 men.

2. The Regiment Saintonge with 1,000 men.

246

FROM CHARLESTOWN TO ARRIVAL AT NEW YORK ISLAND

3. The Regiment Soissonnais with 1,000 men.

4. The Regiment Royal Deux-Ponts with 1,000 men, a German regiment.

5. A battalion of artillery with 500 men.

6. The Legion of the Due cle Lauzun, 40 which the duke himself com-

manded, consisting of 50 uhlans, 250 hussars, 100 grenadiers. 100
chasseurs, and 100 light artillerymen— The entire force is estimated at
5,000 men.

The ships were the following:

1 . The Due de Bourgogne, 80 guns

2. The Neptune, 74 guns

3. The Conquerant, 74 guns

4. The Provence, 64 guns

5. The Jason, 64 guns

6. The Eveille, 64 guns

7. The Ardent, 64 guns

The frigates:

The Surveillante and the Amazone, each 40 guns.

A hospital ship pierced for 64 guns. 50
A bomb ship and thirty-two transport vessels.

On the 22d I was ordered to march at a moment’s notice with three
undred foot jagers. The same orders were received by the light infantry,
le English and Hessian grenadiers, the 22d, 37th, 38th, and 43d reg-
nents, and the flank companies of the English Guards. The two
.nspach regiments and the 57th Regiment moved from McGowan’s Pass
ito encampment at New York.

On the 23d the troops set out from Philipsburgh across West Chester to
rog’s Neck under command of Generals Mathew, Leslie, and Kospoth. I
ad the advanced guard. Only a few small parties of the enemy appeared,
nth whom I exchanged several shots. At noon the corps arrived at Frog s
leek to embark, but since too great a calm prevented the transport
essels from approaching, the corps remained at Frog s Neck.

The 24th. Toward noon all the troops embarked on the transport
essels, and the Leib, Landgraf, and 42d regiments, which had boarded
hip at Philipsburgh, arrived here. I boarded The Two Brothers with my

letachment. .

Early on the morning of the 27th, General Clinton arrived at the fleet

ind boarded the armed ship Grand Duke , 20 guns. T. he fleet, which
insisted of sixty-two sail, put to sea under escort of two frigates, a sloop,
t polacre, and three galleys, and anchored in Huntington Bay on the
:oast of Long Island.

The reason for this expedition was to make a landing on Rhode Island
to attack the French, who had just landed. I had cause to be exceedingly

FIFTH CAMPAIGN. 1780

pleased with it, for my having the command over three hundred j tigers
might not happen again for the rest of the war. Moreover, the honor of
fighting with the French excited me very much. The frigates left the fleet
and sailed toward Rhode Island.

On the 31st the frigates returned and brought the news that the French
had left and proceeded to New England, whereupon the fleet weighed
anchor and sailed back. 51

Month of August. On the 2d and 3d all troops were disembarked at
Whitestone and moved into camp on the heights. I was placed with the
jagers in the woods above Flushing, with Colonel Abercromby and the
light infantry in Flushing.

On the 17th I was relieved from my quiet post by Lieutenant Colonel
Prueschenck, who had recovered from his wound. I do not deny that 1
would have liked to enjoy this repose more, at least to have had time to
equip myself with the necessities. On the 18th I arrived back at the Corps
on Morris Hill 52 on York Island.

Since we expected a meeting between Rochambeau and Washington, 53
from which it is to be assumed they would undertake something against
New York because of their superiority, several works were built on Snake
Hill. 54

The 21st. Last night I was ordered to go out with one hundred and
fifty foot jagers to Philipse’s Church to occupy this post until Lieutenant
Colonel Wurmb joined me with the mounted jagers. I had scarcely taken
my precautions when I ran into an enemy party which attacked me so
swiftly that I could hardly reach the bridge. But after several shots they
withdrew. At daybreak Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb arrived and ordered
me to hold this position. He went with the mounted jagers to Dobbs Ferry
to collect information about the enemy. Toward noon he returned with
two prisoners and we marched back to Morris Hill.

The 31st. After he had foraged the entire area from Tappan to Paulus
Hook, General Washington left the right bank of the Hudson River and
withdrew to his fortified camp at the Clove. 55

Month of September. The 3d. For several days I have been severely
stricken for the first time by the local fever, with all its discomforts. Since
I do not want to leave the Corps, and no house is close by, I am forced to
resort to a small cave, in which the rats annoy me more than the fever.

The 1 7th. After the burning south wind and the cold nights returned,
the putrid fever gained such an upper hand among the troops which
have been in the south that they die like flies, and all the hospitals are
filled.

Month of October. The 1st. For some time the jagers, light infantry, all
the grenadiers, and five other regiments have been under orders to em-
bark at a moment’s notice. Everyone believed we would attack

248

FROM CHARLESTOWN TO ARRIVAL AT NEW YORK ISLAND

ishington before he could unite with the French, but suddenly the

;ret has been discovered. . , . ...

The American General Arnold, who had greatly distinguished himse
long the rebels bv his bravery, has become a traitor to his ow n side. He
d promised General Clinton that he would surrender the fortified
,rks he commanded at West Point, which was the principal depot of the
my But since the Commanding General did not possess a complete
lowledge of the approaches to this position, Adjutant General Major
adre, one of the most skillful and efficient officers in the army, volun-
ered out of true patriotic zeal to travel there in disguise and make all
rangements with that traitor.

Major Andre reached West Point safely, but on his way back, one hour
vay from our outposts, he was stopped by three American militiamen,
nee he lost his composure at this ticklish moment, and offered these
=ople a hundred guineas if they would let him go, these three men,
spired by true patriotism, took him prisoner and escorted him to King s
erry General Washington had just returned there from Bedford in
ew England, where he had held a council of war with Comte Rocham-
eau. Major Andre was unmasked, and they found all the papers neces-
iry to a plan which threatened the complete ruin of the Americans,
lajor Andre was sent a captive to Philadelphia. 56

By chance General Arnold’s adjutant brought him the news, without
aving any misgiving, that the English Adjutant General Andre had just
een arrested at King’s Ferry. Arnold could barely save himself by means
,f a boat in which he fled to an English vessel stationed not far below

Vest Point. , . , .

The trick was well planned. Since Washington was not present with the

irmy which stood near West Point, Arnold held the army in his hand,
de had ordered over half of his men to cut wood, and the works ot the
ortress were very weakly manned. Moreover, there was scarcely any
nore ammunition in the works than what was kept in the little cases, and
vhat the small garrison had in its pouches. This principal post, which
marded the gateway for communication with Canada, separated the
French from Washington, and divided the whole into two parts, would
have been lost suddenly by the Americans with all the guns, ammunition,
and provisions. Indeed, their entire army would have been either cap-
tured or killed. If this affair had had a successful result, it would have put
an end to the war, preserved the thirteen great and beautiful provinces
for the Crown of England, and made Major Andre immortal.

General Arnold had arrived safely at New York. He was appointed an
English brigadier general and received £10,000 sterling as a gratuity,
presumably to lure more gentlemen with this bait. He was truly a great
loss for the united provinces. 07

249

FIFTH CAMPAIGN. 1780

On the 6th the news arrived that the good Major Andre had been
hanged and buried with all military honors. All the American officers
had attended the funeral procession. The enemy pitied him and his
friends deplored and lamented his fate. The officers of the entire army
mourned for him eight days with black crepe bands around their arms. 58

I was extremely sorry for the poor man, for I had had the honor of
making his acquaintance two years before the American War on his
travels to Cassel. 59 He was my friend, and had shown much friendship
for me and the Jager Corps.— How important is a single hapless moment
in a human life! Had the otherwise so excellent man and soldier retained
his composure at the instant when the three men stopped him, had he
answered them defiantly instead of offering them money, all would have
worked out well. Indeed, even when he saw that these people intended to
stop him, he could have merely set spurs to his horse and scampered off,
for he could not lose more than he lost afterward.— America must be free
and Andre hanged!

On the 18th the European provisions fleet arrived, which had 2,300
recruits on board. Among them were 900 Hessians, of which 146 were
assigned to the Jager Corps. Most of them were Imperial and Prussian
deserters. It was high time that the provisions fleet arrived, for it was said
that there were provisions in the depots for only fourteen days. For six
days the army had received rice instead of bread.

The 28th. Since the New Englanders maintained more than one
hundred armed vessels to plunder the coast of Long Island, and often
landed strong detachments to roam through the countryside, the Jager
Corps was ordered to march there at once. Toward evening the Corps
crossed the East River at Maston’s Wharf and arrived on the 29th in the
vicinity of Westbury. It had to occupy the following cordon along the
Sound: Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb ordered me to cover the left flank. I
held Cow Bay, Cow Neck, Searingtown, and Hempstead Harbor. 60 The
Wurmb, Donop, Hinrichs, and Prueschenck companies occupied the
area from Westbury up to Mosquito Cove. The lieutenant colonel was
quartered in Westbury, which was the center, and the two Anspach jager
companies, under Captain Waldenfels, were billeted at Jericho. At Oyster
Bay were the Queen’s Rangers, under Colonel Simcoe, who covered the
right flank. 1 At Norwich, behind me, lay the mounted jagers for sup-
port. The line of the entire cordon was well over two good German miles,
which was occupied by about one thousand men.

The places mentioned are mostly single houses, of which perhaps ten
to twelve lie together at one spot. The entire Corps was in cantonment
and usually ten, twelve, to sixteen men were placed together. The main
roads to the bays and landing places were occupied by pickets of each
company, for which straw huts were erected for the winter, and large

250

FROM CHARLESTOWN TO JRRIVAL AT NEW YORK ISLAND

'atch fires had to be maintained for the men’s warmth. In front of the
eutenant colonel’s quarters at the center a redoubt was built on a height,
i which there was a guard and the two amusettes. In the meantime
veryone was glad that he was under a roof, although every officer could

est only with his saber in his hand.

From this time on the army occupied its winter quarters, and it seemed

ts if all courage was gone with Major Andre s death.

ON LONG ISLAND

The 17th Regiment of Dragoons, behind the jagers at Hempstead.
The English grenadiers at Newtown.

The light infantry in the huts at Bedford.

The 37th Regiment and Diemar’s hussars at Denys s Ferry.

The 28th Regiment at Brooklyn.

Loyal Americans on the Fly.

3d Battalion of DeLancey s. j Lloyd > s Neck
New England Volunteers. J '

The Grenadier Battalions Linsing and Lengerke at Jamaica.

Those of Loewenstein and Graff at Flushing.

PAULUS HOOK IN JERSEY

The 54th Regiment.

NEW YORK

The 22d, 42d, Landgraf, Erb Prinz, Prinz Carl regiments and the
Anspach Brigade.

YORK ISLAND

The 57th Regiment at the East River, the Hessian Leib Regiment at
the North River, Mirbach’s at McGowan’s Pass, the 76th and t
regiments at Laurel Hill and the pass at Kings Bridge.

STATEN ISLAND

The 43d Regiment at the flagstaff, Hessian Regiment Bunau near
Watering Place, two battalions of Skinner’s in Richmond.

Month of November. The 15th. Nearly twenty-four hours have passed
without an alarm sounding at one or the other parts of the cordon.

Toward noon the news arrived that some one hundred men o is
rabble had just landed at Cow Bay. Since this bay belonged to my district,
I hurried there and the Wurmb Company followed. But after having
plundered a few houses, they had cast off in their boats and were already
beyond rifle range. Now, since the people there believed the enemy

FIFTH CAMPAIGN, ,1780

would return during the night, I remained in the vicinity until an hour
before daybreak on the following day, but they had disappeared.

On the 20th Lieutenant Colonel Wurmb revealed to me that a corps
under General Arnold would be embarked on a secret expedition, and
that the Commanding General desired me to go along with a detachment,
provided my physical condition permitted, for I still had the unpleasant
native fever every other day. My friend Simcoe also was in the party. I
accepted with joy. Two captains whose turn came for command had
received orders shortly before me, thus the turn was now mine, and from
this time on I was ready to march again.

End of the Fifth Campaign of the Year 1780

959

CHAPTER 1

r rom the embarkation at Denys’s Ferry
on Long Island up to the arrival at
Portsmouth in Virginia.

PART ONE

From the embarkation at Denys’s Ferry up to the arrival in
the James River.

1780 .

;mber. On the 2d the following troops received orders to hold them-
:s ready for embarkation and were assigned to the appropriate trans-
vessels:

1. The Hessian and Anspach foot jagers.

2. The light infantry.

3. The English grenadiers.

4. Two battalions of Hessian grenadiers.

5. The 80th Regiment.

6. The Anspach Brigade.

7. The Ranger Corps.

8. Robinson’s Corps.

9. The Althouse sharpshooters.

his prompted General Washington to concentrate his army at New
dsor, not far from West Point. Since more troops were ordered for
approaching expedition than actually departed at the time, Washing-
could not detach a corps at once, but had to be on his guard, because
:ould not guess whether it was aimed at him. 1

>n the 7th I received orders to be ready to embark with 125 foot
:rs, and further, to take no more equipment than what each man
Id carry himself.

•n the 9th I left the Corps, and on the afternoon of the 10th I em-
ked with the Althouse sharpshooters on a stout three-master at Denys’s
ry on Long Island. There I found the following troops alread) em-
ked in the Hudson under General Arnold. 2

^ ^ rsin.1 vr c>uu l HERN VIRGINIA

This plan, copied from an unknown map, was transcribed bv a
German hand other than Ewald’s. However, Ewald ha inserted
the locations of Great Bridge and “Camps” (Kemp's^Xtr

mond h :« Malb °"': ' «*<">) HiH.jusr Lve .he d^o R cT
g ™d p« t S r' tten 5 remark " ein 8mCT fa very

SIXTH CAMPAIGN. 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

1. The Ranger Corps.

2. The 80th Regiment.

3. The Robinson Corps.

4. A company of English artillery.

5. One hundred pioneers.

The whole amounted to about twenty-two hundred men. 3
Toward noon on the 20th the fleet set sail. It consisted of twenty-three
transport, ordnance, and provisions ships. But the fleet was scarcely
under way when a violent whirlwind arose, which damaged the masts and
yards of several ships. For this reason we cast anchor toward evening off
Prince s Bay in the mouth of the Hudson River.

The 21st. About ten o’clock in the morning the fleet set sail under
escort of the two sloops of war Charon, 44 guns, and Bonetta, 20 guns
under command of Commodore Symonds. 4 We passed Sandy Hook with
a north wind and took a course NNE. At Sandy Hook, the following
armed vessels joined the fleet: 8

1. An armed three-master. )

2. Two sloops. v These were vessels which depended on

3. Four brigantines. ( arm y an d not on the admiralty. 5

On the 23d a storm arose, followed around midnight by a calm with
severe lightning, then the wind came up.

The 24th. We were driven against the coast, where we had only seven-
teen fathoms of water. The latitude was 38° 22' north. Toward midday
six strange vessels appeared, whereupon the commodore gave chase with

the armed ships. The fleet gave up the pursuit and did not see the vessels
again.

The 26th. Last night the fleet was so scattered by a gale that at dawn I
found myself alone with my ship. Since I had not discovered any vessels
by the 28th, I had the letter of rendezvous opened in the presence of all
the officers and ship s captain. I found that our rendezvous was Cape
Henry at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay.

On the 29th at daybreak we reached the cape, where we tacked about.
Toward noon the entire fleet reassembled there. About four o’clock in
the afternoon, the fleet passed the estuary of Chesapeake Bay and an-
chored toward evening at Lynnhaven Bay, off the coast of Virginia.

The 30th. Toward nine o’clock in the morning we set sail, and in the
afternoon anchored again in Hampton Roads at the mouth of the James
River. In a few hours the fleet was under sail and anchored toward
evening at Newport News.

Although the wind was so strong that the boats could hardly hold
* n water ’ the signal was given at once for all the commanding
officers of regiments and detachments to report to General Arnold on

258

FROM LONG ISLAND TO PORTSMOUTH. VIRGINIA

ird the Charon . There orders were given that all the troops were to be
readiness for disembarkation and supplied with salted meat, biscuit,
1 rum for five days.

PART TWO

From the disembarkation from the transport ships up to
the passage over the James River to Westover.

)n the 31st all the troops except the artillery and the horses of the
unted rangers disembarked from the transport ships, boarded small
m sloops and boats, and moved up the James River under escort of the
led vessels. The transport ships followed at some distance with the
►visions, the artillery, and the mounted rangers.

"oward evening a small body of Americans appeared on the left bank
:he James River at Warwick. The vessels anchored, and General Ar-
d ordered me, since I was in the boats with the jagers and Althouse
rpshooters, to approach these people to reconnoiter them. I was to
d at my discretion and attack them, and in particular I should try to
ture several prisoners and catch a few natives. The rangers would
ow close behind.

approached within rifle shot, the shore was high. I ordered several
ts fired at them, which they answered with small-arms fire, where-
in I concluded that they did not have any cannon with them. They
e posted behind fences and appeared to number several hundred
n. I sounded the depth of the water and found that it was only up to a
n’s waist. I had four boats. I called to my men to fire a volley, draw
ir hunting swords, plunge into the water, and swiftly attack the foe.
jryone obeyed. The enemy fired a volley when we jumped into the
er and three men were wounded. But the enemy was startled by the
expected attack and withdrew.

formed my men as well as 1 could when I climbed ashore, and took
y men with me to pursue the enemy. Two wounded men fell into my
ids. The enemy reassembled behind a plantation, where I attacked
i. He left this position when the Ranger Corps arrived, and withdrew
ier cover of night. We learned that this had been a party of 230 men
m the corps of General Ewens [Colonel Ewing?] under the command
Baron Steuben, a former Prussian major, which had taken post at
ersburg. Afterward fresh provisions were collected from Warwick and
spent the night on land, but were alarmed three times by the enemy. 6
do not deny that this little trick left me with no great opinion of
neral Arnold’s judgment, ordering men without bayonets to land and
ick an enemy equipped with bayonets, especially since the light infan-

259

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1|781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

try was just as close to them as I was. That the enemy lost his nerve and
left— that was luck! But had they taken a stand, and thrown themselves
upon the jagers and sharpshooters when I climbed up the steep bank
with my men, which could not be done in the best order, all would have
been lost. Meanwhile, there had been no time on my part to protest
whether I should attack, for I had to be fearful that the man, on his false
principles, would hold me for insubordination or cowardice. But I risked
nothing. If it had turned out unsuccessfully, the failure would have fallen
on him, since the attack took place under his eyes. The general himself
came ashore, admired the bravery of the men, and expressed heartfelt
thanks for my good will. It was impossible for me to keep still. I assured
the general that we had done nothing to deserve thanks; the jagers had
carried out his orders. But I wished that I had had the shore to defend
and he had attacked me with all the sharpshooters in the corps. He
looked at me and remained silent. I turned around and went to my men.

The Year 1781.

Month of January, the 1st. At daybreak an American party appeared
with whom I skirmished. Toward nine o’clock orders arrived for the
troops to leave the land and board the boats, which took place at once.
Since it was now ebb tide, which prevented the boats from lying in dose to
shore, we had to wade through the water up to our knees, and then the
navel, over a distance of a good quarter hour before we could reach the
boats. That was a wet New Year’s Day! The extraordinary and insuffer-
able heat oppressed us very much, crowded together in our open boats
and vessels, but it stood us in good stead today, wet through and through
as we were. 6

Toward midday the jagers and the Althouse sharpshooters were placed
on the small vessels, since one could hardly move in the boats. This small
fleet anchored on this side of Hog Island. 7

The 2d. 8 In the morning the fleet set sail again, and about midday cast
anchor at Burwells Ferry, 9 where two enemy vessels and several distin-
guished rebels fell into our hands.

Several battalions with a few guns appeared on Burnell's height, which,
perhaps, would attempt to dispute our landing. General Arnold sent a
naval officer with a white flag ashore, warning them to lay down their
arms and obey their King. 10 The American officer 11 asked the English
naval officer where the General Arnold was, who had sent him, whether
he possibly was the traitor Arnold. If this were the case, he requested him
to tell the next ranking English officer that if he had a request to make, 1
he would like him to use his name, for the American officer would not
and could not give up to a traitor. But if he were to get hold of Arnold, he

FROM LONG ISLAND TO PORT SMOUTH, VIRGINIA

aid hang him up by the heels, according to the orders of the Con-
ss. 12 The English officer delivered the message word for word, and
nold was obliged to make a very wry face.

toward evening the fleet set sail with the flood tide and anchored ofl
nestown during the night.

3n the 3d at daybreak the signal was given to disembark. But the boats
d hardly reached shore when a counterorder was issued, since we had
:eived the news that a strong corps of Virginia militia had assembled
re, whereupon we set sail up the river.

N.’b. The river in this area is a good hour wide, though from James-
on on it narrows noticeably. But it often has very deep inlets, whereby
becomes very wide again at many places.

Toward evening General Arnold received intelligence that an Amen-
n corps had fortified the heights of Hood’s Point, 13 and had stationed
fantry and cannon there to bombard us in the narrow winding channel
lich is formed by sandbars. General Arnold immediately ordered the
>op Hope, 24 guns, and the privateer Cornwallis, 12 guns, to sail against
e battery, which was bombarded to good effect. Just at this time, I was
•dered to board the boats with the jager detachment, the Althouse
arpshooters, and two companies of rangers under Colonel Simcoe. We
itered Ward’s Creek and landed in order to attack the enemy works
om the rear. The American detachment, which had observed the land-
g of the detachments under Colonel Simcoe, fired some twenty shots at
ie boats which killed only one sailor, abandoned its position, and with-
rew hastily toward Petersburg. Three 24-pounders and two howitzers
>11 into our hands, and both plantations were plundered.

The fault of these works lav in the fact that they were not closed at the
orge. For had they been in a better state of defense, and the garrison
ammanded by an enterprising officer, they could have easily delayed us
mil the militia had assembled and strengthened the position. Since the
hannel in the river lay within small-arms range, this could very easily
ave prevented us from further undertakings.

On the 4th at daybreak the fleet set sail again, passed Hood’s Point, and
nchored about nine o’clock in the morning near the left bank at West-
>ver Toward ten o’clock in the morning the troops landed.

Here Colonel Byrd 1 * had one of the most important plantations in
/irginia. It consisted of forty fine buildings, which because of their regu-
ar style of construction resembled a small town. The fortune o t us
amily was estimated at forty thousand pounds sterling. Mi. >r ta
nanaged his affairs very well; he had given one son to the English and
mother to the American service, and thus carried favor on both shoul-
iers. 17 All the officers were treated to a very good breakfast.

261

LETTER OF BRIGADIER GENERAL BENEDICT ARNOLD TO
THE OFFICER COMMANDING THE PARTY ON SHORE,
JANUARY 1,1781

The text of the letter reads as follows: “On Board the Charls
Town Jan? 1st 1781 Sir His Majesty’s Ship Charls Town Having
drove a Brig! on Shore, and having Her Boats fired upon by a
Party on Shore in Attempting to get Her of, I have to Acquaint
you that however disagreable It may be to me, unless you im-
mediately desist Firing, and suffer the Prise to be taken away with
all Her Materials, I shall be under the Necessity of landing and
burning the Village, which I wish to Avoid. I am Sir Your humble
Serv‘: B Arnold B Genl To The Officer Commanding The Party
on Shore.” By permission of the Public Record Office, London.

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PLAN OF HOOD’S POINT , WHICH IS RECKONED
THIRTY MILES FROM JAMESTOWN

The inscription in the box at the cross reads: “Where the sloop
of war Hope and the privateer Cornwallis lay to and bombarded
the battery.” At Ward’s Creek: “March of the detachments un-
der Colonel Simcoe.” Along road: “Road to Petersburg which the
enemy took for their retreat.”

264

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

PART THREE

From the march from Byrd’s plantation to Richmond and

return.

After General Arnold had collected favorable information from the
countryside, and was provided with reliable guides with the help of the
Byrds, the corps set out in the direction of Richmond toward evening . 18 I
had the advanced guard, which I arranged in the following order, since I
did not want to use any flankers at night in order not to reveal the march.

1 . Four jagers, two of whom marched along the fences on the right and two
on the left.

2. At a distance of twenty-five paces behind I had six jagers follow in the
same manner, where I was myself.

3. An officer and twenty jagers at a distance of fifty paces.

4. An officer with thirty horse of the Queen s Rangers at a distance of fifty

paces. r

5. The jagers and Althouse sharpshooters in six platoons at a distance of

one hundred paces.

6. The light infantry of the rangers.

Since we had to be fearful of ambuscades, especially since the night was
very dark, with this formation I could never get into disorder if the
outermost point fell into an ambuscade, for each group had room to help
the other if it was alarmed. I had directed the first four men to let
everyone pass through that they met, and in case of emergency to use
only their hunting swords.

Colonel Simcoe followed with the mounted rangers, and then came the
corps on foot.

The grenadier company of the 80th Regiment.

The 80th Regiment.

Four light 6-pounders.

Robinson’s Corps

The light infantry company of the 80th Regiment.

An officer with ten horse of the rangers.

We passed the defile of Turkey Island Creek, which cut through two
steep heights, over which was a bridge. A half a dozen men could ha\e
easily defended this pass at night.

Toward midnight a major of the Virginia volunteers with his orderly
and two captains gradually fell into my hands, safe and sound. Their
horses, which were very handsome, were put to good use among my men
on foot. They had their pockets filled with orders from Baron Steuben
for assembling the militia. The major had gone out to observe exactly

FROM LONG ISLAND T(} PORTSMOUTH, VIRGINIA

,vhere we were in our march. I had marched so quietly that he was quite
istonished when several men grabbed his horse by the bridle and
Knocked him off. Toward morning the corps halted on the left bank of
;he Four Mile Creek and rested for an hour.

On the 5th, about four or five o’clock, the corps set out again and
arrived at Bailey’s Creek, where the enemy had completely demolished
the bridge. But it was rebuilt within a half an hour.

Toward two o’clock in the afternoon we reached the heights of
Richmond, where several battalions of the enemy with cannon had taken
up positions to the left of the town. To the right lay a very steep hill,
overgrown with brushwood, which General Arnold thought was occupied
by riflemen. 19 The general pointed there with his hand — “That’s a task
made for you!” I deployed at once, formed two ranks well dispersed, and
climbed up the hill. The enemy left after firing a volley which wounded
one jager, but three others who had gone too far to the right were cap-
tured.

On the crest of the hill, I formed my men as quickly as possible in order
to come up with the enemy, who had withdrawn to a wood behind a deep
ravine, where he made a new stand. 20 But since I would have had to cross
it under his fire, I tried to detain him by skirmishing until more troops
came up for my support. On the whole, it was a crucial moment for me. I
was on barren, level ground 21 and the enemy could count my men. I
discovered that he had no riflemen, but infantry equipped with bayonets.
My men appeared to be so tired and worn out that I no longer dared to
rely on their legs for a hurried flight. Meanwhile, the firing drew me
forward on the left, whereupon this party of the enemy fell back toward
Westham. I moved to my left to the main corps, which by this time had
dislodged the enemy from Richmond. 22

Here I ran into Colonel Simcoe, who immediately drew me to one side
and asked whether my men were still able to march, since he intended to
destroy a cannon foundry and powder magazine of the enemy at Buck-
ingham, three hours from Richmond. 23

Hereupon I called for volunteers from among the jagers and Althouse
sharpshooters, of whom 53 came forward as well as 150 rangers, 9 of the
80th Regiment, and the cavalry of the rangers. This detachment set out at
once under Colonel Simcoe.

The colonel then took the cavalry and one hundred foot soldiers, went
with them toward Westham in order to cover us, and ordered me to
proceed with the rest of the men. I was to destroy as much as possible
until his return, for which purpose an artillery officer was given to me. I
then tried to attack the place, which lay in a valley close to the left bank of
the James River, from all sides. All the people of the foundry fell into my
hands, including the inspector and engineer Lieutenant Colonel Baron

267

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781. TO RETURN TO HESSE

Werneck. 24 This man was a German noble and had served as an artillery
officer in the Hanoverian service during the Seven Years’ War.

I had left half of the men under arms in the hills, and with the other
half I damaged and made unserviceable as much of the machinery and
tools found at the smelter as was possible. During this time the artillery
officer blew up the powder magazine, consisting of seven hundred bar-
rels of powder and two mills. 25

The cannon foundry had been laid out by an Englishman according to
the Woolwich plan, whereby much was driven by the aid of a waterfall.

Toward ten o’clock in the evening, Colonel Simcoe sent an officer to
me with instructions to fall back to Richmond as quickly as possible. He
could no longer hold out, for he had information that a strong American
corps was approaching.

I assembled my men at once, of whom two thirds were drunk because
large stores of wine and beer had been found in the houses. They were
now so noisy that one could hear us two hours away. Meanwhile, I ran
into Colonel Simcoe about halfway back, whereupon we withdrew to
Richmond, where General Arnold and his men were cantoned in sweet
repose. We were quartered here in order to rest up. 26

On the morning of the 6th, Colonel Simcoe and the light troops moved
forward a half an hour and took post in the direction of Westham. Dur-
ing this time General Arnold set fire to all the magazines and workshops
for shipbuilding, which was carried on vigorously here, including all the
vessels still on the blocks. Forty-two vessels were loaded with all kinds of
merchandise for the corps’ booty and sailed down the James River. 27

Toward midday, after half of the place was in flames, the corps set out
for Westover and remained overnight on the left bank of Four Mile
Creek. 28

Early on the morning of the 7th the corps marched off again. But we
had not yet marched a half an hour when a report arose that an enemy
corps had occupied the pass of Turkey Island Creek in order to cut off
our retreat. At the moment when this alarm occurred, an American corps
appeared which threatened to attack our rear guard. Colonel Simcoe was
immediately ordered to rush with the jiigers and rangers to Turkey Is-
land Creek. But we discovered there that it had been a false alarm,
originated by people who wished to get us out of the neighborhood
quickly. Toward evening the corps arrived back at Westover, where it
cantoned quite spaciously in the buildings of Byrd’s plantation.

Since the march back took place rather hastily, some sixty men— too
fatigued to keep up — fell into the hands of the enemy. 29 Meanwhile,
however, the swiftness of the marches, which amounted to fourteen
German miles in all, 30 led to the successful outcome, for we had really
caused very great damage to the enemy’s magazines. Moreover, we met

FROM LONG ISLAND TO PORTSMOUTH. VIRGINIA

h very little resistance, since the enemy did not expect such an auda-
us stroke and had divided his forces.

Dn the whole, this expedition greatly resembled those of the freeboot-
, who sometimes at sea, sometimes ashore, ravaged and laid waste
;rything. Terrible things happened on this excursion; churches and
[y places were plundered.

3n the 8th the news arrived that a party of enemy cavalry, about 150
rse, had just arrived at Byrd’s Court House, 31 two good hours from
rd’s plantation. The colonel immediately took his cavalry and ordered
: to follow with two companies of rangers, in order to surprise this
rty. The colonel ran into a vedette which fired and withdrew. Follow-
r this the rangers charged into the enemy picket, which could hardly
t to their horses. They cut down some thirty men and captured one
3 tain, one lieutenant, and sixteen men. One ranger was killed and
ree wounded. 32 On the morning of the 9th we returned.

PART FOUR

From the embarkation at Byrd’s plantation up to the
landing at Hardy’s Ferry in the County of Isle of Wight.

The 10th. In the morning the entire corps embarked on its small ves-
Is and set sail at once.

Toward evening the general received the news from shore that Gen-
al Steuben was advancing with a corps from Petersburg, in order to
cupy the position at Hood’s Point again and make our passage dif-
:ult. 33

Despite a sudden gale and thunderstorm, General Arnold ordered me
get into the boats with fifty jagers, along with Colonel Simcoe with two
indred rangers, Colonel Dundas with two hundred men of the 80th
egiment, and Major Robinson 34 with two hundred men of his corps. We
nded at ten o’clock in the evening on Hood’s Point without seeing
lything of the enemy.

I was the first to go ashore. Since the thunderstorm had subsided and a
iautiful, clear evening with moonlight followed, by which one could see
ir around, I took four men, a hornblower, and Captain Murray of the
ingers to reconnoiter and patrol a short distance into the country. I
rdered two men to proceed in front of me at a distance of fifty paces,
id I followed with the people mentioned.

The way led through a wood which was enclosed by wooden railings,
id the road, on which the heavy rain still lay, was wide and sandy. I had
ardly gone four to five hundred paces when I heard horses trotting
trough the water. I bent down to the ground and could detect some-

2(19

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781. TO RETURN TO HESSE

thing approaching me. I had no desire to run back, since I thought that it
would be several men whom I could seize. To the right on this side of the
fence, or railing, I found three or four trees, behind which I concealed
myself and the other four men. A moment later, a body of twenty to
thirty horse appeared. I had a mind to let them pass and fire upon them
from the rear. But the officer, who looked my way just as he approached
me, ordered a halt and called to me, “Who’s there?” I kept still; he called
again, Whos there? Since the game was now too serious for me, I
jumped out from behind the tree and shouted to him, “Friend of the
watch!” At that moment I called for fire. The two jagers who were with
me, and the hornblower, who was armed with one of my double pistols,
gave fire and the entire troop fled. The two jagers whom I had sent
ahead dropped to the ground at their approach and contributed their
fire. This party had probably been sent out to patrol toward Hood’s
Point. I was annoyed to think that if I had taken twenty-four men with me
instead of four, the entire party would have been mine.

I then returned, found General Arnold, and gave him a report of the
affair. He was sorry that I had not taken a prisoner.

Here Colonel Simcoe came to me and begged me not to take offense
that Major Robinson and his provincials, rather than myself, would have
the advanced guard. I knew that this man was a fellow-countryman. His
father, General Robinson, 35 was a friend of General Arnold, who proba-
bly wanted to give him an opportunity to get his name in the Gazette . 36 1
smiled, for I knew the honorable man. The corps set out at once on the
road to Petersburg in the following order.

N.B. This corps, both the leader and all its officers and men, consisted of

loyalist Americans.

1. Robinsons Corps. — How the honorable man was marching, I don’t
know, for I had no desire to appear overcurious about the head.

2. Myself with Fifty jagers.

3. The rangers.

In reserve: Colonel Dundas with two hundred men of the 80th Regi-
ment.

We had hardly marched a half an hour, when some twenty musket
shots were fired at the head, but the bullets injured no one and were
honorably answered by Robinson’s gentlemen. Instead of halting and
searching this wooded area with reconnoitering patrols, everybody kept
on marching.

After a lapse of about a half an hour, we heard two extraordinarily
loud voices challenge the head with a very dear “Who— is— there?” The
good major ordered, “Forward!” At that instant, a terrible fire fell out of
the woods from the front and left among Robinson’s honorable Ameri-

270

FROM LONG ISLAND TO PORTSMOUTH, VIRGINIA

Weeping, wailing, and gnashing of teeth arose, and one captain, two
rs and some forty men were either killed or seriously wounded. I
, the head and found a deplorable situation: the honorable fellows
so disconcerted by their bad luck that if the enemy party had sud-
attacked them with the bayonet, the entire column certainly would
been thrown back to Hood’s Point. General Arnold himself came to
ead, which was in the greatest confusion, and I could not restrain
f from bursting out with— “So it goes when a person wants to do
thing that he doesn’t understand!” Meanwhile, the general re-
ed me, with the most courteous expression, to take command of the

iced guard.

>m what I could discover in the darkness, the enemy ambuscade was
t as follows. There was a crossroad through the thick woods where
lishap occurred. According to the effectiveness of the fire, and the
jnge which was the signal for the ambuscade, the enemy must have
n such a manner.

* *

* f

* *

3. □

* *

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4 1 4 4

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Enemy sentries who challenged

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Robinson

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. 2. 3. The ambuscades.

From here, thev could see by the bright moonlight how we
came up the road. 37

271

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

The corps set out at once, without the reserve, which remained with the
dead and wounded to drag them to the ships, as we had no wagons. Since
I now feared the same game by the enemy, I marched in small separated
parties. Colonel Simcoe followed me with the rangers.

We had hardly marched a good half hour when the general ordered a
halt. I posted a few men around me here and crept forward. As I lay on
the ground, I could perceive a slight rustle coming from dry branches
lightly touching in a wood. Although the wood was very dark, I could
detect a defile right in front of me. After a lapse of about a half an hour
we marched back, and at daylight the troops boarded the vessels.

The 1 1th. As soon as the troops were on board, the fleet set sail, passed
Hood’s channel, and anchored on the 12th near the mouth of the Chic-
kahominy River. Toward two o’clock in the afternoon the fleet got under
sail again with the ebb tide and anchored about evening at Cobham. 38 As
soon as it was dark, Colonel Dundas landed here with four hundred men
of the 80th Regiment and set fire to a flour and forage depot which was
guarded by one hundred men. Three men of the 80th Regiment were
wounded and several Americans captured. At midnight the party re-
turned to the vessels.

Toward morning on the 13th, the fleet moved with the tide to the
vicinity of Jamestown, where anchor was dropped around midday. In the
afternoon the fleet set sail again and anchored toward evening at Bur-
well’s Ferry.

Early on the morning of the 14th, the fleet sailed and cast anchor close
to the right bank of the James River in Isle of Wight County. Prepa-
rations were made at once to disembark all the troops at Hardy’s Ferry, 39
which took place at dusk. Colonel Simcoe, with the rangers and jagers,
had to take post at a plantation halfway to the landing place in order to
cover the landing. There we captured an American major and a preacher
of extraordinary size, one of the greatest partisans of the rebels, who was
armed with a saber and a pair of pistols. We called him the “High Priest”
because of his height.

PART FIVE

From the landing at Hardy’s Ferry in Isle of Wight County
up to the arrival at Portsmouth.

The 15th. After the horses for the cavalry and artillery had been dis-
embarked, and the corps provided with biscuit for three days, we set out
toward Smithfield at ten o’clock in the morning. In the afternoon we
crossed the pass of Pagan Mill, which consisted of a dam three hundred
paces in length, on which there were three bridges for crossing the marshy

FROM LONG ISLAND TO PORTSMOUTH, VIRGINIA

ter. We marched over a range of hills where the road ran like a cork-
ew, and where a handful of men could have performed wonders.

\ t the last defile one of my flankers captured the American Major
•rce, 40 who had ridden out alone to reconnoiter. The poor man had a
msand pounds in paper money and a particularly beautiful gold re-
ater 4 ' in his pocket, all of which, along with his very fine horse, was
:en as booty by a single man. 42 Toward evening the corps arrived at
lithfield, where it cantoned. 43 I took my post at Pierce s plantation,
dch belonged to the captured major, a quarter of an hour distant from
: town. The fleet had sailed up to the mouth of Pagan Creek, from
lich point the boats were directed to Smithfield.

On the 16th at daybreak Major Gordon 44 with a detachment of one
Ficer and thirty jagers, thirty horse, and one hundred men of the 80th
rgiment crossed Pagan Creek in boats. They marched to Old Town, 45
;acked an enemy detachment of considerable size, put it to flight, and
ptured two officers and twenty-two men.

Several hours later Colonel Simcoe went out with his cavalry to recon-
>iter the pass of Mackie’s Mill, 46 which General Arnold had to cross with
e corps. After a short time the colonel sent word that this pass was
cupied by the enemy with infantry and two pieces. 47 Hereupon Gen-
al Arnold ordered me to hurry there with the jagers and three com-
mies of rangers, and to do everything possible to dislodge the enemy.
In the afternoon I arrived on this side of the pass, where I found the
>lonel The pass consisted of a small stream which had high banks. The
ill lay on the other side, behind which was the bridge demolished by the
ie my The enemy had placed his infantry and two pieces in the gardens
i such a way that they could enfilade the bridge and a great distance on
ur side There was much to reconnoiter but no time for it; we saw the
aemy right before our eyes. He had to be driven out, and we im-
lediately proceeded quickly to the task. The ground was high on both
des of the creek, and on an elevation on this side, right along the road, I
Dund a number of separated trees where the terrain appeared to be
igher than on the other side. Here I took post at once with one officer
nd thirty jagers, of whom 1 ordered fifteen men to shoot at the people in
tie gardens, and directed another fifteen should keep up a constant fire
>n the guns. I distributed the remaining jagers along the creek and
.rdered them to fire continuously at anyone who showed himself I he
juns fired four shots, two with balls and two with grape, whereupon ey
vere pulled back, since no one had any more desire to load them.

While this was taking place, a jager informed me that he had seen a
ootbridge over the water on the left, about a thousand paces below the
uill. I ordered the fire kept up and saw that it was very effective. I
listributed the jagers among the rangers and hurried to the footbridge. 1

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

found it and immediately ordered ten or twelve men to cross over. This
had the effect of causing the enemy to abandon the gardens and hedges,
and it looked as though he intended to withdraw to the wood lying
behind him. To my astonishment, however, all the jagers and rangers left
their posts, rushed to the footbridge and crossed it, without my being able
to prevent it. I ran along with them and tried to put barely a part of them
in order on the other side. In this I succeeded. Now there was nothing
else to do but to attack the enemy, who, however, was so surprised by the
spirit of the men that he ran head over heels to the woods. My men
pursued him for over a half a league.— Thus, chance often has the
greatest share in the successful outcome of events in war.

We found eleven dead and eight wounded of the enemy, and took one
officer and eight men prisoner. There were two jagers and one ranger
killed, and five men were wounded. I immediately took post and repaired
the bridge as well as I could, so that it was in good condition for Simcoe to
cross with his cavalry. A report was given at once to the general, who sent
engineers to repair the bridge so that the whole corps could cross it. 48

On the morning of the 17th, General Arnold departed from Smithfield
and crossed the pass of Mackie’s Mill.

On the 18th at daybreak the corps set out, crossed Chuckatuck Creek
at the mill of the same name, and camped on Sack Point. During this time
the fleet, on which the corps constantly depended for its provisions and
ammunition, lay at the mouth of the Nansemond River, into which the
Chuckatuck flowed near Sack Point. 49

On the 19th, past midnight, Colonel Simcoe and the rangers, the jager
detachment, and the Althouse sharpshooters crossed the Nansemond in
flatboats. 50 At daybreak, the colonel went toward Portsmouth with the
cavalry. Toward nine o’clock in the morning, General Arnold ordered
me to follow with the infantry. After a march of eight hours, we arrived
toward evening at Portsmouth and took post at once.

Toward afternoon on the 20th, General Arnold arrived at Portsmouth
with the entire corps. This place lies on the left bank of the Southern
Branch of the Elizabeth River, which is navigable for frigates to the
upper part of the town. The town consists of 150 wooden houses and is
inhabited mainly by rich merchants and mariners. Above and below,
near the town, two muddy creeks flow into the river, making the place a
kind of a half-island. The area is level and covered with woods at a dis-
tance of four to five hundred paces around the town. The entire area
is very swampy and regarded as very unhealthy. The whole town had
been abandoned by its inhabitants, except for three families. 51

Directly opposite Portsmouth lay the blot of Norfolk, which had been
burned to the ground at the beginning of the war, except for a few houses.
The blackened, burned ruins presented a dismal prospect to the eye. 52

274

FROM LONG ISLAND TO PORTSMOUTH, VIRGINIA

The entire corps went into cantonment, and the light troops occupied the
front from one creek to the other with only weak pickets, for according to
all reports no enemy was to be seen.

On the 22d, work was begun on six redoubts in order to protect the
place, which was designated as the fortified post for this province. The
redoubts were to be connected by an abatis of pointed trees.

CHAPTER 2

From the arrival at Portsmouth and the
union of the army under Lord Cornwallis
up to the arrival of the army at York
and Gloucester.

PART ONE

From the arrival at Portsmouth until after the affair before
Portsmouth, in which I was wounded.

Having rested since the evening of the day before yesterday, I used the
opportunity to roam through the entire area to orient myself. I discov-
ered that Scott’s Creek protected half of our front on the right up to a
distance of about a half an hour. This marshy creek falls into the
Elizabeth a good half hour’s distance below the town. Between this creek
and the one which flows into the Elizabeth River just below the town is a
thick swampy wood in which a plantation is situated. But at Scott’s planta-
tion, which lies on the other side, there is a causeway where one can cross
the creek. On my return, I proposed that I should lie in this wood at the
causeway, since otherwise Portsmouth could easily be reconnoitered and
attacked from here through the aid of the woods. But since no enemy was
to be feared, no attention was paid to my idea. I also found that our right
through Mill Point, which lay somewhat higher than the town to the right
across the creek, could be flanked and bombarded. For my part, I would
not have chosen Portsmouth for a fortified post without having con-
structed a good work on Mill Point, and another on the right bank of the
river at the Norfolk distillery. By this means one would be complete
master of the river, and since Portsmouth can be fired upon from Mill
Point, this could easily be prevented by a redoubt. 1

On the 23d, about three o’clock in the morning, the jagers and rangers
under Colonel Simcoe crossed the Elizabeth River and landed on Powder
Point above Norfolk. The march was continued immediately toward
Great Bridge to reconnoiter this area. During the night Colonel Dundas

FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCESTER

Arith 250 men of the 80th Regiment went up the river in boats to get in
;he rear in case Great Bridge was occupied by the enemy. The two de-
:achments met around midday.

We had hardly arrived when we found a loyal-minded subject, which
was regarded as a miracle, although General Arnold had asserted that
when he made an appearance the people would change their minds in
droves. The man gave us the news that six hundred Americans were
advancing toward us. It was decided immediately not to wait lor them but
to proceed toward them. We set out at once on the road toward Suffolk,
and we were scarcely a quarter of an hour away when I, with the ad-
vanced guard, ran into an enemy party which withdrew hastily after a few
rifle shots. Captain Shank 2 followed at once, overtook them in the defiles
of Edmunds Bridge, 3 cut down a part of them, and captured a captain
and three dragoons. Through them we learned that General Gregory,
with a corps of three thousand men, had taken post behind the swamps
one and a half German miles from Great Bridge. Following this informa-
tion, we retired at once to Great Bridge.

Toward evening the detachment set out toward Kemp’s Landing, 5 ar-
riving during the night. This pass was likewise reconnoitered.

Remarks on the two passes of Great Bridge and Kemp’s Landing.

Great Bridge is an important position in Virginia, if Portsmouth is to be
designated and maintained as a fortified post. It consists of a village of
twenty-five fine buildings and is inhabited by tradespeople, who, how-
ever, had all flown and left us their good Madeira and large stocks of
provisions. The place lies on the Southern Branch of the Elizabeth River,
ten English miles from Portsmouth, where several small creeks fall in.
These creeks, along with the two banks of the river, form an impenetra-
ble marsh of fifteen to sixteen hundred paces. A single causeway passes
over this swampland, and there is a wooden bridge in the middle which
rests on trestles and piers. This long bridge, from which the village takes
its name, is 223 paces in length. 6

The Elizabeth River as well as the small creeks rise in the great Dismal
Swamp, an immense swampy woodland which extends from here into
North Carolina. One can cross from here to North Carolina only at Great
Bridge. Indeed, the inhabitants have made a passageway through this
wilderness, with the help of fallen trees (called logs), for single tiavelers
on foot. One can cross here with the aid of a compass, but if the year is
not very dry, it is impassable.

Since the Northwest River also rises in the Dismal Swamp to the south,
and flows into the Currituck Sound, it has only one crossing, a miserable
wooden bridge called Northwest Landing Place. Thus, he who is master
of the James and Elizabeth rivers and holds Portsmouth, Great Bridge,

277

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 178.1, TO RETURN TO HESSE

and the Northwest River crossing in his hands is the complete master of
the entire part of Virginia called Princess Anne County, which lies be-
tween these two passes, Chesapeake Bay, and the James and Elizabeth

rivers. .

Kemp’s Landing consists of ninety dwellings, and is a trading place

because of its location. It lies close to the source of the Eastern Branch of
the Elizabeth River. If this place were protected by a redoubt occupied
with one hundred men and two guns, or only a mere detachment of light
troops, any enemy troops which ventured to cross the logs would be cut

off

The 24th. Toward ten o’clock in the morning we left Kemp’s Landing,
and one captain with sixty rangers was posted there. We marched back by
way of New Town and Norfolk.

Since they had relied at Portsmouth on this detached party, they had
undertaken a little foraging by the English artillery along the road to
Great Bridge at the time. On the way back, however, their escort fell into
an enemy ambuscade at Pallet’s Mill, during which one artillery officer
was killed and several artillerymen were captured.

This enemy party is said to have been from a light corps commanded
by a certain Major Weeks, 7 to whom the country people are greatly de-
voted, partly from inclination and partly from fear. In the countryside he
is considered an excellent officer and a good partisan. There was much
talk about him at Kemp’s Landing, but we laughed because we had
neither seen nor heard anyone. Afterward, we were astonished over the
trick that he had played in our rear.

On the 28th the jagers and rangers, under Colonel Simcoe, marched to
Great Bridge in order to take post there and to protect the workers who
had to throw up a redoubt for one hundred men and two guns. Three
hundred Negroes were taken there, who arrived by water about the same
time. The work was completed in three days. We then removed a part of
the Great Bridge and laid a footbridge for communication by land. Dur-
ing this task the colonel remained with the workmen, and I occupied the
Edmunds Bridge toward Suffolk with fifty jagers and two companies of

rangers. . ,

We returned during the night of the 30th. The redoubt was garrisoned

by one captain and one hundred men of the 80th Regiment.

On the 9th of February, reports were received from our patrols that
General Lawson 8 and one thousand men had taken a position on the
height of Doctor Hall’s 9 plantation. General Arnold quickly decided to
attack him.

At eight o’clock in the evening, in very rainy, dark, and stormy
weather, the jagers, one hundred rangers, and one hundred men o
Robinson’s under Colonel Simcoe silently boarded the boats at

278

FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCESTER

mouth and entered the Western Branch of the Elizabeth River. At
ight we landed at Sutherland’s plantation to attack the enemy in the
From there we made our way alongside the river through pathless
s and marshes until we fell into the highway from Suffolk, about a
an hour from Hall’s plantation. We halted here and formed into
platoons, one behind the other. The jagers were ordered to shoot at
eople who were revealed by their fire, and the rangers and Robin-
men were given orders to swiftly attack everyone with the bayonet,
/eral hundred paces away lay a bridge, which the enemy had oc-
;d at the rear. The colonel ordered me to select twenty rangers and
ike myself master of the bridge by trick or by force. We set out and I
1 my men only to remain silent and follow me. I took two brave
^s with me and made up my mind, if I were challenged, to say
ing like “Good friend!”, but to attack the enemy sharply and follow
swiftly. But to our chagrin we found no one near the bridge. The bird
flown the nest an hour before. The fires were still burning brightly.

• we met Colonel Dundas, who had gone out with all the cavalry and
aundred men of the 80th Regiment to attack the enemy in the front,
he morning of the 10th the entire detachment marched off toward
smouth, where we arrived at midday.

lis expedition was quite trying for me. Several hours previously, I
taken medicine when I felt the fever again. To hold back its effects 1
to drink red wine, which caused extreme distress. I mention this only
iow the reader that one must do everything one can to perform one’s
scrupulously; and that a man, if he will, can do very much,
be 12th. The news came in from Princess Anne County that Major
ks was spreading ruin in the area and severely harassing the few
i loyalists. The communication between Portsmouth and Great
Ige was made unsafe. Therefore General Arnold decided to send two
ies there, one under Colonel Simcoe and the other under myself, in
;r to drive away the honorable gentleman.

i the afternoon, about four o’clock, both detachments boarded the
:s at Portsmouth. The one under Colonel Simcoe consisted of two
dred foot and forty horse and landed at Norfolk. My detachment
sisted of two hundred foot and thirty horse and landed at Powder
it. The colonel began marching toward Kemp’s Landing, where he
to remain until I with my detachment had passed the Devil s Elbow
imp to his right. My purpose during this march was to take the enemy
ty in the rear or between us, if they had secured the passes of London,
ige’s, and Brock’s bridges. 10 These are the three main passes of the
nty. Toward evening I arrived in the vicinity of Great Bridge in order
father some information about the enemy from the commanding olfi-
there. From here I was to try to arrange my match so that I would

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

arrive the next morning, the 13th, in the vicinity of Brock’s Bridge.
During this time, the colonel would take his march toward London
Bridge to draw the enemy’s attention upon himself.

I was just about to continue my march when I received an order to
return immediately to Portsmouth. Three French ships of the fleet of
Admiral Ternay had sailed into the mouth of the James River in order to
blockade it. It was presumed that these ships intended to join the Ameri-
cans in some undertaking against Portsmouth. 11

In the forenoon of the 13th I arrived at Powder Point, where I found
the colonel with his detachment. But at this moment we received instruc-
tions to follow our original orders.

The 14th. Toward midnight I received the information from a guide
given to me, whom I used as a spy at the same time, that the enemy had
occupied Dauge’s Bridge. I departed at once from the vicinity of Great
Bridge, crossed the Devil’s Elbow Swamp — two good hours wide — and
about nine o’clock in the morning arrived on the other side at a planta-
tion which belonged to a loyalist and a relative of my guide.

This swampy woods was crossed on a very dark night, and I do not
deny that I would have liked to know the distinguishing marks by which
the guide directed himself. The men had to march in single file, con-
stantly going up to their knees in the swamp. We had to climb over
countless trees which the wind had blown down and that often lay
crosswise, over which the horses could scarcely go. They had to be whis-
tled at continually to prevent them from going astray. Men and horses
were so worn out that they could hardly go on when I happily left this
abominable region behind.

According to an arrangement, I found at the loyalist’s place a note in
cipher from the colonel which ordered me into the woods where the
highway intersected the footpath from the swamp. I was to conceal my-
self and await further news from him and from the enemy. The cause of
this delay was the return of the three French warships to the mouth of the
James River. I posted sentries around me and was quite glad that at least I
had a passable road for retreat. For had the enemy struck me just as I
reached the end of the swamp, when the strength of the men was used
up, many a one who wanted to escape the misfortune of falling in impass-
able regions after a desperate defense could have lost his life in this
miserable way. Meanwhile, I remained here under two disadvantages: we
had no more bread with us and could hunt up none without revealing
ourselves, and I had to fear that some of my men might desert because of
hunger.

In this situation, I resorted to a short talk in which I exhorted my men
to maintain good conduct. I promised them that they would have very
good subsistence after accomplishing this task.

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FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AN1) GI.OUC.F.STF.R

v on the morning of the 15th I received a second note from the
1, instructing me to continue the march at my discretion. I then
iched Dauge’s swamp in order to go through it and come out at the
ince according to my information the enemy had occupied Dauge’s
Toward three o’clock in the afternoon we had safely crossed this
y woodland of two and a half German miles in breadth,
ough 1 had crossed the first swamp with great difficulty during the
this last passage surpassed the first one very much with respect to
dships. The men had to wade constantly over their knees in the
>y water and climb over the most dangerous spots with the help of
and rotted trees. At times there were places such that if a foothold
nissed, a man could have suffocated in the swamp. I had to cross a
d, swampy cypress wood with the cavalry, a quarter of an hour
r to the right, where one had to ride continually in water over the
. At the end of the swamp, whither our two guides led us safely at
me time, there was a log causeway — a good quarter hour long —
because of its great holes was just as difficult for the horses and
o cross as the swamp had been.

he end of the causeway was a small house, which I surrounded so
iectedly that none of its residents could escape. These people gazed
mishment at the sight of us, when they learned the way which we
iken. I drew up here and counted my men. I had not lost a single
-thank God!

m the occupant of the house I received the news that Major Weeks
is party had burned Dauge’s Bridge and withdrawn. I threatened
an with the noose if he did not disclose to me what he knew, and at
me time I showed him several guineas which he could earn if he
the truth. The fear of the gallows and the love of the gold softened
:art of this man. He revealed to me that just two hours before Major
s with six to eight hundred men had been in the vicinity of Jami-
plantation, 12 three English miles (a good hour’s march) from his
. To be sure, the six to eight hundred men were too many for me;
/er, it was now too late to change the plan, and I could not obtain
ince. Therefore I made up my mind quickly, sat down, and hur-
made the following plan 13 of the area and of Weeks’s camp, accord-
the way this man indicated to me. After I had told my men that we
fight, as we had no way to retreat, we marched at once,
ce my guide thought that the enemy could be outflanked around his
ith the help of a wood, I ordered Captain Shank with thirty horse
»venty foot jagers to take the highway straight to the plantation. He
) draw the attention of the enemy upon himself from this side and
ish with the posts existing there. But as soon as he heard the firing
my side, he was to attack with all his force.

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Sip'H CAMPAIGN, 1781. TO RETURN TO HESSE

I made my way through the wood with the 180 jagers and rangers, but
1 had marched scarcely eight hundred to a thousand paces when I heard
strong rifle fire. The man from the small house informed me that the
enemy must be situated at James’s, 14 rather than Jamison’s, plantation
w ich was close to our left, since there was a crossroad from London
Bridge and Northwest Landing at this plantation.

I quickly formed a front on the flank and directed my men to fire a
volley as soon as they caught sight of the enemy and then boldly attack
the toe with the bayonet and hunting sword. I ordered the liters to
disperse on both flanks and kept the rangers in close formation. We had
not passed five to six hundred paces through the wood when we saw the
enemy in a line facing the side of the highway to London Bridge firing
freely against Captain Shank’s advance. In doing so, they carelessly
showed us their left flank. I got over a fence safely without being discov-

C h , h 5? ene ^y- Here 1 had a volley fired, blew the half-moon, and
shouted Hurrah! I scrambled over a second fence and threw myself at

the enemy, who was so surprised that he impulsively fled in the greatest
disorder into the wood lying behind him. At this moment the gallant
Captain Shank advanced with his cavalry, ably supported by Lieutenant
Bickell with his twenty foot jagers. Some sixty men were either cut down
or bayoneted by the infantry. We captured one captain, one lieutenant
four noncommissioned officers, and forty-five men, some sound and
some wounded. All the baggage, along with a powder cart and a wagon
ioaded with weapons, was taken as booty by the men. I ordered Lieuten-
ant Bickell with all the foot jagers to quickly follow the enemy into the
wood. He followed him until night fell and brought back seven more

prisoners. On my side, I had three jagers and two rangers wounded and
one horse killed.

I immediately dispatched Lieutenant Holland 15 with four ranger dra-
goons to the colonel at London Bridge in order to give him a report of
the incident, and quickly took all security measures for my position at
James s plantation. Now I let my men enjoy the luxuries of the American

planter, who was a very rich man. At two o’clock at night Colonel Simcoe
joined me. 16

I learned from the prisoners that Major Weeks designated daily a
rallying point where they were to reassemble after a reverse. He seldom
remained in one place for twenty-four hours, and toward evening they
were on the march again. Their present rendezvous was Northwest Land-
ing. The enemy strength had been 520 men, and his people were so
devoted to him that none of them were willing to enlist in our service.

u J rr In the morn,n g the colonel’s detachment arrived. He
marched off at once to seek out the enemy again. The colonel went in
advance with the cavalry toward Pungo Church, 17 and ordered me to

FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCESTER

3II0VV slowly with the infantry because the men were very tired. This was
ie only road the enemy could take to the pass of Northwest Landing.

In the forenoon I arrived at Pungo Church, which lay on a height. It
^s built of brick and enclosed by a wall, which made a very good post,
ince it was surrounded on both sides by swamps for a great distance. I
ound the colonel here with the cavalry. He ordered me to lay an ambus-
ade in the churchyard, and advised me to turn to the left toward Tale’s
?] plantation with the rest of the infantry and rummage through this
rea, since the enemy appeared to be completely scattered, according to
us information. He himself would go with the cavalry to Ackiss’s planta-
ion 18 to collect information about the enemy. Later, he would rejoin me
n my area or recall me.

After I had laid an ambuscade of one officer, ten jagers, and ten
angers at Pungo churchyard, I marched to Tale’s plantation. After a
apse of less than an hour, one of my flankers on the right reported to me
hat he had seen several sentries dressed in blue coats at a distance of
;everal hundred paces. Now, on such an occasion, where the enemy had
)een alarmed previously, the usual precautions taken for reconnoitering
iim here would have spoiled the game in this instance. Therefore I
mmediately sent out the jagers in two parties, hurrying to the right and
eft, in order to seek out and attack the enemy. I myself took the rangers
ind followed the road straight toward the plantation, which I perceived
n the distance. The party on the right ran into the enemy, and the other
party, in accordance with previous orders, hastened to the spot where the
firing broke out. I found the enemy in full flight, running through a
marshy meadow to a wood. Two of their men were killed and a lieutenant
with five men captured. Had Lieutenant Bickell seized another officer
who stood a few paces away instead of the lieutenant, the commander of
the party— Major Weeks himself— would have been captured. But since
he was not as well dressed as the lieutenant, he was not taken for an
officer. Just before, a jager had killed his horse.

This man, whom I had the good luck to chase all around, knew the
countryside better than I could ever know it. That was evident from the
positions he took, for a retreat always remained open to him in the
impassable woods which he alone knew. But on this occasion, my spies
were better than his; and luck, on which everything depends in war, was
on my side.

I divided my force into eight small parties, followed the enemy, and
rummaged through the entire terrain beyond Tale’s plantation almost to
Ackiss’s, where eleven more men fell into my hands. Through the pris-
oners I collected the information that their rendezvous was in the great
Dismal Swamp.

Toward evening the colonel arrived from Ackiss’s, and we marched to

285

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

Cornick’s plantation, 19 where we rested for several hours during the
night.

On the 17th we marched to Kemp’s Landing. The colonel received
orders here to return to Portsmouth, where we arrived in the afternoon
of the 18th.

The 21st. Since General Arnold had convoked a large provincial as-
sembly in Princess Anne County to persuade the inhabitants — who pre-
tended to be good friends — to take a new oath of allegiance to England,
Colonel Simcoe marched with the jagers and rangers to Kemp’s Landing
to protect the assemblage there. Over four hundred persons of both
sexes were present, all of them over twenty-two years of age, who gladly
swallowed the oath after they were earnestly assured that the King was
firmly resolved to protect them continually as loyal subjects during the
war with a strong corps.

Arnold then assured the people that he would constantly sacrifice his
blood and his life for them. While taking the oath, several persons made
wry faces, as though they would choke on it. Nevertheless, everyone put
on a good show.

During the afternoon the wealthiest and foremost inhabitants were
entertained at the expense of the good King. They ate and drank fully,
and all our pretended loyalist friends, whose hearts Arnold thought he
had won, were in high spirits. After everything had come off peacefully,
we marched back on the morning of the 23d.

Shortly before our departure, I breakfasted with one of the most dis-
tinguished and richest residents of this area, named Walker, 20 with whom
I held the following conversation:

I said: “Why don’t you raise a battalion for the defense of this
area.-' You, as the first citizen of the county, can accomplish whatever
you want by setting an example for your neighbors. Everyone will
follow you. Uniforms and weapons will be furnished readily for the
war, and these people would be very well paid.”

He replied: “I must first see if it is true that your people really
intend to remain with us. You have already been in this area twice.
General Leslie gave me the same assurances in the past autumn, and
where is he now? In Carolina! Who knows where you will be this
autumn? And should the French unite with the Americans, every-
thing would certainly be lost to you here. What would we loyally
disposed subjects have then? Nothing but misfortune from the Op-
position Party, if you leave us again.”

I said: “How can you be called friends of the King if you won’t
venture anything for the right cause? Look at your Opposition Party:

286

FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCESTER

they abandon wife, child, house, and home, and let us lay waste to
everything. They fight without shoes and clothing with all passion,
suffer hunger, and gladly endure all the hardships of war. But you
loyalists won’t do anything! You only want to be protected, to live in
peace in your houses. We are supposed to break our bones for you,
in place of yours, to accomplish your purpose. We attempt every-
thing, and sacrifice our own blood for your assumed cause.”

it this moment, a jager arrived and informed me that the rangers were
rching. I took my leave and rode off.

Vhen my blood had cooled down again, I realized that this man, who
not want to be a soldier, would have been a fool if he had acted as I
1 advised him. For he possessed a fortune in property of £50,000
rling, and had for a wife one of the most charming blondes that I have
r seen in all my life!

/lonth of March, the 2d. I finally received the post in the wood on
>tf s Creek at Scott’s plantation. For since my men had no fixed post up
his point, and frequently served under English officers who winked at
m about everything, I suspected that they were running wild. I there-
e earnestly petitioned the general for a special outpost. I found the
>posed post the most suitable for covering the right and moved into it
5 evening. I could now arrange everything in my own way. I had a
mber of trees along the creek felled crosswise into the water, in order
block the passable places, and had three apple trees cut down and
nted to barricade the causeway, but without hindering free access.
The 5th. For several days our outposts have been constantly alarmed.

enemy party seized and burned one of our armed boats, 2 car-
lades, on the Elizabeth River between Portsmouth and Great Bridge.
/Ve received the news that the Marquis de Lafayette and Generals
tyne and Muhlenberg of the Northern army are advancing to unite
h the Southern troops under General Baron Steuben. 21
3n the 10th the news arrived that an American corps under General
egory had taken a position on the heights of Edmunds Bridge, one
ar from Great Bridge, and it looked as if the post at Great Bridge
uld be seized by a coup de main. In order to be certain of this stroke,
jor Weeks and his corps had crossed the lick way 22 above the post
ough the swampy woods to cut off the communication between this
st and Portsmouth.

Colonel Simcoe received orders to march at once with his corps to
eat Bridge to protect this post against all affronts by General Gregory,
r my part, as soon as night fell I had to lie in ambuscade in the bushes
this side of Great Bridge along the road from Kemp’s Landing to

287

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781. TO RETURN TO HESSE

Great Bridge, where the footpath fell in with tile licks. As soon as he had
crossed the swamp, I was to attack Major Weeks with the jagers, one
hundred men of the infantry, and all the cavalry of the rangers.

The night was very dark but still. After midnight, about two o'clock,
when I had just taken my measures for an ambuscade, a number of shots
were heard in the direction of Kemp’s Landing. I immediately hurried
there, forming a vanguard of all the infantry and ordering the cavalry to
follow, and behind them the jagers. Since the countryside was greatly cut
through by woods, I could not use the jagers because of the dark night.

I had scarcely marched two English miles up to Hopkins’s plantation
when I was informed that some people were approaching. Hereupon I
commanded, “March! March! Lower bayonets!” Whereupon a “Who’s
there?” was heard, and the enemy fired a small volley. But at that instant,
when I thought of fighting hand to hand with him, he scattered into the
woods. From the two men who were captured I learned that they were
from Weeks’s corps and were detached to cover the rear, while he at-
tacked Captain M’Kay marching from Kemp’s Landing. The enemy had
closed in on Captain M’Kay, but had withdrawn after hearing the firing
from my direction. Since I did not deem it advisable to follow the enemy
because of the dark night, I marched back to my former post.

On the morning of March 1 1 th I received orders to march to Great
Bridge with two hundred men and lie in ambuscade a good hour beyond
the posts which lay along the road to Edmunds Bridge and the one to
Suffolk. In the forenoon, toward ten or eleven o’clock, an enemy patrol
of two dragoons and four riflemen appeared, stopped, looked around
for a while, and went back quietly. To my chagrin the good Colonel
Simcoe, like all his countrymen, lost his patience for conducting this kind
of warfare. In the afternoon he sent me from one piece of ground to
another, which I would have left because our efforts were in vain. But to
my and his dismay, a party of about forty horse and one hundred foot
appeared and approached the ambuscade just at the moment when I had
withdrawn. We went to meet them but they retired in good order toward
Edmunds Bridge. Toward evening we marched back to Portsmouth.

On the 16th we received news that a French warship of sixty-four guns
had sailed into Chesapeake Bay, but had sailed away after a lapse of
several hours. In the meantime, this caused some anxiety among us, since
we knew the fleet under Monsieur Ternay, 23 which had three thousand
troops on board, was off the coast of Virginia, and that Generals Wayne
and Muhlenberg had reinforced the Southern army with a strong corps.
From this one could conclude that if this French fleet was not beaten, it
intended to undertake something against Portsmouth.

The 17th. With every minute, a bearer of evil tidings arrived. The one
had the news that the Marquis de Lafayette approached at quick step with

288

FROM POR TSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCESTER

s of ten thousand men. Another reported that the French fleet was
» coast of Virginia, and a third had even seen the union between
mbeau and Lafayette. Now the water rose up to our necks. General
L who had constantly beaten the French and Americans at table,
s head and wanted to make up all at once for what had been
ted up to now. We now worked hastily to make this post impregna-
though the entire place consisted of miserable works of only six to
feet on the average, which were flanked on both sides by Gosport
and Mill Point.

eover, if the enemy landed at Lynnhaven Bay and attacked Nor-
te could take the post at Powder Point from the rear. In the mean-
/e worked. The Negroes and the entire garrison were put to work.
ie most annoying thing, which I now learned for the first time, was
e had brought from New York only enough entrenching tools for
hundred men, notwithstanding that this corps had been detached
er to take, fortify, and maintain a post in Virginia. Had it only been
ht about, this mistake could have been repaired in the countryside.

, long as the water did not go over our necks, everything went along
al in the old humdrum way.

the 18th a fleet of warships entered the Chesapeake. A naval officer
;nt at once by land to Lynnhaven Bay to observe the fleet, and
led with the bad news that he had seen the French flag,
leral Arnold, the former American Hannibal, now stayed on horse-
lay and night, galloped constantly from the fortified windmill up to
ockhouse on the left and back, and had a dam constructed across
'oint Creek to create a flood in front of the right. Everyone, who
only the English engineer and no other, continually asked him a
on which he answered with another one, until a cold sweat broke
ver him. — “What do you think of this fine works? By God! The
h will not take it by assault! By God, they cannot!’’ 24 — As if there
no mortars and pieces in the world!

our armed vessels entered the Elizabeth River and anchored at Mill
They consisted of the Charon, 44 guns; the frigate Guadaloupe, 28
the Fowey, 24 guns; a fire ship, the Vulcan-, and a number of
eers. Now, no one wanted to venture out of his hole to reconnoiter
lemy, and so we lived in anxiety for twenty-four hours,
hour before daylight, while I was checking my picket behind Scott’s
G one of my patrols returned with a man they had caught. When I
tened to hang him, he confessed that a corps of five thousand men
r the Marquis de Lafayette, Baron Steuben, and General Muhlen-
was on the march toward Portsmouth to join the French troops
i were on board the French fleet in the Chesapeake, and then to take
mouth by storm. 25 He was an inhabitant of Suffolk, and had been

289

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

instructed to observe whether many of our parties were on the highway.
From this time on, I ordered my patrols to crisscross. Toward ten o’clock
I dispatched a skillful corporal named Sipple, whom I could depend
upon, with six capable jagers who were to hide in ambuscade an hour
away along the road to Suffolk, so that I could be notified in time of the
enemy’s arrival. I then rode to town to render my report myself.

The general, who could not be indifferent to this news, because he ran
the risk of being hanged, invited me to his table, whereupon I went to my
lodging house to change my clothes. I had hardly dressed when I heard
several rifle shots, and shortly afterward many shots in succession. I
rushed toward my picket, and called to Lieutenant Bickell to send me a
noncommissioned officer and sixteen jagers, in order to double the pick-
et and to impede the enemy’s passage over the causeway. For from this
side he could approach our works covered by the woods up to four to five
hundred paces.

I reached the position of the picket and discovered to my astonishment
that the entire opposite bank of the creek was occupied by the enemy,
who directed his fire upon me. I found no picket, and was full of despair
over the misbehavior of the noncommissioned officer of the picket. I
dashed into the wood, where a short distance away I came across the
jagers posted behind trees. With sword in hand I drove them toward the
causeway again, where they fought like heroes in spite of the most fright-
ful fire. At this time, the requested sixteen men arrived. Except for eight
men who I kept with me in front of the causeway, I distributed them
along the creek, because I could not trust several places.

During this time the riflemen suddenly withdrew, and they advanced
in closed battalions against the causeway, but not a shot was fired. Despite
all the efforts of their officers, however, they came no further than the
entrance of the causeway, gave fire, and withdrew again. Fresh troops
advanced each time, but they fared no better. At this moment, I was
wounded in the knee. Since I felt that the bone and the large tendon must
have been injured, I sat down and asked these eight brave men, of whom
three already were wounded, not to leave their post, since the enemy
could not come further as long as they stood firm. At length the post
defense major, Captain Murray, arrived, who had been sent by the gen-
eral to see how I was making out. I showed him my wound and said that
no support had been sent to me. Fie wanted to call Lieutenant Bickell to
take over the fight, since I could not remain much longer because of the
pain. He galloped back and returned. Lieutenant Bickell came running.
The captain helped me on a horse and led it back through the wood.
Some five to six hundred paces away I met a detachment of about fifty
men. I asked the officer what he was doing here, and he assured me that
he had been sent to me by the general and had no further orders. I told

290

FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCESTER

to go to the causeway, and since he was a soldier of the best sort, he

it.

t the end of the wood I met General Arnold. He expressed his sorrow
asked me if the enemy would possibly take the post. The question
oyed me, for he could see it all for himself. — I said, “No! As long as
jager lives, no damned American will come across the causeway!” — I
scarcely in my lodgings, and had assured my landlady that her en-
nent was spoiled today, when I received the news that the Americans
given up the action and hastily withdrawn. Like everyone else, I was
isported with joy. I rejoiced over the magnificent behavior of my
^e jagers, who with all eclat had thus distinguished themselves before
eyes of the English. For surely one jager had fought against thirty
ericans today . 26

iter the order of the day had been issued, I did not learn of one word
ompliment in it concerning the excellent conduct of my men, which
)leased me no end. Shortly afterward, the general sent his adjutant
itenant Robinson 27 (a native American) to me to inquire after my
dition. I thanked the general very much for his kindness, but gave
t to understand that I was greatly astonished that no acknowledgment
he excellent conduct of the jagers had appeared in the order. I told
adjutant that I presumed the general was displeased, due to national
le, that thirty-two jagers had held off a thousand Americans. For my
t, I desired no compliment. I would present it to myself — my left knee
. arranged it for me — but I demanded satisfaction for the jagers. The
d Robinson made a wry face. After a short time the general himself
ved, who took all pains to appease me. Moreover, he assured me that
imendation would be announced at the evening password. It was
ie then . 28

n the evening Captain Duncan of the English navy arrived here from
fleet, who brought us the gratifying news that it was the English fleet
ler Admiral Arbuthnot which had entered the Chesapeake Bay under
French flag , 29 that the French fleet under Admiral Ternay had been
ten off the Virginia coast, and that they had returned to Rhode Is-
i . 30 The hasty withdrawal of the Americans had followed the discov-
of the deception . 31

list about this time Corporal Sipple returned, who had been given up
lost. Since he had run directly into the head of the enemy column, he
[ withdrawn with his men under constant fire in order to warn me. All
of his men had been killed or severely wounded, and he himself had
aped through a deep swamp. In addition to these, I had five more
id and four badly wounded. The Americans, who had indeed tried to
g away their dead and wounded with them, had to leave nine men in
nt of the causeway, among whom was one officer . 32

291

PLAN OF THE AREA OF SCOTT'S CREEK , TWO SHORT MILES
FROM PORTSMOUTH UP TO THE CAUSEWAY

Above creek: “Position of the enemy”; “Ruins of burnt-out houses
where the jager picket had a double picket in daytime.” Below
creek: “The 30 jagers during the attack of the enemy”; “Posi-
tion of the jager pickets.” Along vertical road: “Road from
Portsmouth to Suffolk or Nansemond.” Along horizontal road
to left: “Road to Great Bridge.” Below the abatis surrounding
square, to left: “An old ruin of a demolished house in which a
picket of 50 men stood, which is its position for cooperating with
the jager pickets posted as indicated.” Left of guns in road: “Two
guns and the Ranger Corps for the support of the pickets, which,
however, witnessed the play.” [Simcoe’s rangers were absent.]
Lower left corner: “This creek falls into the Elizabeth River above
Portsmouth.” Lower right corner: “This creek falls into the Eliza-
beth River at Mill Point, about three miles from the causeway.”
Scott’s Creek now flows within the city of Portsmouth.

292

I fi tl

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, lfsi, TO RETURN TO HESSE

The 30th. Thank God that these ten days are past! Since last night,
after an opening was made in my calf yesterday to draw off the pus, I
have slept several hours for the first time. Up to now I ran the risk of
losing my leg, since the upper part of the bone, directly under the bend
of the left knee, was damaged, and the main tendon of the large muscle
in the knee hung only by a thread. Meanwhile, the skillful English Sur-
geon General Smith 33 assured me that if I kept quiet the muscle would
grow strong, then stretch again, and I would not have a stiff leg. Since
yesterday I have become so well that I can write in my diary in my room,
aided by a noncommissioned officer, and have been able to dictate this
myself.

PART TWO

From my wounding until I received the post at Norfolk.

On the 31st, to our joy, a fleet of transport ships entered the Elizabeth
River and anchored at Portsmouth. It had the following troops on board,
under the English General Phillips, who was to take over the command of
the entire force.

1. The English light infantry 1,000 men

2. The 76th Regiment of Scottish Highlanders 600 men

3. The Hessian Regiment Erb Prinz 500 men

4. English artillery 100 men

2,200 men 34

We received news that the Marquis de Lafayette had arrived at the
Southern army with only a few horsemen and a party of light infantry for
his personal guard. The greater part of his corps had not yet crossed the
Head of Elk River. The frigate Monk , 32 guns, the sloop of war Hope , and
several privateers moved up the Chesapeake Bay to Head of Elk to pre-
vent the corps there from taking the shortest route by water, thus forcing
it to take a detour of several hundred English miles.

General Arnold.

This man was born in New England in North America. He learned
pharmaceutics and established himself in that business. Then, in an un-
lawful way, he declared himself bankrupt. Afterward, he engaged in
horse trading in the West Indies and sailed his own vessel there. As soon
as the unrest arose in America, he became one of the most Fiery and
zealous of rebels, and was chosen a general by his comrades.

In the year 1776 [1775], he undertook the very difficult and perilous
march from Boston across the country and through the wilderness of

FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCESTKR

Canada to Quebec. On this march, the boats of the corps had to be
carried by the soldiers in order to cross the large number of rivers. Since
they passed through regions where there was no game, the pangs of
hunger gained such an upper hand with them that they had to eat their
hunting dogs. Over half of the corps, which numbered two thousand
men, was worn away by fatigue and starvation. Their clothing was torn to
pieces by the bush, and most of their bodies were naked and injured.

In such miserable circumstances these wretched remains of men joined
General Montgomery, who with a corps of five thousand men had ap-
proached Quebec by way of Albany and the lakes. Soon after their arrival
they attempted to storm Quebec, where, however, they were repelled by
the worthy and brave General Carleton. Half of the Americans were
killed, Montgomery was slain, and Arnold’s left leg was shot apart. De-
spite this, he led his remaining troops back safely to Ticonderoga, travel-
ing partly from lake to lake and partly by land. During the marches
Arnold had to be carried on a stretcher, and this was indeed in the
severest of winters. For this reason he was styled another Hannibal by the
Americans.

He often served with great success during the war and had all respect
in the English army. At the Stillwater affair in 1777, where General
Burgoyne was captured with bag and baggage, his right foot and heel
were riddled by a Brunswick rifleman. The wound would not heal up,
and because of this he could no longer serve in the field. In 1778, after we
vacated Philadelphia, he was appointed the governor of the city, where
he married the youngest Miss Shippen, 3 ° the celebrated American
beauty. In 1780 the Congress entrusted him with the important post of
West Point, where he then played the cunning trick on his countrymen
which brought the good Andre to grief.

He was a man of medium size, well built, with lively eyes and fine
features. He could be very polite and agreeable, especially at table, but if
one stayed too long in his company, then the apothecary and horse trader
showed through the general. He spoke a great deal about his heroic
deeds on the other side, and frequently mentioned his ingenious trick at
West Point, a story which he could make ridiculous with much wit.

In his military actions he constantly displayed his former resolution,
which, however, was mixed with a cautious concern due to his fear of the
gallows if he fell into the hands of his countrymen. He always carried a
pair of small pistols in his pocket as a last resource to escape being
hanged. I have watched him very closely, and I found him very restless
on the day the Americans threatened to take Portsmouth with a coup de
main. On that day, he was not the “American Hannibal.”

His dishonorable undertaking, which, had it succeeded, could have
actually turned the war more favorably for England, nevertheless cannot

2U5

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

be justified, for surely self-gain alone had guided him, and not remorse
for having taken the other side. If he really felt in his conscience that he
had done wrong in siding against his mother country, he should have
sheathed his sword and served no more, and then made known in writing
his opinions with his reasons. 36 This would have gained more proselytes
than his shameful enterprise, which every man of honor and fine
feelings— whether he be friend or foe of the common cause— must
loathe.

Gladly as I would have paid with my blood and my life for England’s
success in this war, this man remained so detestable to me that I had to
use every effort not to let him perceive, or even feel, the indignation of
my soul. In these moments I felt no pain in my wound, and became
happy once more when Colonel Simcoe gave me the news that General
Phillips had arrived with troop reinforcements from New York, and that
this worthy man would take over the command of the army in Virginia.

Month of April, the 6th. The troops under General Phillips were dis-
embarked on the 1st. As soon as the general had gone ashore, he immedi-
ately took all measures which would contribute to the best fortification
and defense of this post. One saw in him and his precautions that he was
worthy of commanding men, and one recognized in him the skillful and
industrious officer. In order to strengthen the flank of the post, he had
new works constructed to fortify the burnt-out church and its church-
yard at Norfolk, where the hospital had been established because of the
wholesome air, to avoid an envelopment on this side. He had the far too
weak profile of Arnold’s works strengthened, and appointed Colonel
Fuchs 37 of the Erb Prinz Regiment as commandant of Portsmouth. 38

The general drove everyone zealously to his duty, which the majority
of the men who had served under Arnold up to now did not feel, because
everything had been done in the American fashion. All the officers had
to be on duty, and the regular troops had to make use of the short rest
period for drilling. But he was the most pleasant, unselfish, and courte-
ous man in the world. For example, he was hardly on shore when he
visited all the wounded and sick, addressing the one with encouraging
words and favoring the other with money or good food from his own
kitchen. He also had twenty officers daily at his table, without distinction
of rank. But despite all this, he was called a “very hard man,” as well as
a “very hard fellow,” by the lazy and worthless element of the men. How-
ever, the long faces did not help, and every man had to do his duty. The
quartermaster general department, the commissary, and the servants
were watched so closely by him that they soon had to drink water instead
of wine. In short, he was a man just as a man should be.

The 12th. The Americans had concentrated their troops on the heights

296

FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCESTER

of the right bank of the branch of the James River at Petersburg, in order
to await General Phillips there. For since Lord Cornwallis had beaten
General Greene at Guilford Court House, 39 not far from Salisbury, and
was approaching the Virginia border, Generals Lafayette, Steuben, and
Muhlenberg could not select a more suitable position for their concentra-
tion, because it was situated midway between Portsmouth and Halifax. If
the junction between Cornwallis and Phillips takes place, all but a few
posts will soon fall into the enemy’s hands again. I did not like the pro-
posed combination of the two corps as long as Greene still had an army in
Carolina, for it meant an acre of land won here and fifty lost there. But
once again, it is the favorite plan of England to have something in every
corner and much nowhere.

The I8th. The Hessian Regiment Erb Prinz, the Robinson Corps, and a
detachment of two hundred men from the 76th and 80th regiments,
under the Hessian Colonel Fuchs, were assigned to the garrisons of
Portsmouth and Norfolk, along with a good part of the artillery. The
light infantry, the rangers, the jagers (which since my wounding had been
divided into two parts for the light infantry and rangers), the 76th and
the 80th regiments, and the light 6-pounders were embarked in long
boats at Portsmouth. 40

On the 19th this corps moved up the James River, landed on the right
bank of the Chickahominy River, and laid waste the enemy works and
magazines at York and Williamsburg. After a lapse of several days they
reembarked, ran up the James River to City Point, landed there, and
marched toward Petersburg on the 26th. They attacked the enemy and
drove him back across the right branch of the river.

Month of May, the 10th. Since the 2d of May I have been out of bed,
and since the day before yesterday I have been able to walk on two canes
in the town. My knee is actually still crooked and stiff, but I feel that if I
don’t follow the advice of the surgeon and exercise vigorously, which I
have done since yesterday, I shall not be able to leave for the army soon.
Yet early today two cysts from the bone came out with the bandage, which
was caused no doubt by the movement.

PART THREE

After I took over the post at Norfolk until I arrived at the
army under Lord Cornwallis.

The 17th. Since Major Weeks appeared again in Princess Anne County
with his corps, he has severely mistreated the inhabitants who had re-
newed their oath of allegiance under Arnold. He threatened to burn the

297

SIXTH CAMPAIGN. 1781. TO UPTURN To HKSSP

English hospital at Norfolk, which could verv easily be clone becuis
some twenty captured officers and several hundred privates were lod Jd
there for safekeeping. » a

The commanding officer at that place seemed to be very uneasv and
consequently Colonel Fuchs came to me today with several English offi.
cers and requested me, on behalf of our friendship, to take over this post
if my wound permitted it. I accepted this opportunity with open arms in
order to further distinguish myself, and departed for my station the same
day. I found, however, that it was asking rather too much of myself since
I was scarcely half-recovered from my wound. But on the other hand the
trust of these people flattered me just as much as I felt it to be my duty
When a man chooses a calling, he must do everything that can be done
in that calling, so that he can never suffer reproach for having done only
half of his duty. On this account I keep among the mottoes in mv port-
folio, to serve at times as a reminder, the following from Boileau:

Honor is like an island,

Steep and without shore:

They who once leave,

Can never return. 41

This post consists of a burnt-out church 42 which is surrounded by a
brick wall. The interior of the ruins and the inner part of the wall have
been provided with a kind of scaffolding, so that the occupiers can fire
over the ruins and wall of the church. In addition, both entrances of the
wall and the church have been covered by double traverses of sod, which,
however, are so weak that a cannonball from a 3-pounder would blow
them into a heap. The church lay rather open, and covered the two roads
from Norfolk to Lynnhaven Bay and Kemp’s Landing.

Colonel Fuchs could not spare more than sixty men for the occupation
of this post, hence I added to this with sixty-five convalescents drawn
from the hospital, among whom were nine jagers whose wounds had
scarcely healed. But since they saw that I was hardly half-cured myself,
thev voluntarily offered their services to me. Because I lacked some
cavalry and the little at Portsmouth could not be spared, twelve Negroes
weie mounted and armed. I trained them as well as possible and they
gave me thoroughly good service, for I sought to win them bv good
treatment, to which they were not accustomed.

Mr. Weeks appeared several times in the area. Once he sent word to me
through a wench that he hoped to square accounts with me again in
Norfolk. But since he always found that I was readv for his reception and
awaited his service, he let well enough alone with nightly alarms. His
supporters, the war prisoners, who w ; ere very noisv during the first days
when I got there, were taken on board a ship.

FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCESTER

Jn the 21st a packet boat arrived from New York. 1 received the
lowing letter from General Knyphausen, which I read with no small
iount of feeling.

Honorable Sir,

Especially Most Esteemed Captain:

Your letters of the 23d of January and 31st of March, together
with the enclosed journal and reports, have just been received.

It is with sincere sympathy and sorrow that I have been obliged to
learn from your last letter of your unfortunate wounding, which, I
hope, will not be of long duration or have bad consequences.

At the same time, however, I cannot fail to take pleasure in men-
tioning the very special trust which I have always placed in your
well-known ability and bravery, which has been justified by the laud-
able example that you gave of it in your conduct of the affair on the
19th of March. Such an example by you and your detachment re-
dounds to the greatest honor and has received the complete satisfac-
tion of the Commanding General and the army.

Colonel Simcoe has given me the news of it in the most favorable
terms. 43 Therefore, I have taken the opportunity of enclosing his
letter with a report respecting it to His Serene Highness, recom-
mending that it be received most favorably with his highest grace.

With wishes for a quick and complete recovery, be assured that I
am yours very faithfully,

Your most
obedient servant
Knyphausen. 44

New York, April 30, 1781

Today we received the sad news that General Phillips had died at
itersburg of an inflammation of the ear. 40 By the death of this man
ngland lost a good general, who had shown his courage and talents as an
'tillery captain at the battle of Minden in the Seven Years War. 46 Every
anest officer must grieve in his heart lor the loss of this excellent man.
Hence, General Arnold had assumed the command again. He let Col-
ael Fuchs know that he wanted all the expected auxiliary troops from
ew York sent up the James River to him as soon as they arrived in
hesapeake Bay. The commodore was instructed to anchor at City Point
ad await further orders.

On the 22d we received the news that Lord Cornwallis and his corps
adjoined Arnold’s corps on the 17th, and on the 23d the troop rein-
ircements arrived in Chesapeake Bay and sailed to City Point.

What use to us are the victories and the defeats of the enemy at Cam-

299

PLAN OF NORFOLK

In box: “Those houses which are outlined in black were burnt
out.” In town: “Fortified church and churchyard.” Roads above:
“To Lynnhaven Bay” and “To Kemp’s Landing or New Town.”
The round, flagged markers in the town represent jager sentries.

300

u r> ? r

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

den and Guilford? We now occupy nothing more in the two Carolina
provinces than Charlestown, Wilmington, and Ninety-Six. 47 In these
areas, we hold no more ground than our cannon can reach. — Why not
operate out of one point and use all our force there to be the master of at
least one province? What good are our victories which have been so
dearly bought with our blood? We have made people miserable by our
presence. So, too, have we constantly deceived the loyally-disposed sub-
jects by our freebooting expeditions, and yet we still want to find friends
in this country!

The 28th. An English privateer had intercepted a packet with dis-
patches from the Marquis de Lafayette at Head of Elk. Among the dis-
patches was the following confidential letter to the Congress, which pre-
sumably was alarmed over the quick march of Lord Cornwallis: “You can
be entirely calm with regard to the rapid marches of Lord Cornwallis. Let
him march from St. Augustine to Boston. What he wins in his front, he
loses in his rear. His army will bury itself without requiring us to fight
with him. He will reconquer this country by his marches as little as the
French did by their marches from the Rhine to Hanover in their first
campaign of 1757, where, to our regret, entire French armies lie
buried.” 48

The 29th. Today General Leslie arrived at Portsmouth by water with
the Anspach Brigade and the 17th Regiment from Lord Cornwallis’s
army. They were disembarked at once, and the general immediately took
over the command of the city. 49

Since I was fairly well recovered from my wound, I requested General
Leslie to permit me to return to the army. As a privateer loaded with
powder was departing for the army, I made use of this opportunity, since
there was no communication with the army by land from Portsmouth. I
sailed on this same evening, and arrived on the evening of the 30th at
Flower [Flowerdew] Hundred in the James River. The privateer an-
chored here alongside the provisions ships and large boats. I had twelve
convalescent jagers on board, and the privateer carried twelve guns and
equipment for sixty men. The captain appeared to be a stouthearted
man, at least he swore as horribly as any of this type of sailor that I have
ever heard.

To my displeasure I learned here that Lord Cornwallis had crossed the
James River to Westover with the army the day before and approached
Monsieur Lafayette with heavy steps. I obtained a faithful Negro from
the fleet, who for two guineas undertook to carry a letter from me to
Lord Cornwallis. I informed him that I was here and longed to get back
to my jagers. 50

Month of June. The 8th. Up to now I have led the most unpleasant life
in this world. One cannot go far from shore because of the uncertainty. I

FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCESTER

have no books with me. I have arranged my diary in fairly good order,
hence there is nothing to do. This crude privateer is my sole company.
Under me I have powder, and in the evenings from six to ten o’clock
daily there are the most frightful thunderstorms. Each bolt of lightning
threatens to blow us up. My only consolation in this disagreeable situation
is that the worst that can happen to us through such misfortune is death.
I have now learned, through so many examples in this world, that every-
thing is determined by a Higher Being, and that he who God will pre-
serve, shall be saved.

On the 9th Colonel Yorke and Lord Chewton 51 arrived with dispatches
from England, in addition to one other ship with convalescent rangers.
These two gentlemen were courteous enough to take me on board their
ship, where I spent my time quite pleasantly.

The 16th. This morning we caught sight of cavalry on the left bank of
the James River. Now, since we could not tell whether they were friend or
foe, I threw myself into a boat and approached the shore. To my joy, I
saw that it was my friend Simcoe. I hurried to him and immediately sent
the boat back to pass on the good news to my ship comrades. Preparations
were made at once to put ashore the convalescents we had with us, and
everything was accomplished within several hours.

Now, since I had to dispose of my horses in Portsmouth to go by ship to
the army, my friend was kind enough to present me with five of the
twelve completely equipped mounts he had brought with him, whereby I
was made ready for service at once. The colonel’s task was as follows:

Since Lord Cornwallis had arrived with the army at Richmond yester-
day, Colonel Simcoe marched to Malvern Hill 52 with his corps and half of
the jager detachment to reestablish the communications between the
provisions and depot ships and the army. The long boats were quickly
loaded with uniforms, munitions, and provisions to run up the James
River to Richmond, since the army was in the greatest need of shoes and
clothing due to the constant marching. 1 had to protect the boats from the
land side.

Upon my arrival, I found the greater part of the jagers had pieces of
cowhide around their feet in place of shoes, which they showed me with
laughter. — Here again is proof that the German soldier — and I should
like to say, the Hessian— despite his strict discipline, never grumbles
when he is alone and makes the best of everything. In the evening we set
out toward the Four Mile Creek.

On the morning of the 17th the colonel ordered me to reconnoiter the
crossing and the terrain on both banks of Four Mile Creek. I was to look
around for a suitable landing place, since we wanted to embark near the
mouth of this creek. This I found.

On the morning of the 18th a number of boats arrived here, with which

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

we crossed the James River. We marched along the right bank of the river
to protect the boats against any interference by patrolling parties of the
enemy on this side. The river in this vicinity is scarcely the width of a rifle
shot.

At daybreak I rode with the colonel to Manchester, where we left
behind our horses and escort. We crossed the James River in a canoe to
Richmond, where the headquarters were situated, and paid our respects
to Lord Cornwallis. We learned here that Generals Morgan and Wayne
with their troops had joined Lafayette, and that this army was advancing
toward Westham, one hour from Richmond, in order to follow Lord
Cornwallis on his retreat. 53 Hence, Colonel Simcoe received orders to
cross the James River with his troops as soon as possible and join the
army. We went back at once to Manchester, where we awaited the arrival
of the corps at Mr. Black’s plantation, the colonel having sent the neces-
sary orders for the march.

Here, quite unexpectedly, we found a number of fleeing beauties, with
all their finery and valuables. On our approach they had taken refuge at
this plantation, since Mr. Black was an honorable loyalist. Among these
beautiful women was a Mrs. Goode, 54 whose husband was a colonel. She,
as well as the others, suppressed her talk when we walked into the house,
since her husband had been captured a few hours before by a ranger
patrol on reconnaissance. He had been picked clean. Of this we still knew
nothing. News of it was sent to us at once, which arrived just as we had
paid our compliments to the ladies. Madam Goode seemed to be very
upset, but when she was quickly assured that her husband would get back
his belongings, she was relieved, and we passed the time quite well in this
pleasant company (which we seldom met with) until toward evening.

In the evening, at seven o’clock, the corps arrived. During the night we
crossed the James River in boats above Richmond, passed the town, and
took post at daybreak at Neon’s [?] plantation on the left bank of the
James River to cover the rear and right flank of the army.

PART FOUR

From my arrival at the army until it had recrossed the
James River.

On the 21st the entire army departed from Richmond, crossed the
Chickahominy River over the Bottoms Bridge, and encamped so that the
swamps from the springs of Black Creek covered the right and the Chick-
ahominy the left. Here my jager detachment joined up again. Colonel
Simcoe was ordered to station himself with the jagers and rangers at
Wilson’s plantation, in front of the army’s right, in order to protect the

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FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCESTER

way to New Castle. Colonel Tarleton covered the Bottoms Bridge
the Legion.

Remarks concerning the army’s baggage.

cannot deny that the extremely numerous baggage of the army set me
vondering, for I was not yet used to such a cavalcade. The army
eared similar to a wandering Arabian or Tartar horde. Since this
lV had been fighting continuously across the country for ten months,
d Cornwallis had permitted each subaltern to keep two horses and
Neero, each captain, four horses and two Negroes, and so on, accord-
to rank. But since this order was not strictly carried out, the g r ^ a ^ e ^
se arose from this arrangement; and the Phillips Corps which I ha
n awav from for three full months, had followed this fine example,
ich had crept in among the jager detachment and the rangers.

•very officer had four to six horses and three or four Negroes, as well
; ne or two Negresses for cook and maid. Every soldier s woinan was
,unted and also had a Negro and Negress on horseback for her ser-
its Each squad had one or two horses and Negroes, and every non-
nmissioned officer had two horses and one Negro.

L indeed, I can testify that every soldier had his Negro, who carried
provisions and bundles. This multitude always hunted at a gallop, an £
hind the baggage followed well over four thousand Negroes of both
t es and all ages. Any place this horde approached was eaten clean, like
acre invaded by a swarm of locusts. Where all these people lived was a
Idle to me. Fortunately, the army seldom stayed in one place longer
an a day or a night. In the jager detachment alone, I found over twenty
"rses on my arrival, and almost every jager had his Negro. But within
enty-four hours, I brought everything back on the track again.

What made this strange baggage train so comical was the motley clo
g of the black people, most of whom looked rather like monkeys,
hese people were given their freedom by the army because it was actu-
ly thought this would punish the rich, rebellious-minded inhabitants of
arolina and Virginia. They had plundered the wardrobes of their mas-
rs and mistresses, divided the loot, and clothed themselves piecemeal

‘^example, a completely naked Negro wore a pair of silk breeches
lother a finely colored coat, a third a silk vest without sleeves, a fourth
n elegant shirt, a fifth a fine churchman’s hat, and a sixth a; mg. AU th
:st of the body was bare! The one Negress wore a silk skirt, another a
mnging robe with a long train, the third a jacket, the fouit a si -
odice, the fifth a silk corset, the seventh, eighth, and ninth all di

tyles of hats and coiffures. , r _„ .

If one imagines all these variegated creatures on thousands of horses,
hen one has "he complete picture. When I first beheld thts tram I could

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SIXTH CAMPAIGN. 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

not grasp it, and I wondered as much about the indulgent character of
Lord Cornwallis as I admired him for his military abilities. I wished that I
could reconcile these qualities.

On the 22d at daybreak the army marched to New Kent Court House,
where it encamped in the afternoon. The right was covered by a swampy
wood and the left by Diascund Creek. 55 One hour before daylight, Col-
onel Simcoe was ordered to march (to the rear) toward New Castle with
the jagers and rangers to mask the march of the army from the Marquis
de Lafayette. He was also to collect intelligence about Lafayette’s
movements, since the latter was said to have moved from Richmond
toward New Castle in order to fall on the right flank of Lord Cornwallis.
The colonel ordered me to station myself with the infantry on the right
bank of Matadequin Creek, in order to lie in ambuscade there and to
cover his retreat.

On the afternoon of the 23d the colonel and I received orders to report
to headquarters, where we received instructions to set out from the army
in two detachments as soon as night fell. We were to take our route
between the Chickahominy River and Diascund Creek, round up all the
slaughter cattle and drive them to the army, burn all the military and
commercial storehouses, and then march to Williamsburg, where we
would find Lord Cornwallis. He would arrange his own march so that he
remained on our flank, and would constantly keep Colonel Tarleton and
his corps near us so that we could not be cut off from the army. If possible
we were to arrange our raiding parties so that we would rendezvous with
him in the vicinity of Williamsburg on the fourth day.

The army departed at sunset. We set out at the same time. I crossed
Diascund Creek and took post on the height of Colonel Dexter’s planta-
tion, and the colonel stayed on the other side. During the night I had
reconnoitering patrols rummage through the terrain around me.

It was not long before the day broke, whereupon I set out on the road
along the right bank of Diascund Creek and took post at Captain Maxwell’s
plantation. 56 The colonel took his route on the road along the left bank of
the Chickahominy River toward Soane’s Bridge. 07 Through these two
positions, both detachments were only a good half hour away from each
other. We had rounded up many cattle, laid waste to various Hour and
tobacco storehouses, and burned several vessels in both rivers.

Early on the morning of the 25th the colonel went toward the Diascund
Bridge 58 with the ranger battalion, the cavalry, and all the cattle. With
the help of materials from several demolished buildings in the vicinity,
the bridge was repaired within two hours, and the cattle as well as the
cavalry and the ranger battalion crossed over. I received orders to form
the rear guard and follow the colonel to Cooper’s Mill, 56 but to burn
down the bridge after I had crossed it.

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FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCFS1 FR

ce I had a constant presentiment of nothing good, I formed my
Irawal in the following order. The countryside was cut through wit
k and fences.

4. O

o o o o o

. The grenadier company; 2. the light infantry company; 3. an officer with 30
horse; 4. the jagers; 5. 10 jagers.

halted three hundred paces away from the bridge. Hereupon I or-
•ed he idgers to run across first and deploy on both sides to protect the
ssin g IrT case of necessity. Then I had the cavalry follow the light
antry Afterward, and J grenadier company and I
ard I drew up in the following order on the other side of Diascu
eek, set the bridge on fire with straw, waited until it was burned dovv
d set out in the foregoing order to Cooper s Mi , w ere joine
Innel in the afternoon. 60

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SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

The colonel had taken post on the steep heights at Cooper’s plantation,
which formed a strong pass. Patrols were sent out but discovered nothing
of the enemy. They brought us the news that Lord Cornwallis had been
encamped at Bird’s Ordinary 61 during the past night, and early today
had marched toward Williamsburg, twelve English miles from there.
Colonel Tarleton, who formed the rear guard of the army, had remained
at Bird’s Ordinary to cover our right and to collect intelligence about the
enemy’s march.

A good hour before daybreak, the colonel ordered me to march toward
Williamsburg with the jagers, the light infantry, and the grenadier com-
pany. Major Armstrong (a very good man, and nothing more) was to
follow me with the ranger battalion. We were to rest at Spencer’s planta-
tion on the highway to Williamsburg, where the road from Jamestown
crossed, and wait for him there. Then the amusettes were to follow, with
the refugees driving the cattle. The colonel would form the rear guard
with the cavalry, which the Scottish company was to cover.

It could have been about six or seven o’clock in the morning when I
arrived at Spencer’s plantation, where we camped in platoons on the
highway, breakfasted, and rested. I spoke with Major Armstrong and
wished to be able to march, since otherwise the awful heat would oppress
us again very much. But since I was very tired, I laid down on my mantle
and slept.

I had hardly closed my eyes, when several shots were fired in front on
the left. I jumped up and asked where the shooting was, whereupon
several officers shouted that the farmers had fired on the refugees who
were driving the cattle. The colonel arrived and asked for me, but rode
off saying they should let me sleep for the present. I had scarcely fallen
asleep for the second time, when I was awakened by a number of shots. I
jumped up, mounted my horse, called the men to take up arms, and rode
with my orderly and a ranger dragoon into Spencer’s orchard, behind
which I crouched.

I had hardly ridden fifty paces into the apple orchard, when I discov-
ered a man in a blue uniform a short distance away. I was aware of him
before he saw me and I sprang upon him. The man was more frightened
than I, and after he was in my hands I saw that he was an officer of the
Armand Legion and a Frenchman— “Where did you come from?” —
“From the army.”— “Where is your army?”— “Very near, sir!” I handed
him over to my orderly, sprang back without saying one word more, and
shouted Up, up, forward march! Everyone followed. But to my as-
tonishment, when I was barely across the orchard I found a long line
deployed behind a fence, two or three hundred paces away, just on the
point of moving forward.

God be praised that I did not lose my head! At this moment, 1 discov-

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FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCESTER

that the enemy line extended to his right, but that the line which I
trough t up on my right was longer than the enemy s left. I called to
enant Bickell to halt on the right, in order to reach the small hill and
ipon the enemy’s left flank and rear with all the jagers. At that
U 1 jumped off my horse and placed myself in front of the center of
renadiers and light infantry company. I asked them not to fire a
but to attack with the bayonet; the enemy would certainly be startled

^e enemy! who had moved forward, was taken aback by our advance,
waited for us up to forty paces, fired a volley, killed two-thirds of the
adiers, and withdrew from his position. Everyone who had not been
ided bv this volley followed me like obedient children follow their
r We 'came among them and engaged them hand to hand. The
ny now came under rifle fire from the jagers on his flank and rear,
hurried to escape. We captured a French officer, a captain of nfle-
and twenty-two men, partly from the so-called Wild Irish Riflemen
partly from the light infantry. I followed the enemy over two fence
the wood, where they formed themselves anew and I killed severa
t A company from the ranger battalion, which the major had sent
r me, joined me in the wood. He, however, had remained behind with
rest of the battalion— like a White God.

fter I had advanced several hundred paces into the wood, I halted
reformed the remainder of the three ranger companies, which did
number sixty men. We fell in on a footpath which ran through a thick
shwood. Here Lieutenant Bickell came to me with ten or twelve jagers
[ asked me to sound the call to assemble the jagers for they had
aersed so widely in attempting to outflank the enemy that he feared
t of them would fall into enemy hands. I informed him that we did m*
e to disclose ourselves by sounding the half-moon, and if half of the
re lost I still would not allow it blown; he might see if he could assem-
the men by whistling or signaling. He was gone scarcely a minute,
en he came running back and whispered softly in my ear that an entire
umn of the enemy was approaching at quick step. I went severa^pac
sad on the path and suddenly ran into people. I could not help m\se
d cried “Fire! Fire!’’ The rangers fired, and a running fire bio e
fm the enemy’s side for several minutes. Then it was quiet again. I now
served that it was time to fall back and signaled to the jageis and
wers I left the wood during the lull and took post on both small hills in
J plain which Bickell and the jagers had gone around at the beginning
'the action. Here I could look all around, and here had assembly
unded in order to give the jagers in the wood the stgna to ^thdr
At this moment the colonel came to me and assured me that he
; cted help from the army at any time, and that Captain Shank an is

309

PLAN OF THE ACTION AT SPENCER'S HOUSE ,
SEVEN MILES FROM WILLIAMSBURG

Inscriptions read, from bottom to top: Below road to right:
“Marshy and impenetrable wood”; “The Ranger Corps and
jagers.” Along lower vertical road: “Road to James City Island
or Jamestown/ Along road to right: “Cattle and provisions wag-
ons”; “Road to Williamsburg.” Left of vertical road: “Rendez-
vous ; Dragoons of the Ranger Corps which fell upon the enemy
as soon as they were sighted”; “The advanced guard of the
enemy”; “March of the enemy.” Right of vertical road: “Spencer’s
house ; Ranger battalion — Grenadiers and Light Infantry Com-
pany — Jagers”; “Where the first action occurred”; “First disposi-
tion of the rebels ; “Area where the second action occurred and
where I came to close quarters with the enemy”; “Second dispo-
sition of the enemy”; “Retreat of the enemy as soon as they were
informed that Lord Cornwallis was advancing with a strong
corps.” Along upper vertical road: “Road from Cooper’s Mill.”

310

\ - V /* /? f i i /' / ^ 1 ,

• nay ./(a, U

II M

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

cavalry had struck the enemy’s right and driven him back with great loss,
just at the time when I had attacked the enemy’s left. Hereupon I re-
quested the colonel to withdraw us as quickly as possible, since we still had
a defile in our rear and our support was uncertain, while the enemy
would surely be reinforced. The colonel followed my advice, and we
arrived at the defile without being followed by the enemy. There we met
Lord Cornwallis with all the dragoons, grenadiers, and the light infantry
and we moved forward again. 63

We dragged away our dead and wounded, which we had left behind,
without being hindered by the enemy. The number amounted to three
officers and fifty-four noncommissioned officers and privates, among
whom were the brave Corporal Sipple, who had behaved so splendidly on
his patrol at Portsmouth, and eight jagers.

Judging from what I could count of the dead, the loss of the enemy was
greater. Five officers and sixty-two men were captured. A jager corporal
named Meister, a very bold and brave man, fell into enemy hands. 64

The lucky thought of moving against the enemy saved us, since he was
in full attack and superior to us in men by over half. For the enemy, who
was certain of his prey, was startled because he was attacked quite unex-
pectedly. But had we taken one backward step, the courage of the enemy
would have redoubled, while that of the soldiers on our side would have
forsaken them. Disorder would have arisen because the attack came un-
expectedly, and thus all would have been lost. It is a principle in war that
the party which attacks when the issue is doubtful has already won half of
the battle. 65

Toward evening on the 27th, we joined the army and received our post
behind it on the Queen’s Creek to rest up a little. On the evening of the
27th the following order was issued:

Headquarters, June the 27th, 1781

Lord Cornwallis desires that Lieutenant Colonel Simcoe will accept
of his warmest Acknowledgment for his judicious and spirited Con-
duct in the action of the 26th instant, when he repulsed and defeated
so superior a force of the Enemy. He likewise desires that Lieutenant
Colonel Simcoe will communicate his best thanks to Captain Ewald,
to the Detachment of the Yagers and to the Officers and Soldiers of
the Queen’s Rangers. 66

Toward evening I received a letter from the captured Frenchman Cap-
tain Griffauld, who requested me to work out his parole to Petersburg
with Lord Cornwallis. I immediately rode to headquarters, and after I
had arranged for the parole I delivered the news to him personally.

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FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCESTER

There I met the rest of the captured officers, who told me the following
when we discussed the action.

The corps with which we had fought had consisted of the elite of the
army and was commanded by Colonel Butler. All their general officers
had been present, and the army was coming up. It was 1 ,500 men strong,
with volunteers, riflemen, light infantry, and 150 horse under Major
McPherson. 67 This man was actually responsible for their misfortune.
He had showed himself too early, and had been unhorsed by our cav-
alry. In order to support him, Colonel Butler had to order the infantry
to march up. Otherwise, the orders of the Marquis de Lafayette had been
to draw still farther to their left through the wood up to the road from
Williamsburg. We would have been outflanked on our right and taken in
our rear there. Their design had been to bring about a skirmish with the
rear guard of the army. But since the Marquis de Lafayette had received
intelligence that we were detached from the army, he had aimed at us in
order to cut us off or defeat us. The officer assured me that our fire at
Cooper’s Mill was still burning when they had arrived there the same
morning. They were marching in divisions, of which one was following us
and the other was to have gone around Diascund Creek to take us in the
rear. However, their infantry had become so fatigued by their forced
marches that they had been obliged to rest for several hours before the
action. Thus, we had arrived at Spencer’s plantation before them, but this
place had also been the rendezvous for the division which had intended
to go around Diascund Creek.— Luck decided everything! We were
happy that we had gotten off with our skins and our good name. 68

Concerning the area of Williamsburg.

Williamsburg is the capital of Virginia, 69 lies between the Archer’s
Hope and Queen creeks, and is surrounded by hills between the sources
of these two creeks. This area is enclosed by deep ravines, which make up
a kind of fortified encampment. Because of their marshy banks, both
creeks can be crossed only by way of two bridges at Williamsburg, which
makes this area a very good position for an army; but it must also be
master of the Chesapeake Bay, so that no one can land in its rear. This
was the situation with us, where we were enclosed by the splendid and
excellently cultivated country between the York and James rivers. In this
area, a strong army could subsist for an entire year.

On the morning of the 30th, about three o clock, I had to march with
the jager detachment and three companies of rangers toward York to
cover Lord Cornwallis, who wanted to reconnoiter the area on the other
side of this place. I found an enemy party there, which I drove out. I took
post toward Hampton on the heights situated on the other side of a deep

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SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

ravine which surrounds this place. The Americans, who had several
works at Gloucester on the left bank of the York River, directly across
from this position, saluted me with a number of heavy pieces, but did not
injure me.

Lord Cornwallis arrived at ten o’clock in the morning, and I could
remark from my reconnaissance that this place was suitable for a fortified
post in Virginia. It appeared to me that he did not like this place at all for
such a purpose, but that Williamsburg seemed to him to be better. 70

This place, which is a very important trading center, is built like an
amphitheater along the right bank of the York River. On the side toward
Williamsburg it is surrounded by heights at a distance of five to six
hundred paces that are cut through with swamps and ravines, which can
be controlled by the opposite heights. On the Hampton side the terrain is
level, and several ravines lie at such a distance that a small army such as
the one under Lord Cornwallis could prove quite dangerous by fortifying
them across a semicircle. The reason why this position was chosen for a
fortified post lies therein, in order to provide a secure anchorage for the
West Indies fleet during the hurricane season there, for the heaviest
warships can anchor close to the shore of this place. 71

Toward one o’clock Lord Cornwallis left the place and went back to
Williamsburg. He was very gracious, and left me the choice of marching
back at once or waiting until the great heat ended and going during the
nighttime. But since I could expect that an enemy party from Gloucester
would probably see us, and when I left York would hurry there to gather
information about us, I left the place at once. I placed myself in ambus-
cade behind a brook in the neighboring wood, and after the lapse of an
hour I sent Lieutenant Bickell with a party of thirty men back to York by
a roundabout way. They pulled their shirts over their coats, the leather
straps and belts over that, and wore their hats pulled down like the
Americans, in order to look like the American militia, who were dressed
in linen in this warm region. It happened as we thought. They discovered
a party of thirty to forty men, welcomed them from a distance, killed and
wounded the greater part, and brought back the officer and nine men as
prisoners. Toward six o’clock I set out and arrived at my post after
midnight.

Of the climate and pests.

For six weeks the heat has been so unbearable that many men have
been lost by sunstroke or their reason has been impaired. Everything that
one has on his body is soaked as with water from the constant perspira-
tion. The nights are especially terrible, when there is so little air that one
can scarcely breathe. The torment of several billions of insects, which
plagued us day and night, appears to be over now for certain.

Month of July, the 2d. At daybreak an enemy party attacked the pickets

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FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCESTER

of the light infantry on both sides of the road from Richmond. After a
short skirmish the enemy withdrew.

The 4th. At daybreak the army left its camp at Williamsburg and ar-
rived at midday at Jamestown, where it encamped between Powhatan
Creek, which covered the army’s right, and the James River. I learned
that Lord Cornwallis would march back to Portsmouth, and that the army
must go on the defensive. The demonstrations of the American and
French armies under Washington and Rochambeau, which had united at
White Plains and threatened New York, were the cause of this swift
change from the offensive to the defensive. General Clinton had asked
for the return of the light infantry, the rangers, the Anspach Brigade,
and the 43d and 76th regiments for his reinforcement.

Thus Lord Cornwallis was faced with the necessity of quitting the field
and retiring into the works at Portsmouth, because of the superiority of
the enemy. 72 For one could withdraw from Portsmouth to Carolina over
the pass from Northwest Landing despite enemy superiority, or in case
the French became master of the sea. In this event, one could load all the
officers’ horses, and generally, all the creatures which burdened the
army, with provisions and ammunition. Then the ships could be burned
and the unneeded guns blown up. By this means the army could be
saved. If a fleet made the sea unsafe, but still was not master of the
Chesapeake Bay, one could also leave Portsmouth for the Currituck
Sound with the aid of small vessels and boats and follow the inlet to
Wilmington. With a north or east wind, one could be there in several
days.

The army had hardly encamped before Jamestown when Colonel Sim-
coe was ordered to march at once to James City Island with the jagers, the
rangers, and the Althouse sharpshooters, where we immediately crossed
the James River in boats. We disembarked at Cobham on the right bank
of the river and took post on the heights in the form of a crescent, in
order to cover the crossing of the army.

On the 5th at daybreak we went out with a small party toward
Smithfield and Southampton to collect information about the enemy in
this area. We learned that General Baker stood at Smithfield with two
thousand Americans to observe the English army from this side.

Toward evening a report came in that a detachment of two hundred
Americans had taken up a position at Wilson’s plantation, four English
miles to the right of Cobham. Now, since I had reconnoitered in this area
with the colonel in the morning and was acquainted with the terrain, he
gave me sixty horse and three companies of rangers to surprise or attack
this position. I arrived at Wilson’s house at dusk, but the enemy had
gotten wind of us. I pursued him for half an hour, but caught only a tew
stragglers of the rear guard, among whom was a lieutenant.

On the whole, I must say in praise of this worthy man [Simcoe] that he

315

SIXTH CAMPAIGN. 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

is truly my friend, that he strives to make me happy, and that at all times
he gladly gives me the opportunity at hand to distinguish myself. Right
there at Cobham, he said he wished that I would accept the major’s berth
in the Ranger Corps, since Major Armstrong would be placed on half-pay
at once, as Soon as I said the word. I would draw my pay immediately
when I received my discharge from Hesse. But I am Hessian, body and
soul, and it seems to me that I could not be happy outside this splendid
corps in which I serve. It is impossible that any evil can await me in my
native land, for I can say in all conscience that I have served as an upright
man. If I have not yet been given preference by my sovereign, neither has
he done me any wrong; and after all, he has awarded me the order pour le
merite . — I will not be ungrateful, but serve my master until he does me an
injustice.

The 6th. At daybreak the baggage and artillery began to cross the river,
and toward four o’clock in the afternoon the greater part was on the right
bank. During this time, the Marquis de Lafayette received the news that
most of the troops had already crossed the river. He then approached
and attacked the pickets of the army about four o’clock. Lord Cornwallis,
who perceived the mistake of the Marquis de Lafayette, allowed him to
play with the outposts, ordered them reinforced, and withdrew them a
little. Monsieur the Marquis became somewhat hasty and surely expected
to make a successful attack on the rear guard. At this time, Lord Cornwal-
lis took the light infantry, the 43d, 76th, and 80th regiments, and the
Hessian Regiment Bose under Lieutenant Colonel du Puy and struck the
Marquis with such violence that he was driven back with a great loss of
men and two 6-pounders. Lord Cornwallis remained overnight on the
battlefield. Since he found on the morning of the 7th that the Americans
showed no inclination to swallow the bait again, he withdrew to James
City Island and crossed the river peacefully. 73

PART FIVE

After the army had crossed the James River up to its
arrival at York and Gloucester.

Toward evening Colonel Simcoe marched with the rangers to the de-
file of Crawford’s Mill to occupy it. This pass lies eight English miles from
Cobham and fourteen from Smithfield.

On the 8th I marched toward Smithfield with two hundred jagers and
English light infantry with forty horse, where I gathered the information
that General Baker and his corps had left Smithfield and withdrawn
behind the Blackwater River.

On the 9th the army left Cobham and encamped at Nelson’s Tavern on

31 <>

FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCES1 ER

•ft bank of Lawnes Creek. 74 Colonel Simcoe .proceeded with the
i rangers, and Althouse sharpshooters to Burwell Bay, eight miles
Smithfield, in order to take post in case the Baker Corps should

ice and harass the march of the army.

the 10th the army crossed Pagan Creek at Mackie’s Mill where it
•ed in the form of a circle, half on one side and half on the other,
i Pagan Creek intersected. On this march, Colonel Simcoe formed
ear guard with the jagers and rangers and stayed four miles from the
■ to cover the rear and the left toward Smithfield.
i the 1 Ith after midnight we departed and joined the army at Mackie s
where we arrived al daybreak. We received orders here to follow the
toward Suffolk past the Chuckatuck Mill, Everets s Mill, and Scott
and wait for the army at the latter pass. f

ace it was presumed that the enemy could have occupied the pass ot
ckatuck Mill, the colonel and the cavalry took the footpath through
wood to cross Chuckatuck Creek above the bridge, while I took the
l straight ahead with the infantry and both 2-pounders. I was to
k this position in the front, and amuse the enemy until the colonel
in the^rear. But the enemy had abandoned all three passes an

Ihem-my had taken its route by way of Everets’s Mill and encamped
ind the left bank of the Southern Branch of the Nansemond River.
3 nel Simcoe passed the defile at Scott’s Mill and took post at Roberts s
nation to cover the road from Blackwater River Bridge.

[.B. Everets’s Mill lies on the left bank of the Western ranc o
lsemond. None of these passes, especially at Scott’s Mill, can e
tked easily because of the marshy banks of the rivers. The enemy had
•overed all the bridges at these passes, but the damage could easily be
aired by using the fences in the countryside.

) n the 12th at daybreak the army marched toward Suffolk. The co -
?, conduced a pany of jagers and rangers to Neuby's Mil inward the
ickwater, in order to fall upon one or another of the parties from _the
ker Corps, which had gone out to observe the army s march The
onel ordered me to lay three ambuscades, one of cavalry and two o
antrv around Wilkson Gadder’s [?] plantation. On this occasion, Mr.
dder, ’a justice of the peace and a very zealous rebel, fell into my hands^
it since the enemy did not appear, I left this area toward evening
k my route to the right, to Cahoon Mill toward Suffolk. At the patte
I nhere ihe roads® from Scolfs Mill, Suffolk and Ihe Blackwaler
me together I lay in ambuscade over an hour during the night. But
ice nothing came of it, 1 followed the road to Cahoon Mill, which lies on
e Nansemond River, where the colonel was waiting for me, an
ent the night there.

317

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

On the 13th at daybreak we marched to Cooper’s Mill, which is a good
position on the Northern Branch of the Nansemond River.

On the morning of the 14th, about two o’clock, Colonel Simcoe left the
army at Suffolk and marched with the rangers, the light infantry, and the
43d and 76th regiments to Portsmouth, where this corps and the
Anspach Brigade were to embark for New York. Since the army was
greatly weakened by the departure of these troops, the army’s right,
which was covered by the defile at Suffolk, withdrew closer to Riddick’s. 7 ®
Toward evening I received orders to leave the post at Cooper’s Mill, to
place myself in front of Suffolk, and to cover the roads to Blackwater and
Edenton. 77

On the 15th I went with the jagers and Althouse sharpshooters to
Everets’s Mill, partly to collect information about the enemy and partly to
cover this pass toward the Blackwater, since Colonel Dundas had to
undertake a foraging in the area of Neuby’s Mill along the Southern
Branch of the Nansemond. Several small parties from the Baker Corps
appeared, with whom I exchanged a few shots. I lured one bold fellow
into the net and captured him. I found out by threatening him that the
Marquis de Lafayette had withdrawn from Jamestown behind Four Mile
Creek, where he awaited assistance from the north.

For eight days we were the most tormented people in this world. Ever
since the billions of sand- and biting-flies left us, a small kind of insect has
appeared which is completely round and no larger than a pinhead. 78 It
feeds in the skin and multiplies by the hundreds in one night, making
small clear boils and causing such irritation with itching that one has no
rest day or night. Nothing can be done about it until the skin is broken
and bleeding from scratching. A number of our men are very sick from
it; their endre bodies look like people who are seized with smallpox. The
inhabitants console us by saying that the insects will last only until the end
of this month.

Added to this is the unbearable heat, which increases all the time. It is
often so intense that one can hardly breathe, especially after a terrible
thunderstorm, when all the air seems to vanish. Moreover, the worst
thunderstorms come with each evening and last through half the night.
With each thunderbolt a brilliant zigzag flashes around our heads, com-
bined with the most violent downpour.

The 2 1st. At daybreak the army left the area of Suffolk, marched back
toward Portsmouth, and encamped behind the left bank of the Western
Branch of the Elizabeth River on the heights of Dr. Hall’s plantation,
thirteen English miles from Suffolk and twelve from Portsmouth.

On the 22d at daybreak the army marched to Portsmouth and en-
camped on the plain. The newly appointed Quartermaster General En-
gland 79 designated my post for me, so that I had a wood in the front and

FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCESTER

pfile of Scott’s Creek in the rear, but both flanks were left unpro-
d But since 1 knew the terrain better than he did, I placed myse
id Scott’s Creek. Toward evening the good man came to me, a
ed to me as if he did not quite know whether or not this was the

ithe 2Man expre^toat arrived at Portsmouth from New York,
h brought countermanding orders to those troops that had em-
ed at Portsmouth for New York. Since the Allied army had left its

rinia or to prevent him from detaching more troops for this place.

Remarks.

U the'same time we learned that the English and French fleets had

;Tfor “long"'^ EnglW “relXtleTs °f the* a, a door stays o g pen
l n US 1 ' ,u 9Qth T received orders to embark at Portsmouth at mid-
iy a T y ow°a n rd de^hnrent'ot Enghsh

== BSEr “ ss

SIXTH CAMPAIGN. 1781, TO RETURn|tO HESSE

hold on their small anchors because of the strong wind and high waves,
and were taken in tow by the sloops of war and transport ships. But since
the boats were tossed about violently by the force of the waves, they had
to be untied again, and had to depend on their own luck to maintain
themselves. It was apparent that they would sink if the wind increased or
continued much longer with such force.

Meanwhile, fortunately for us, a calm arose toward midnight, which I
had steadily counted on. One must not think that these boats were prop-
erly manned by sailors. There was only a single sailor and a midshipman
in each boat, who sat at the helm. All the others, especially the soldiers,
had to do the rowing, which our men learned so well that they were
completely safe on the water. The most unpleasant thing during this
shipment was that the men were so closely packed in the boats, one
against the other, that no one could move. In addition to this, the terrible
heat of the sun and the lack of water worked a double hardship on us,
because from dire necessity we had to drink water that was mixed with
salt water.

On the 31st at daybreak the fleet set sail again, but owing to a calm had
to anchor at ten o’clock in the morning not far from the mouth of the
York River. There we heard the alarm shots of the state militia on both
sides of the York River.

Month of August, the 1st. In the afternoon, about one o’clock, all the
boats in the York River got under sail and anchored at eight o’clock in the
evening before the mouth of the Severn. The jagers, sharpshooters, the
80th Regiment, and the twenty horsemen ran their boats into Sarah
Creek and landed on the right bank a good half hour below Gloucester
during a violent whirlwind and thunderstorm. Colonel Dundas with the
80th Regiment and the twenty horsemen took his route up to the town on
the York River, while I had to go around it and try to come in by the
headland. We had no guides. Meanwhile, we found and took possession
of the place and a battery of two 18-pounders abandoned by the enemy.

Since this landing had occurred so late in the evening and came com-
pletely unexpectedly, we came across several families in the place who
were about to take flight. Among them was Colonel Whiting, 83 a close
relative of General Washington and a great adherent of the Revolution.
He soon showed his sentiments toward me, just at the moment when I
gave him a jager as a sauvegarde for the protection of his property. He
then admitted that he would give notice of leaving the town early in the
morning with bag and baggage. Hereupon I took post in a wood close by
the town.

This place lies in a plain on a neck of land on the left bank of the York
River, directly across from the town of York. 84 It is protected by the

320

FROM PORTSMOUTH TO YORK AND GLOUCESTER |

vern on the right and by the sharp bend of the York River. There are
/eral crevices and ravines on this side, which present a small front on
e side toward the land and consequently form a good position. The
ace consists of some thirty houses, which, however, belong generally to
■althy people who have great plantations in the country.

CHAPTER 3

From the arrival of the army at York and
Gloucester until the surrender of the same.

PART ONE

From the arrival of the army at York and Gloucester up to
the concentration of the French and Americans.

On the morning of the 2d I went eight to ten miles into the country with
twenty horsemen and fifty jagers to collect information about the enemy,
to look around for forage in the vicinity, and if possible to bring back
slaughter cattle for the army. I arrived at Abingdon Church 1 just as the
inhabitants had driven together five to six hundred head of horned cattle
from the countryside to save them from our hands. I felt sorry for these
poor people and wished that they had escaped from me, but the army was
nearby. I had to obey the orders and let the cattle be driven off. I ordered
them led to Gloucester by the cavalry, and approached Gloucester Court
House 2 through the woods, where I ran into a patrol of six militiamen,
two of whom fell into my hands. I learned through these men that the
militia had orders to assemble at King and Queen Court House. The
entire tract of land through which I roamed here consists of an exceed-
ingly well-cultivated and fertile plain. Toward evening I returned.

In the afternoon the light infantry, the 43d and 76th regiments, Sim-
coe’s Corps, and the Anspach Brigade, under Lord Cornwallis, landed at
York on the right bank of the York River and encamped on the heights
around the town. It was on this day that the plan for the fortification of
York and Gloucester was settled by Lord Cornwallis. 3 For the latter place,
work was begun toward evening on three redoubts on the front and on a
battery on the river. Colonel Dundas was designated the commandant of
Gloucester.

On the 4th Lieutenant Bickell had to undertake a little foraging with
thirty jagers at Colonel Whiting’s plantation, but he w as prevented from
it by an enemy party and driven back.

On the 6th the Erb Prinz Regiment and the remainder of the 71st
Regiment arrived at Gloucester from Portsmouth. They are shipping all

FROM YORK AND GLOUCESTER UNTIL THE SURRENDER
magazines there and will abandon the post at Portsmouth.— How will

Took to the loyal subjects there? Have we not made enough people

ia ^ ? nn die morning of the 7th, I was sent out with forty jagers, twenty
ar Y nd one hundred men of the Erb Prinz Regiment to collect infor-
SC ’n about the enemy, and at the same time to protect a foraging at
V cA nlantation In the vicinity of Seawell’s Ordinary, 4 six English
es from Gloucester, I ran into an enemy party on the plain of Seawel s

<he enemy would pursue me. I sen,
lf : . ; eut enant Bickell with ten men to probe the area of the ambuscade,
£ ”omed with sHms from ail directions as soon as ^nemy

rew through: a^eldof Indian corn to my ambuscade, and the enemy did

Tl, 0 e ll °6 W th hl We Ve have fa e r vacuated Portsmouth completely, and the troops

Hr. ssinsffss^JS 3H

, ’clock in the morning a Negro came run g he would reveal

issured me that if I wauk d f ^””8" "' e and handed him

step. One English mile from t e enemy P co l one l, and I with most

enemy patrol of two men, who tan ac . • as t h c patrol in

of themen whocould run and'tried to

the camp of the enemy who W » » confusion by continuous

- whole enemy camp. We

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

took one lieutenant and twenty-two men prisoner, captured forty-thfee
horses and all the baggage, and smashed all the saddles and weapons. We
returned in the evening, by which time the foraging was successfully
accomplished. 6

On the 23d Colonel Simcoe conducted a foraging with the Ranger
Corps in the parish and vicinity of Abingdon Church. I had to ambuscade
myself with the jagers and one hundred men of the Erb Prinz Regiment
to protect him, two English miles toward Gloucester Court House. At
midday a party of the enemy appeared, but they did not come near
enough so that I could harm them. Captain Murray, who also lay ambus-
caded with fifty rangers at a defile to the right of Abingdon Church,
would have caught a party of American dragoons had he not been be-
trayed by a servant of a thoughtless officer, who had sent him out to
pillage.

One perceives from this that a leader of light infantry cannot be severe
enough in establishing a strict discipline, since otherwise the best planned
strokes will miscarry. — For how many well-devised strokes have been
spoiled by a marauder? And yet, I have never seen such a bad mistake
punished severely. There are situations in war where indulgence, indeed
sympathy itself, is an offense.

From the 26th to the 29th the plantations on both banks of the Severn
River were foraged continuously. Small skirmishes usually took place,
and a magazine of forage was set up at Gloucester.

A rumor came to hand that a French fleet had been seen in the vicinity
of Chesapeake Bay. But many indulgent persons maintained with author-
ity that it was English, since the West Indies fleet was expected daily in the
York River. We also had news that the Allied army under Washington
and Rochambeau was advancing toward Virginia. But one hears, “That
cannot be! By God, Sir Henry Clinton will be here, too, with his whole
army! And Sir George Rodney will beat the French fleet before they
come here.” 7 (He had long since returned in safety to England with his
plunder from St. Eustatius.) — We shall doubtless soon see! 8

On the morning of the 30th, about ten o’clock, I perceived from my
post, whence I could look out into Chesapeake Bay, the distant smoke of
a cannonading which seemed to be drawing ever nearer. Toward noon
the frigate Guadeloupe appeared along with the sloop Bonetta and several
small vessels which had sailed from here toward Charlestown yesterday.
In less than a half an hour I could detect three heavy vessels in the
distance, which cast anchor in the mouth of the York River about two
o’clock and ran up a white flag. 9 I had this reported in town at once.
Colonels Dundas and Simcoe came to me at full gallop and made long
faces. Toward three o’clock we had positive news that the three vessels
which lay before our noses were a French 74, a 64-gun ship, and a

324

FROM YORK AND GLOUCESTER UNTIL THE SURRENDER

_.io and that the French fleet of thirty-three sail under Coyite de
s e’" lay at anchor in Lynnhaven Bay. Wind and weather were favor-
to the Y French fleet, and I could foresee nothing else but that these
ee vessels would draw near with the incoming tide toward evening
® me from my post on the Severn River, and bombard \orh and
^ucester This would be quite easy, because we still could not place
n ooDOsite them on the water side, where both places were open.
Sow head banged against head in York and
began to unload all the magazines and guns which

ra ^Portsmouth , but which— through negligence and lazine

U nf board the ships lying at anchor in the York River between the two
"°Now If the Frenchhad been in better readiness, or perhaps had

id better intelligence, the ships j^aTcMoundYork, which was

p" rZnlndbthTnd which a stege could be sustained. Hah of
/army was put to work, and now for the first time it was found that
. y lcrliiner iust as thev had been at Portsmouth under Arno d,
hLh W no r ole had Ihough. a Jut agatn in all that time.- The sailors who
umbered about one thousand, were put ashore so that a part of them

3 uld be used as French admiral did not attack as

h F a“d'prob ab”; “be 2K Intelligence was faulty and he had

where Admiral Graves lay, while both divisions of the French

centrated safely in Chesapeake Bay. , Americans under

On the 3d of September the news arrived that the Ame

thC T^eT*Tast U ntht »wardTwelve o'clock Colonel Simcoe conducted a

325

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

cover the left and rear of the foragers. The church, which lies ten miles
from Gloucester on the main highway to Baltimore, is a very good posi-
tion. It is built of brick in the form of a cross, and the churchyard is
enclosed by a wall of the same kind of bricks. 17 Thirty horsemen were
ambuscaded on this side of the defile, along the second road which ran
past this church to the left beyond Burwell’s and Lewis’s sawmills, in
order to fall upon any party which should pass between this road and
Abingdon Church. For my own security, since the church was sur-
rounded by thick woods for a distance of five to six hundred paces to-
ward Baltimore, I placed sixty jagers in six parties in a circle to intercept
enemy parties. Several appeared, but luckily for them all turned around
at the right spot.

The 6th. Colonel Dundas, who went to York with the 80th Regiment,
had thought of nothing else during the fortification of Gloucester but
merely throwing up great heaps of sand. Colonel Fuchs, who had re-
lieved him, discovered all the mistakes quite easily. Indeed, we just now
became fully aware that it lacked everything necessary for a good de-
fense. Not a single thought had been given to where the planks and
boards for the platforms were to come from. Accordingly, Colonel Sim-
coe with a detachment of two hundred men and I with just as strong a
body were sent out on this same day to search for lumber on the planta-
tions. Luckily, we found and safely collected it on the right bank of
Timber Creek, without being disturbed at our task by the enemy.

On the 7th at daybreak we foraged again along the Severn River,
where we gathered the information that General Weedon 18 and his corps
had advanced twelve miles nearer us from Hudibres [?] Mill. I must
admit that I cannot understand why the enemy lets us constantly forage
so peacefully, since we would have had to slaughter our horses long ago
for want of forage, or buy every bundle of forage with blood. The reason
for this poorly designed policy of the enemy can only be that he does not
want to dispirit his soldiers by a few small defeats. 19 But he does not need
to risk much; he can disrupt our foraging by using ambuscades, which
would cost us several men each time. This surely would result in heavy
desertion among us, for our soldiers must realize by now that everyone
will be captured with bag and baggage in the end.

The 8th. Reliable information has been received that the Allied army
under Washington and Rochambeau has passed Head of Elk to join the
army under Saint-Simon and Lafayette. 20 Also, today a whaleboat arrived
from New York which had safely sneaked through the French fleet and
brought us the news that the English admiral would do everything in his
power to relieve us. This evening Major Maxwell 21 and 150 men arrived
at Gloucester from York to reinforce the garrison.

Since the water was now up to our necks, work was begun to palisade

326

FROM YORK AND GLOUCESTER UNTIL THE SURRENDER

and dress the works at York and Gloucester. For the English Vauban
iCaotain Sutherland) laid more stress upon repairing the work afterward
han on constructing it well in the beginning, or following all the rules of
fortification for laying out works. Instead of that, any sensible engineer
thinks in advance of palisades, assault stakes, fascines, palings, and saucis-
sons before he starts to break ground; but here, one thinks about these
chines for the first time only after the work is constructed.— But what is
the reason? The engineer gets a daily allowance of one pound sterling as
lone as his work lasts; hence, it is to his advantage if it drags on.

On the 9th during the night all of our outposts were alarmed several

times by the enemy. n . ,

The 12th Yesterday we heard a heavy cannonade, and we flattered

ourselves with thoughts of the fortunate result of a naval engagement.

On the 14th the English guard ship came in again to us, since the
French ships had left the mouth of the York River. Shortly afterward the
same three enemy ships reappeared and cast anchor again at their sta-

Toward evening bad news arrived, informing us that Admiral Graves
and Sir Samuel Hood had fought with the French fleet but had had to
put to sea because of the superiority of the enemy and the loss of the two
frigates Isis and Richmond. 22

The 15th. Yesterday the Allied army was moved in transports from
Head of Elk into the James River. The army has joined the troops under
Lafayette at Williamsburg, where General Washington has assumed the
command over the entire army.

PART TWO

From the concentration of the army under Washington,
Rochambeau, Saint-Simon, and Lafayette up to the sur-
render of both places, York and Gloucester.

On the 16th we began to sink ten transport ships between \ork and
Gloucester to obstruct the entrance. The fire ship Vulcan lay at anchor
below the town to move against the approaching enemy fleet.

Today the jagers and rangers undertook a foraging on Whiting s plan-
tation. where we learned through a Negro that one hundred horse and
just as many foot had ambuscaded themselves at Seawell s Ordinal).
Colonel Simcoe ordered me to go at once toward the place of the am us-
cade with fiftv horse and fifty jagers to search for it, and he followed me
with the same number of men to support me. I divided the body into five
groups of ten horsemen and ten jagers, which were arranged in a circ e o
tw'o thousand paces, in order to attack the ambuscade rom a c irections.

SIXTH CAMPAIGN. 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

After a small skirmish the enemy withdrew through the wood to Bur-
well’s Mill.

On the 17th toward evening the outposts were alarmed by several
strong parties of the enemy, which withdrew.

The 18th. Since the day before yesterday the southern land fever has
suddenly attacked me from ten until two o’clock daily, whereby I suffered
extremely from the terrible heat in my brush hut. Fortunately, I with-
stood it today while on horseback, but the attack was so severe that I
thought it would throw me from my horse. In general this virulent
malady has gotten the upper hand very much for several days, since the
cold nights set in now amidst the great heat of the day.

The 23d, 33d, and 43d regiments and the remainder of the 71st Regi-
ment, along with the English Guards, number scarcely five hundred men
fit for duty. The jager detachment consists of only twenty-nine men who
are still half-well; the rangers do not number one hundred effective men.
Simcoe and most of the officers of the jager detachment are dangerously
ill. I consider it fortunate that I have the fever only once a day and can
still do my duty.

This illness results from the great heat, which has decomposed our
blood too much, and from the continued and frequent drinking of bad
water. To this must be added that all medicines are lacking, and that we
have already resorted to using earth mixed with sugar to deceive the poor
invalids, which is given to them as an emetic. When they are bled, the
blood of everyone is vermillion, and it does not take long before the land
fever turns into putrid fever.

I cannot deny that my confidence in an attack on the French fleet is
gone. It lies in three divisions behind sandbanks, between which wind two
narrow channels where only one ship can sail at a time, and this lies under
point-blank range of the guns. To be sure, one has some hope in the fire
ships, which are expected to move against the fleet. But the enemy will
not put his hands in his pockets in the presence of the fire ships, which
can be grounded easily in the narrow channels, and then they are in the
way of their own fleet.

Toward evening on the 22d a good friend of mine, a naval officer,
came to me and disclosed that three fire ships were to sail during the
night with the high tide against the three French ships which blocked the
York River to burn them. Thereupon I boarded a boat with him to follow
the fire ships, and to observe this business which I had never seen in my
life. Captain Palmer led the fire ships. The sight was worth the trouble to
see! The ships were set on fire and illuminated the area so brightly that
we could easily detect the French ships at anchor in the very dark night.
But since the fire ships had been set on fire too soon, the enemy ships cut
their cables and sailed away. Moreover, the fire ships ran aground. —
Hence, nothing came of it.

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FROM YORK AND GLOUCESTER UNTIL THE SURRENDER

On the 28th the French general othcers undertook a reconnaissance
against the works at York, during which a sharp skirmish occurred. 2-4

The 30th. Before daylight, after Lord Cornwallis had burned the three
advanced redoubts in front of his encampment, the army withdrew be-
hind the works.' 25 But the redoubt which lay before the right of the works,
on the right bank of the York River behind a swamp and ravine, was
retained and occupied by the remainder of the 23d Regiment under
Captain Apthorpe, 26 and mounted with two 12-pounders and three
coehorns. It consists of a quadrangle and is surrounded with an abatis of
pointed apple or peach trees. 27

In the morning toward ten o’clock the Allied army invested the works
of York. Since it found the advanced redoubts abandoned by the army,
the enemy presumed that he would get possession of the redoubt on the
right cheaply, because it could not be supported by the main works and
appeared to be left to itself. For this reason the French did not pay any
compliments, but attacked the redoubt right before our eyes with a de-
tachment of Lauzun’s unmounted hussars and grenadiers with sword in
hand. 28 With the inborn courage and ardor of the French, a part of them
pushed through the abatis up to the edge of the ditches. But they were so
warmly received there by the English, who did not fire a shot until the
French were in the abatis, that they gave up the business and had to fall
back with a loss of five officers and some sixty men killed and wounded. 29

Month of October, the 1st. Last night the Allied army began to throw
up two redoubts between the ravines which encircle York to form their
points of support for attack. They made use of two abandoned English
redoubts to cover their front.

General Choisy, 30 who commanded fifteen hundred men from the
fleet, together with the Legion under the Due de Lauzun, had joined the
American corps under General Weedon, who had advanced to Burwell s
Mill. Since yesterday Choisy had pushed forward to Gloucester Court
House and sent his patrols up to our outposts, whereupon a continual
crackling noise arose.

In the evening of the 2d an American galley blew up in the mouth ot
the York River. At about the same time a guard boat arrived from New
York, which brought us the assurance again that Admiral Graves and
General Clinton would do everything in their power to relieve us. 31

The 3d. Last night Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton arrived at Gloucester
with the cavalry of the Legion, numbering 250 horse, since there was no
forage or room for the horses at York and they were useless there. Col-
onel Dundas also came over with a part of the 80th Regiment, and the
Erb Prinz Regiment under Colonel Fuchs went to York to replace it.

At daybreak I was sent out with one hundred horse of Simcoe’s and the
remainder of the jiigers and rangers, which amounted to only sixty men,
in order to take a position between Seawell’s plantation and Seawell s

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SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

Ordinary. I was to form a chain there to protect a foraging of Indian corn
between Seawell’s and Whiting’s plantations, which was to be undertaken
for the benefit of the cavalry. Colonel Dundas had gone out with the
Legion and the remaining cavalry to support me in case of an attack.

I had hardly taken post when a party of French hussars and Virginia
volunteers appeared, with whom I skirmished. I tried to lure them into
the fire of my infantry, which I had thrown into a ditch to the right of the
road on the plain, but they would not swallow the bait. Toward midday
the foraging was finished. Colonel Dundas came to me on horseback and
ordered me to withdraw slowly. As soon as the enemy was about to fall
upon me, he would rush out with the Legion. In a word, we intended to
lure the enemy into an ambuscade, which would have succeeded if we
had had patience.

At the moment when I took one step backward the enemy followed,
but only with skirmishers and very cautiously. I had scarcely reached the
Legion, during which only six Virginia volunteers followed my rear
guard, when the ambuscade fell out and pursued these few people into
the woods of Seawell’s plantation.

Here, all of a sudden, the scene changed. This small body of horsemen,
which was in the greatest disorder, suddenly ran into the entire corps
under General Choisy. The Due de Lauzun, who at this instant should
have fallen on the head of these disorganized horsemen with a single
troop, formed himself into two lines with eight troops of his lancers and
hussars, which amounted to three hundred horsemen without the
Virginia cavalry. This gave Dundas and Tarleton enough time to bring
off their cavalry in orderly fashion to resist and withdraw toward
Gloucester.

I hurried to their support with the one hundred horse of the rangers,
which Captain Shank commanded. He held up the enemy, to be sure, but
could not improve the situation. The slowness, or the great caution, of
the French had saved us and we reached Gloucester safely. On our side,
one officer and four men were killed and nine men wounded by the
lances of the French hussars. Of the French, Comte Dillon, 32 lieutenant
colonel with the hussars, was wounded and twelve to fourteen men were
killed and wounded. 33

From this moment the enemy invested the works of Gloucester. The
corps under General Choisy took post at Seawell’s plantation, placing its
right on the York River and its left on Sarah Creek. Their sentries posted
themselves within rifle shot of us. One perceives from this action how
disorder and delay can spoil the game.

The 6th. Last night the Allied army opened their trenches at a distance
of six to seven hundred paces from the works of York, and three batteries
were laid out opposite the hornwork. At midday a strong enemy party

330

OVERLEAF: PL4N OF THE SIEGE OF
YORK TOWN IN VIRGINIA

Ewald’s plan appears to be based on a plan of the same title
published in London on March 1, 1787 and used by Tarleton
in his History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781. Ewald, however,
extended his plan into Gloucester County and added his own
remarks.

At bottom right on the Yorktown side are shown the head-
quarters of Washington and Rochambeau and the American
artillery. Above and to the left are French artillery, General
Lincoln, General le Marquis de la Fayette, General Siwoens
(Steuben), and Clinton. To the left are the French regiments
Saintonge, Soisson[nais], Deux-Ponts, and Bourbon[nais]. The
remark at the center reads: “British redoubts occupied by the
French.” At the top are shown the first and second parallels,
“Moors” [Moore’s] House, and American and French batteries.
At lower left are the French regiments Agenais, Gatinais, Tour-
aine; the Volunteers of Saint-Simon; and a French battery.
Below Yorktown is the Fusiliers’ Redoubt, “Which during the
entire siege was maintained.” Also shown are the numbered regi-
ments in Yorktown itself and the sunken ships Guadeloupe and
Charon in the York River.

On the Gloucester side, numbered redoubts are visible in the
town itself: No. 1, Rangers; No. 2, Legion; No. 3, 80th Regiment;
No. 4, unassigned. At the mouth of Sarah Creek Ewald noted,
“Place where I stood when the French fleet arrived before the
mouth of the York River.” The area above the town is labeled
“Mostly cut-down woods.” In front of the work on the road lead-
ing out of Gloucester are stationed French sentries. Toward the
bottom are “Infantry picket,” “Cavalry picket,” “Corps under
General Choisy,” and “Hussars.” At the left of the plan is “Sauls”
[Seawell s] Plantation. The headquarters are shown at Seawell s
Ordinary.

SIXTH CAMPAIGN. 1781. TO RETURN. TO HESSE

appeared in the small wood in front of the works of Gloucester of which
we were master. However, the enemy withdrew after firing a dozen can-
non and rifle shots.

On the morning of the 8th it was discovered that the enemy had ex-
tended his trenches on both sides toward the York River in the form of a
full crescent. Two batteries had been set up at both extremities of the
crescent.

At Gloucester the French hussars and light infantry drove our outposts
back several times.

The 9th. Since one could expect nothing else from the enemy’s side at
Gloucester but that they would attempt a coup de main to take these works
which were occupied only by light troops, we continually laid ambuscades
each night to the left along the York River. Last night a French party fell
into the trap. In the confusion they must have fired upon each other. At
daybreak I found seven hats and five grenadier caps, as well as traces of
much blood.

In the afternoon of the 10th, about three o’clock, the enemy opened
their batteries on both of their wings. 34 The frigate Guadeloupe and the
sloop Formidable, which covered the advanced redoubt from the right on
the York River, were driven back and did not dare to appear again. A
short time before I had crossed from Gloucester to York to observe the
works there and to call upon Lord Cornwallis. Everyone was seated at
table.

By the first cannon shot of the besiegers. Commissary Perkins 35 was
killed at table and Lieutenant Robertson 36 of the 76th Regiment lost his
left leg. The lady of the good commissary general sat between the two at
table during this misadventure.

Toward evening the three batteries were opened on the besiegers’
front, and the firing was sustained on both sides during the entire night.

In the evening of the 1 1th the battery on the besiegers’ left wing began
to fire red-hot shot into the vessels stationed betw'een the two places. As a
result, toward ten o’clock the 44-gun Charon and three transport vessels
caught fire and disappeared in smoke. 37 In addition, the enemy had
opened his second parallel at a distance of three hundred paces from the
fortifications of \ ork, in which three batteries were erected. It is reck-
oned that the besiegers have seventy-six pieces in their works.

The 12th. Since yesterday the besiegers have fired bombshells inces-
santly, so that the entire assault resembles a bombardment. The greater
part of the town lies in ashes, and two batteries of the besieged have al-
ready been completely dismantled. The besiegers have also attempted to
take the advanced redoubt by a coup de main during the night, but were
driven back with bloody heads.

Toward midday Lieutenant Colonel Cochrane 38 arrived here in a

FROM YORK AND GLOUCESTER UNTIL THE SURRENDER

boat from New York with dispatches from General Clinton, de-
he most violent cannonade of the entire French fleet. The dis-
s gave the warmest assurance that Admiral Digby had arrived, that
al Clinton had gone on board the English fleet with five thousand
in d that Admirals Graves, Hood, and Digby would employ all their
to bring a fleet superior to the enemy for our relief,
he afternoon, about four o’clock, Major Gordon and 150 men of
th Regiment crossed over to York as reinforcements, because the
h Colonel Johnson and the 17th Regiment were to relieve the 23d
Captain Apthorpe in the advanced redoubt. Further, Lieutenant
el McPherson 39 was assigned to command the redoubt on the left
> a nd Captain Campbell 41 the redoubt lying next to it. These posts
= foremost places, for if the enemy holds them the remaining works
; taken in the flank and rear. Without bragging about my limited
jtion, I have told everyone that as soon as one of these redoubts is
the business is at an end, and Washington has us in his pocket. Yet
ill hears, “But our fleet will come before that time and raise the

, 13th. Since powder and iron are already scarce with the besieged,
•siegers are having the best of the gun play. The loss of the besieged
ly amounts to three hundred men. The artillery, especially, has
•ed very much, since the works are merely heaps of sand and badly

ed.

vard evening on the 15th [14th], an hour before sunset, the besie-
edoubled their fire, and at seven o’clock in the evening a false attack
lade on the redoubt on the right. About eight o’clock General Baron
lomenil 42 attacked the detached redoubt on the left with French
s, and the Marquis de Lafayette attacked the adjacent one with the
icans. 43 Both redoubts were taken with the bayonet after a fight of
iur. The Hessian Lieutenant Anderson 44 of the Erb Prinz Regiment
he English Captain Tailor were seized with swords in hand by the
y. Both officers were wounded by bayonets or swords and won the
^ of the enemy. Most of the garrison is said to have saved itself too

w people make long faces and say, “Who would have thought of this

e ?” i have heard these words so often from a soldier that I would

gladly sent the faithful sleeper to “Doctor Schwift’s Little House 4a
re him of his complaint.

/ould just as soon forget to record a cruel happening. On the same
T the enemy assault, we drove back to the enemy all of our black
ds, whom we had taken along to despoil the countryside. We had
them to good advantage and set them free, and now, with fear and
bling, they had to face the reward of their cruel masters. Last night 1

335

SIXTH CAMPAIGN. 1781. TO RETURN TO HESSE

had to make a sneak patrol, during which I came across a great number
of these unfortunates. In their hunger, these unhappy people would
have soon devoured what I had; and since they lay between two fires
they had to be driven on by force. This harsh act had to be carried out
however, because of the scarcity of provisions; but we should have
thought more about their deliverance at this time.

Moreover, all the artillery and baggage horses, for which there was no
forage, were killed and dragged into the York River. 46 Several days after
their death these poor animals came back in heaps with the tide, nearly
up to the sunken ships. It seemed as if they wanted to cry out against their
murder after their death. The sight of these horses was saddening to a
person of feeling. But what should we have done if we did not want the
enemy to have them? Voltaire says, “La raison de guerre, c’est la raison de
guere.” 47

The 16th. An hour before daylight, Lord Cornwallis ordered Colonel
Abercromby to make a sortie with 350 men against the captured re-
doubts, in which the enemy had mounted two breach batteries and eleven
heavy pieces. Colonel Abercromby did all that a daring and resolute
officer could do with his detachment of light infantry. He took the works
with the bayonet without firing a shot, and killed, wounded, or captured
the entire garrison. He spiked all the pieces and withdrew behind the
lines with only a small loss. 48

Meanwhile, since the accomplishment of a plan is seldom completely
successful in this war, f he English artillerists, who had been ordered to
spike the guns, had brought along wheel nails to serve for spiking, which
were too large, instead of the proper steel spikes. For that reason the
English soldiers had to stick their bayonet points in the vents and break
them off to spike the guns. 49 Now, it was thought, the guns had been
made useless, and there was rejoicing over the stroke. A great many fops
assured me: “This stroke will save us. This will take a great amount of
time until the enemy can repair this loss. By God, eleven cannons is a fine
thing!” 50

In their joy, the poor benighted devils forgot that such a loss is easily
replaced through the reserve train, and that all this merely amounts to a
respite for the besieged.

It was about ten o’clock in the morning, when I was standing near the
water with my eyes turned toward the redoubts. I had listened to this
foolish talk with annoyance, for everything irritated me now, since I had
to endure daily the most severe attacks of fever, during which my nerves
suffered extremely. — Suddenly the spiked guns began to play frightfully.
Within an hour they battered our works so badly in the flank and rear
that all our batteries were silenced within a few hours. Thereupon Lord
Cornwallis thought of nothing else but to cut his way through on the

336

FROM YORK AND GLOUCESTER UNTIL THE SURRENDER

Gloucester side, because he had to fear being taken by storm with each
passing hour. As soon as night fell, a number of boats were brought to the
shore in which a part of the best men who were still healthy were to be
passed over to Gloucester. But such a violent storm arose that several
boats capsized, whereupon the entire praiseworthy plan came to a
standstill.

On the 17th at daybreak this worthy man was indeed in the greatest
predicament, for the majority of his troops floated on the water, or had
reached Gloucester and could not get back to the York shore because of
the terrible weather. To our great luck, the weather was so frightful that
the enemy could not discover anything of all this; and when the high
wind died down, everyone was brought back to his place about nine
o’clock in the morning. 51

I will not forget this past night in all my life. Choisy threatened to seize
us with sword in hand. I had to command two redoubts and a battery for
which I was responsible. 52 It was as dark as a sack, and one could neither
see nor hear anything because of the awful downpour and heavy gale.
Moreover, there was a most severe thunderstorm, but the violent flashes
of lightning benefited us, since we could at least see around us for an
instant. And to make me really feel the harshness of my wretched life, the
fever suddenly attacked me at midnight in the most horrible manner. 53 I
was driven to take the most dreadful remedy in the world: two table-
spoons full of China powder 54 mixed with the strongest rum. In this
desperate situation, I asked for nothing more from nature than to keep
my head up during this night— or death. It helped. The fever subsided,
and I was quite lively afterward. I thanked God and left everything in His
Hands.

Remarks on the break out to the north.

As much as this plan to do all that is possible and to save something
when everything is at stake does honor to Lord Cornwallis, this attempt
was the greatest impossibility, although worthy of admiration by pos-
terity. I venture to say that if Lord Cornwallis had had the luck to make
an unexpected attack on the part of the army under General Choisy, the
enemy would nevertheless have had an opportunity to defend himself
again, because the defiles of Burwell’s and Hudibres s mills could not be
outflanked, and would have delayed Lord Cornwallis until the main army
had crossed the York River and hung on his neck while Choisy opposed
his vanguard.

To this must be added that three navigable rivers had to be crossed,
and that the militia of the provinces of Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania,
and Jersey would increase with each day when General Clinton advanced
into the latter province and joined hands with Lord Cornwallis.

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SIXTH CAMPAIGN. 1781. TO RETURN TO HESSF.

And where would the provisions come from, for a march which would
take two months, by an army surrounded on all sides by the enemy? And
how far could one march with these men, who are nearly all plagued with
fever? Their strength is exhausted through want and hardships, and they
are so tired of living that they would really rather face captivity than die a
slow death from starvation and misery in the wilderness. One must con-
sider mankind as it is: every man is not a hero, and the rank and file does
not think like an officer, who is spurred on to his utmost to win honor.

I knew the straits the army was in. Colonel Abercromby, who had safely
reached the shore at Gloucester with the light infantry during the night
came to me in the redoubt at the moment when I was struggling with the
fever and had just swallowed my “desperation remedy.” I went with him
out of the redoubt to his men, and found them stretched out on the
ground like half-dead people. He asked me how many men could be
assembled here. He was startled when I told him that Simcoe, the major-
ity of the ranger officers, and all my jager officers were dangerously ill,
and that I no longer had twelve men who could march a day.

Such an undertaking is practical, perhaps, by a Belle-Isle in Bohemia
and a Schulenburg in Poland, who required only eight days’ time to
escape from the hands of the enemy, since they needed to make only a
few orderly forced marches. However, they did not have to look forward
to marches of entire months and to fighting with armed farmers. But had
we employed our force at Gloucester upon occupying these two posts
and made only one small post out of the York Church , 55 then the position
of Lord Cornwallis would have been reversed.

Thus I am firmly of the opinion that this plan to cut our way through
could have been carried out ten times sooner to the south than to the
north. We could have taken a number of boats in wagons with us to cross
the James River, which is the only navigable river on this side toward
Carolina that one has to cross. Instead of that, to the north one must cross
the Rappahannock, the Potomac, the Susquehanna, and the Delaware.

here still remained an expedient which gave to this undertaking the
possibility of a successful outcome. In this case, however, one had to act in
concert with General Clinton beforehand. General Clinton, who had no
enemy against him now , 36 could make a diversion with his rested troops
through the Jerseys to Pennsylvania, in order to draw the militia of the
provinces in his direction and to try to gain the banks of the Susquehanna
by forced marches. Thus, we would have had to overcome only the obsta-
cles of the Rappahannock and Potomac. But how to get there from both
directions? Moreover, these marches would require months. In a word

the whole thing seemed to me like a delusion which misleads people for a
moment . 57 r r

Now that all the batteries were dismantled, the works destroyed, muni-

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FROM YORK AND GLOUCESTER UNTIL THE SURRENDER

[

tions and provisions wanting, the wounded and sick lying helpless with-
out medicine, and the army melted away from 7,000 to 3,200, among
whom not a thousand men could be called healthy. Lord Cornwallis
decided to call for a parley on the afternoon of the 17th. An officer was
sent to General Washington to make a proposal for a capitulation on
favorable terms, which insisted upon a free departure. However,
Washington and Rochambeau sent this officer about his business quickly,
giving him to understand that it was now their turn to grant surrender
terms, and that they would consider none but those which we had
granted to the garrison of Charlestown. The English officer had scarcely
reached the barrier when the fire of the besiegers was redoubled, where-
upon a parley was sounded for a second time. General O’Hara was sent to
the besiegers to conclude as favorable a capitulation as could be made. 58

On the afternoon of the 19th toward two o’clock the Allies cleared away
a barrier at each post, and at four o’clock the melancholy parade took
place and the arms were grounded. 59 It was made known here by General
Washington that a staff officer from each nation and a captain or an
officer with each fifty men were to march to the designated place of
captivity. All the other officers could receive permission to go on their
parole of honor to Europe or to English possessions. The number of
men, including the sailors and baggage, which fell into enemy hands was
something over six thousand. 60 The loss in killed and wounded during
the blockade and siege amounted to 653 men, among whom were fifteen
officers. 61 Reckoning the entire loss we have suffered in the armies since
the beginning of the year 1780 up to this moment, one can easily figure
twenty thousand men.

Remarks on the French and A mericans.

Of the French I do not think it necessary to write much, for everyone
knows that when these soldiers are properly led, everything goes well
with them. The regiments have fine men, in very good order, clean, and
well uniformed. The men look healthy, and this climate affects them
about as it does us.

But I can assert with much truth that the American officer, like his
soldier, hates his foes more than we do. They admit this openly, and
claim as the reason that they want more freedom than we, on our side,
wish to give them. I think, too, that it is as much a kind of policy as a
strategem of General Washington to prevent quarrels that he separated
the armies of the French and Americans so far apart during the winter
quarters. Had this not been done, I surely believe that many a French
grenadier’s saber would have been plunged into American blood during
their rest periods. For one continually hears, “Fripons, ces Americains! 62
when one merely takes a walk in the town. And how many quarrels have I

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SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

seen between officers and sentries of these nations, in spite of the strict
discipline which exists with the French. Yet one cannot properly remedy
this evil, which certainly results from national enmity.

Concerning the American army, one should not think that it can be
compared to a motley crowd of farmers. The so-called Continental, or
standing, regiments are under good discipline and drill in the English
style as well as the English themselves . 63 I have seen the Rhode Island
Regiment 64 march and perform several mountings of the guard which
left nothing to criticize. The men were complete masters of their legs,
carried their weapons well, held their heads straight, faced right without
moving an eye, and wheeled so excellently without their officers having
to shout much, that the regiment looked like it was dressed in line with a
string. I was greatly surprised that the men were not in close formation,
arm to arm, but had consistently left a place for a man between every two
men, which is a very good thing in penetrating a thick wood or under-
brush with entire battalions. But to constantly maintain this maneuver is
faulty, because one meets with small plains here as in other countries,
where such battalions can be easily overthrown by a tightly closed one.
The English have adopted this method in their infantry and cavalry and
still retain it. Should this war against the French, who have kept the close
formation, continue much longer here, the English could come out dirty
in the first affair, for when such an open battalion comes through a wood
into a plain, it looks just like the troops are advancing in the greatest
confusion . 65

Since the American nation consists of slender and well-formed people,
it is an easily recognizable fact that the regiments of this army consist of
handsome, and for the soldier’s profession, well-built men whose appear-
ance suffers very much indeed from a lack of clothing, hats, and shoes.
For I have seen many soldiers of this army without shoes, with tattered
breeches and uniforms patched with all sorts of colored cloth, without
neckband and only the lid of a hat, who marched and stood their guard as
proudly as the best uniformed soldier in the world, despite the raw
weather and hard rain in October. But he keeps his piece clean and
shining, and powders his hair as white as possible with provisions flour
when on grand parades.

On the other hand, the officers are bound to wear constantly a style of
uniform which is usually blue with red or white facing. For the red color
is so detested by these people, that if one can obtain any other color of
cloth for a coat, he will not wear red. Now and then a number of uni-
forms arrive safely from France for the Americans, which are given to
those who go around almost naked, without much regard for uniformity.

With what soldiers in the world could one do what was done by these
men, who go about nearly naked and in the greatest privation? Deny the

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FROM YORK AND GLOUCESTER UNTIL THE SURRENDER

st-disciplined soldiers of Europe what is due them and they will run
ay in droves, and the general will soon be alone. But from this one can
rceive what an enthusiasm— which these poor fellows call “Liberty”—

Nevertheless, they are true slaves of the Congress, and let themselves
led like blind men on a string by these fine heads. For in no monarchy
the world is levying done more forcibly than in this country, where it is
id without distinction of position, “Serve or provide your man, else you
ie your goods and chattels.” Should an officer or soldier receive his
lease, he is still bound to go out into the field again with the militia of
e province in which he lives as soon as that province is threatened by an
,emy attack. What affairs can sly and cunning heads begin in this world!
ho would have thought a hundred years ago that out of this multitude
' rabble would arise a people who could defy kings and enter into a close
liance with crowned heads?

lust as the Continental officer scorns his former calling completely,
jtting it aside to devote himself to the soldier’s profession by reading
ilitary books (from which he can learn but little) and proudly wears his
aiform, so does he greatly despise the militia. Few militia officers have
niforms, for they serve as volunteers and receive nothing but provisions
•om their province as long as they defend it. But once the enemy has
eparted from their borders, everyone hurries back to his home and
ften spreads tales among the people, from which they all soon imagine
lat the captain, in return for a threat, got back a good box on the ears

-om his subordinates. .

As for the mountaineer, or the wild Scotch-Irish, this is a species or
oor folk gathered from all the nations in the world. They dwell in
liserable log cabins in the mountains three to four hundred miles from
ie seacoast, and live from the chase. Since these people usually maintain
elations with the Indians, who are their neighbors, they take pains to
ssume a wild appearance, which results naturally from their roug
nanner of living. They are excellent and dangerous shots, and can easily
.ring a folded bayonet off their leg. They choose their own leaders and
>ay no attention to discipline. He who falls into their hands as prisoner
eldom keeps anything more than what nature gave him at birth.

There are many Germans among these people, especially from the
irea of the Main and Rhine . 66 We took several of these people prisoner
lear Spencer’s Ordinary, all of whom had served in the Free Corps in the
ast German war . 67 During the present war these people lived at their
lappiest, since the tyranny of Congress has not yet been able to penetrate
beyond a distance of a hundred miles into the mountains. Should one
demand a certain number of these people to bear arms, only as many
would come as have a mind to procure booty or to derive profit from the

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SIXTH CAMPAIGN), 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

wretched evils jof war, which means plundering the loyalists. But since
there are not many of the latter kind of people in this part of the country,
many a rifleman returns to his cabin as poor as ever.

PART THREE

From the surrender of York and Gloucester up to the end

of this year.

After the troops were surrendered into captivity, every officer was
greeted by the French generals and officers with the greatest courtesy. I
had the pleasure and honor of being invited to dine with the general
officers, Washington, Comte de Rochambeau, Marquis de Lafayette, Due
de Lauzun, Choisy, the Princes of Deux-Ponts, and General Comte Cus-
tine.

I greatly enjoyed the friendship of many other officers, especially the
Baron von Esebeck, who commanded the Deux-Ponts Regiment, Colonel
Comte Fersen, Colonel Hugo, Colonel Angely, Major Broderesky, and
Major Klocker . 68 One scarcely knew whether he was among his friends or
foes. Indeed, I had found on more than one occasion that the French
officers preferred the company of the English, Anspach, and Hessian
officers to that of their own allies.

Such a jealousy came over General Washington that he cast stern ex-
pressions toward the French generals over the too-friendly relations be-
tween the French and our officers. He ordered the French guards re-
lieved by Americans at both posts. We still enjoyed much courtesy from
our opponent s side, but a cool conduct began to prevail among the two
diverse nations which, in good fortune, had formed only one . 69

Our poor sick and wounded lay without medicine and provisions in
such pitiable circumstances that the hardest heart had to be moved. Their
food consisted of stinking salted meat and some flour or worm-eaten
biscuit. These unfortunates died like flies from want, and the amputated
arms and legs lay around in every corner and were eaten by the dogs.
The hearts of those who could not help them bled, and those who could
have helped by a kind word would not. All hearts had turned to stone. A
few hundred guineas could have relieved the misery of these unfortu-
nates, since fresh provisions were brought to market after the surrender.

I received thirty guineas on a bill of exchange and gave half to these
forsaken men.

There was neither consolation nor money to be found, and everyone
was left to his own fate. Lord Cornwallis, who had constantly over-
whelmed me with special favors, was in ill humor and not disposed to

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FROM YORK AND GLOUCESTER UNTIL THE SURRENDER

speak for anything for his friends. I requested an early pass becaustf of
my sickly condition, which daily grew worse, since the fever weakened me
so much that I was out of my mind for hours. Since I could not obtain
anything through my old friends, I had appealed to General Washington
through my new friends to grant me a land pass. But I let myself be
persuaded to go to the ships with the others to avoid offending Lord
Cornwallis.

On the morning of the 27th the English fleet appeared before the
mouth of Chesapeake Bay, which had on board General Clinton with five
thousand troops. But after receiving the positive news of the surrender of
York and Gloucester, the fleet sailed back to New York. 70

November. On the 2d the order was given to all the officers, who
numbered 213, that they could travel wherever they wished on their
parole aboard three vessels which the Comte de Grasse had provided to
transport us to New York.

On the 3d all the unlucky heroes climbed on board their ships. The one
which was designated for the German officers was called the Andrew. Our
traveling companions consisted of thirty-six Anspach and Hessian offi-
cers and sixty-three English officers, chaplains, and surgeons. In addi-
tion, there were 143 officers’ servants and camp followers, among whom
twenty-two had their wives and children — or their stinking amazons —
with them, as well as eight ships’ captains and one hundred exchanged
sailors. There were some fifty various white and black two-footed crea-
tures of both sexes. I could not see their faces because they hid them; they
probably were contraband. There were also thirty-one dogs and pigs, the
latter belonging to the sailors for their provisions.

Toward midday this whole mixed and motley company was on board
the ship. The cabin had been combined with the sailors’ quarters and on
both sides three bunks had been built, one over the other, as large as
could be made. These bunks, each of a width of two feet, were occupied
according to seniority by the two brigadiers on down. The remaining
gentlemen, as well as the entire ship’s crew and the servants, had permis-
sion to look for a place wherever one could be found. It was agreed that
those who wanted to cook on the morning of one day should cook again
in the afternoon of the next day. It was also proposed to form in groups
of six or twelve, because of the confined area of the galley. Meanwhile,
this order was quickly violated, since our brigadiers Dundas and Eyb
acted contrary to the agreement from the first, and so all subordination
to them while aboard had to be ended.

Fires were kindled without asking permission and kept up day and
night, so that I did not know how it happened that the ship was not
burned up. Those who had something, cooked when they wanted to,

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781. TO RETURN TO HESSE

which did not last long, since the entire company had to resort to stinking
salted meat and worm-filled biscuit. 6

In this situation we set sail on the 6th, and on the 7th it was discovered
that there was a shortage of water. On account of this, it was unanimously
decided that each man could have no more than one tin cup of water
daily for both cooking and drinking. If one used up his share of water for
cooking, only one full wine glass was left to quench his thirst for the
remaining twenty-four hours.

During this time I asked each man who had suffered from want, or
spoke of need, whether he had had enough bread and water. Had he this,
then I did not accommodate him, for he had not suffered. I once had the
good luck to get a bottle of water in exchange for two Spanish dollars. In
an instant I was the luckiest person on board! No one any longer thought
of wine, tea, and coffee. Everyone cried, “Water! Water!”

In these wretched circumstances, we floated this way and that way on
the ocean until the 23d. Moreover, the sailors became insubordinate to
the ship’s captain. If they were weary of the helm, the sails were reefed
and we were left floating to chance, so that one often did not know where
he was. The Anspach Lieutenant Foeder, 71 a very brave and worthy man,
whose nervous system could not stand the shocks of this sorrowful life’
took his real fate to be unreal, and jumped into the water and drowned.
An English doctor caught the high fever due to vexation and died. But to
my good fortune, what cheered me up was that my fever left me, and I
was fresh and lively after I had been several days at sea.

On the 23d we reached Sandy Hook safely. It was high time, for our
supply of water stood at only a half a foot, enough for two or three days
longer at sea. Then one would have had to resolve to jump into the water.
For who will die of thirst and torture himself with this miserable death?

On the 24th fishermen in the mouth of the Hudson River led us to
water, bread, and rum, with which we revived ourselves. At midday on
the 26th we reached New York, where I was received by General
Knyphausen in a most polite and friendly manner and was refreshed at
his table with everything.— And so all the misfortune was forgotten.

Month of December. On the morning of the 1st, I left New York and
traveled to the Jager Corps, which was cantoned on Long Island to pro-
tect the shore against the New Englanders. Here I was welcomed by my
good friends with courtesy and friendship, and here I took up m V quar-
ters as a prisoner of war and lived in peace.— Now I drank once more
from the River of Forgetfulness, banished all grief and sorrow, and
looked with longing toward my exchange.

On the 10th I received the following note with an enclosure from
General Knyphausen, which gave me inexpressible pleasure and caused
genuine delight.

344

FROM YORK AND GLOUCESTER UNTIL THE SURRENDER

Honorable Sir,

Especially Most Esteemed Captain: c

The attached extract of the favorable letter from H,s Serene
Highness of the 13th of September this year is communicated to you
with genuine interest and pleasure.

With complete esteem, Your moM

obedient servant
KnvDhausen.

New York, December 8, 1781

Extract of the favorable letter from his Serene Highness the Land-
grave, dated at Weissenstein, the 13th of September, 178 .

Among the reports reaching me is that of the good conduct of the
Sent von Bose, under the command of Lieutenant Colonel du
Z and that of the equally fine conduct of Captain Ewald of the
lager Corps, which is altogether extremely pleasing to learn
J The Lieutenant General, 72 therefore, desires to declare to the reg-
iment mentioned, as well as to Lieutenant Colonel du Puy and Cap-
Sn Ewald, my extraordinary satisfaction and the assurance of my
endrely special favor and grace.-This is also proclaimed with the
distribution of the parole.

Extracted at New York, the 8th of December, 1781.

The French under Rochambeau had taken up their “inter quarters j"
and around Williamsburg in Virginia. The French fleet whirl -had taken
the corps of General Saint-Simon on board, sailed back to the
with all the supplies of fascines, gabions, and other siege ma er .
e W * Washington and his army moved to the banks of the Delaware Raven
a 11 c no one sDoke of anything but the evacuation of the places still

^in Ca“hn P atd°Vi4nia ?„ order to cope with .he impending

“T^LTr^re^'e armylnder Lord Cornwallis, w„, give

Iherebv all was lost when it was desired to preserve all. 1. is terrible,
started with the most auspicious prospects six years ago. And this, indee ,

345

SIXTH CAMPAIGN, 1781, TO RETURN TO HESSE

against a people who were no soldiers, and who could have been stamped
to the ground in the First year.

Such a calamity must be incurred by every state in which there are no
soldiers among the ministers who draw up the plans for campaigns.
Under these circumstances, it would have taken a miracle for the rotten
business to have succeeded. But now every sensible man will' readily
realize that these thirteen provinces have to be given up.

Due to this, all the great expectations of the many who have served
honorably during this war are now lost. For a part of the plan, if these
provinces were preserved for England, was that a strong army was to be
formed for North America from those troops, especially from among the
foreigners, who would remain in the country voluntarily. All the officers
who had served with zeal during the entire war, and with excellent con-
duct, were to get assignments with considerable emolument and be re-
warded with the most lucrative plantations which were vacated by the
rebellious-minded inhabitants.

But under the present circumstances, all that is past, and he can call
himself fortunate who, with the conviction of having done his duty, with a
good reputation, and with his health, has lived to see the end of the
war. — Thus, men on the one side make plans, which then — quite
unexpectedly— are turned to the other side by a Higher Hand.

End of the sixth campaign.

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SUPPLEMENT

From the beginning of the year 1782
up to the arrival in Hesse in 1784.

The army under General Clinton was weakened so much by the loss of
Lord Cornwallis’s army that it could scarcely protect its possessions in
New York. Due to this, the army under Lord Rawdon was also placed on
the defensive in South Carolina, and had the burden of maintaining the
posts of Charlestown and Wilmington. During this year blow upon blow
now followed in the West Indies.

On the 15th of January, the unpleasant news arrived from the West
Indies that the French had recaptured the Dutch island of Saint Eus-
tatius, which Admiral Rodney had conquered earlier, by a coup de main. It
appears as if Fortune has completely turned her back on this nation.

Month of February. On the 14th an express vessel arrived from En-
gland which brought the speech of the King to Parliament, from which it
is to be concluded that the army will be reinforced by ten thousand men,
and the war continued with renewed vigor. This news gave every honest
soldier fresh courage.

The 23d. We have received information that the Allied army is ready to
make an attack on New York.

Month of March. On the 10th the packet Sandwich brought the news
that Admiral Sir George Rodney had arrived in the West Indies with
twelve ships of the line and a number of frigates to reinforce the English
fleet in the waters there. The fleet now consists of forty ships of the line.
Should the fleet be able to prevent the concentration of the French and
Spanish, who are now exerting all their strength, and have the luck to
defeat one of these two fleets, then our fortunes could take another turn.

Month of April. On the 9th Lieutenant Wolff 1 of the Jager Corps was
sent out with fifty jagers toward Matinecock, 2 where the American cor-
sairs from New England often land and plunder. The lieutenant had
scarcely arrived at his post when he received the intelligence that a party
of Americans had landed with three whaleboats on Butler’s Island. He
marched against them at once, fell in with the enemy, killed several, took
four prisoners, and captured a whaleboat.

The 19th. Early today the Jager Corps had to march to Flushing. The

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two English regiments, the 38th and 54th, together with Robinson’s p ro
vincial regiment, moved to Bedford and Brooklyn to work on the new'
Brooklyn lines. No thought had been given to improving and strengthen-
ing them during the entire war.

On the 30th a packet arrived at New York from England, which
brought the news that General Clinton, who is charged with the blame for
the loss of the army under Lord Cornwallis, is said to have been relieved
by General Sir Guy Carleton. 3

It is quite true that this worthy man is not without fault, for he had to
be aware of the demonstration that the Allied army made against him
before Kings Bridge, because a fleet was necessary for the Yorktown
undertaking. Moreover, he should not have let the Allied army go so
peacefully across the Hudson River, march through Jersey, and cross the
Delaware. But to lay the entire blame on him is too severe, because the
chief mistake lay with the commander in chief of the fleet, who let himself
be hoaxed by the Comte de Grasse when the latter entered the
Chesapeake contrary to expectations.

Month of May. On the 6th Sir Guy Carleton arrived at New York and
took over the command of the army. He is said to be provided by the
Ministry with full powers to enter into peace negotiations with the Con-
gress.

Month of July. On the 22d I had to pay a part of my tribute to nature.
Toward evening one of the most severe nerve, putrid, and bilious fevers
suddenly seized me and attacked me so violently that by the evening of
the 23d I knew nothing more and lay out of my mind, without hope.
Now, since I was not yet exchanged and could take up my quarters where
I wished, I had chosen a pleasant area along the sound on Long Island.
But while the army had moved nearer, I was unable to look for a doctor
during the first two days. At the first attack, I believed that it was putrid
fever and I resorted to perspiring, which I thought to bring about with a
half a quart of milk. But my remedy came to nothing, and I lay in bed as
if dead for two days, when the regimental surgeon of the Jager Corps
arrived. During the crisis, nature took effect and gave me its own remedy.

I passed over five months with this sickness, and at the end of the year I
caught the country fever until spring, which I considered lucky, because
my constitution was cleansed by it.

During my sickness I was exchanged, but it had caused too great a gap
in my diary. Moreover, the Commanding General, Sir Henry Clinton,
whose confidence I had the honor to enjoy, had departed, as had all my
friends in the headquarters, from whom I learned everything which had
or could have any interest for my diary. Besides, the duty in this area was
one of unvarying monotony on the defensive, although it still involved
dangers enough. Thus I lost all my desire to write down further entries,

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SUPPLEMENT

and I conclude my diary quite shortly with the cjeparture of the army
from America and my arrival in Cassel, because the sickness had left such
a lack of feeling in my body that I was unable to enjoy any pleasure under

the sun.

By the beginning of the year 1783, Savannah and Charlestown had
been evacuated, and Generals Wayne and Greene had taken possession at

once in the name of the United States.

January, 1783. The peace is concluded, and the United States have
been declared independent. Adjutant General Stapleton 4 was sent to the
Congress to bring about as soon as possible the return of the prisoners of
war, who are scattered around the entire country. The American pris-
oners of war are to be set free at once.

Month of May. According to a recent report, the loss of the Hessian
Corps up to the end of 1782 consists of 1 19 officers, 41 field officers, 420
noncommissioned officers, 155 musicians, and 5,166 privates. The loss of
the Lossberg Regiment, of which two companies were drowned, as well as
the loss of the Erb Prinz Regiment, the Bose Regiment, and the jager
detachment, which served under Lord Cornwallis and were captured, are
not yet reckoned, which one can easily figure at six hundred men.

Month of June. Over ten thousand refugees are going to the newly
established colonies of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland. Moreover, all the
light corps and provincial regiments are being sent there, where land is
allotted to them for cultivation. It is a very pathetic sight to see so many
thousands of honest loyalists depart to that wilderness. Most of them had
lived with dignity in this country, and now they must begin again there
where their ancestors began.

The 10th. Several days ago, after the greater part of the prisoners had
already arrived, two officers and fifty men of the Brunswickers came to
New York quite unexpectedly. Since their captivity over five years ago
they had heard nothing at all. They had been shut up in the mountains
and employed in ironworks. They were not half clad, and misery and
hunger could be read in their faces. On the whole, the Brunswick troops
have endured the most misfortune of all the Germans. They were cap-
tured early in the first campaign, were not clothed again by their masters,
and not a single officer was advanced since that time. There are many
captains among them who were already captains in 1760.°

Month of July. The 14th. The Waldeck and Zerbst regiments and the
Hanau Free Battalion were embarked at New York for Europe.

The 17th. News was received that 150 Hessian prisoners had been
hired out for work by the Congress to the inhabitants in return for hard
money, and that the inhabitants now demand thirty dollars for each man.
Major Faesch, 6 a German by birth, has thirty of them working in his iron
mines. General Lossberg, who has commanded the Hessians since Gen-

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eral Knyphausen returned to Hesse, has ordered those men redeemed
who could be induced to return in exchange for the thirty dollars. Mean-
while, it is presumed that many a German soldier will remain hidden. 7

On the 30th all the Anspachers were embarked at New York.

Month of August. The 8th. Today I again lost one of my good old
friends. Captain Hartert 8 of the Prinz Carl Regiment went for a walk not
far from his quarters in Bloomingdale at New York, in the course of
which he was knocked down quite unexpectedly by a horse which had
bolted with its rider, and died on the spot. — How diverse is the manner of
death for mankind!

The 13th. Since yesterday the Hessian regiments Erb Prinz, Vacant,
Knyphausen, Bose, Dittfurth, Bunau, d’Angelelli, Knoblauch, and Ben-
ning have been embarked at New York under the command of General
Kospoth. 9

On the 17th all the guns from the fortifications along with five com-
panies of English artillery were embarked at New York for Canada, Nova
Scotia, and Newfoundland.

The 25th. Because the New Englanders often appear on Long Island
since the peace, many atrocities are perpetrated on the inhabitants, who
have lived there under English protection during the war. Hence the
Jager Corps and a detachment of English infantry of seven hundred men
had to march immediately to the eastern end of this island to drive away
these evil guests.

All the German troops have departed from Canada for Europe.

The 10th of September. Since peace is concluded and everyone on
both sides has free passage, robberies and murders are committed so
frequently that one is compelled to ride on the open highway with bare
saber or with drawn pistols as soon as night falls. Indeed, one has reason
to remain constantly in his quarters in a good state of defense during the
night, because quarters at all places are robbed and looted. — This is
another kind of war to wage!

The 16th. Several days ago two American loyalists who had plundered
and killed a rebel sympathizer were arrested. They were sentenced to be
hanged. The government of New York sent a clergy man to them, but
they advised him to go home and have not the slightest concern for them,
because they would like to die in the belief that it was no sin at all to
plunder and kill any rebel opposed to the King. They were hanged today,
and faced the place of execution with a serene countenance. They
climbed on the wagon, fastened the ropes around each other’s necks with
complete composure, pulled the caps over their eyes, shoved off the
wagon, and hanged. — Thus this civil war can change one’s mind about
mankind!

Month of October. On the 7th the sad news arrived that a vessel with

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two hundred emigrants, mostly officers and soldiers from DeLancey s
nrovincial battalion, had foundered in the Bay of Fundy.

F On the 8th the 4th, 17th, 37th, 38th, and 54th regiments embarked at
Brooklyn for Europe and put to sea at once.

Journey to West Point.

Since this post, because of its natural position, is one of the most impor-
tant that the Americans held during the war, I decided to travel there,
taking along Lieutenant von Gerresheim 11 for company.

On the 21st of this month at seven o’clock in the morning I left my
Quarters and arrived about noon in Tarrytown, which lies twenty-three
miles from my quarters and thirty miles from New York. Since this place
was a scene of action for both combatants during the entire war which
sometimes we and sometimes the Americans had occupied, it frequently
had happened that I occupied this town with a party. As the inhabitants
of the place and the surrounding area were all on the side of the Con-
gress our people were not usually received in the friendliest manner.

The first fellow I met in town, in front of the door of the tavern where
I desired to stop for lunch, was one of the most fiery ringleaders, whom I
had caught on a patrol and who had been put in chains and fetters. As
soon as I recognized him, I asked him in quite friendly fashion how he
felt whereupon he replied indifferently with a look distorted by spite. I
asked him if I could have something to eat and fodder for my horses for
money. He answered with a short “Yes!” but his face brightened some-
what, since he expected to gain some money from me.

While I was dismounting and walking into the house, a number o
residents of the town assembled. At the mention of my name they whis-
pered a “God damn!” in each other’s ears, whereby I noticed that they
had not vet forgotten the punches in the ribs which they had received
from the iagers during their imprisonment. Why! The womenfolk inside
the house could scarcely stand the sight of me! I certainly expected an
unpleasant reception and finished my lunch as quickly as possible. But
what can money not do? As soon as I asked what my bill came to, and pai
seven piasters into the woman’s hand for a poor meal, without any argu-
ment and without showing that it was too expensive, all the faces in the
entire house brightened. They wished me a pleasant journey and asked
me not to pass up their house on my return trip.

Since we could not use the old bridge across the Croton Raver we had
to take our route over the new bridge and travel several miles along the
new road toward Peekskill which the American army had built during the
war. Because the road had to be constructed for miles on the slopes ot a
steep and rocky mountain range along the right bank of the Croton
River, much honor is due the man who designed it.

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Toward eight o’clock in the evening we arrived at Peekskill, a small
town of about eighty houses, only average buildings among them, which
lies close to a deep valley on the left bank of the Hudson River and is
surrounded by rocky hills. Since there is not a single good tavern in this
place, several private individuals are keeping public houses to accommo-
date strangers or- travelers. My address was directed to Madam
Bourges, 12 who is one of the finest women in this town. However, the
entire house was full of strangers, and we were refused with much polite-
ness and referred to another house, where we did not fare any better.
Hence we went to a third one. Here we at last found accommodations for
ourselves and our horses. It was quite lucky for us that we were very tired
and craved lodgings more than a good dinner, for the latter was so poor
that none of it could be consumed. Meanwhile, our host, who had served
with the Americans during the entire war, was very courteous. Since I was
not recognized here, and we were taken for French officers, everyone
was exceptionally polite, for I took great care not to show that I had ever
been here before, and had burned the barracks and several magazines
two miles away. 13

Early on the 22d we breakfasted as soon as possible, badly and filthy,
and after I had paid a guinea for all the blessings received we continued
our journey. In this area begins the mountain range called the Highlands
by the inhabitants, which is some twenty miles deep and cuts across
America. The roads across these mountains are so steep that one is com-
pelled to ride foot by foot, with the greatest caution. Because of the rocky
ground, the area is so sparsely inhabited that for a distance of nine miles
we did not see over ten miserable cabins, whose occupants lived from the
chase and who did not make the best company.

When one observes the narrow and unfinished roads which cross these
mountains, it is amazing that the Americans permitted us to penetrate
into this region without interference four or five years ago, when two or
three determined officers with a hundred men could have stopped at
each step the best and strongest armies for several days, and where each
step of the attacking party would have had to have been bought with
blood. Due to the bad roads there are few vehicles in this area, and all
travelers of both sexes whom we met on the way were on horseback.

Toward midday we arrived at Nelson’s Ferry, 14 where a well-built
country house of medium size lies on a small plain on the left bank of the
North River. This plain is commanded by two redoubts, called North and
South redoubts, which are constructed on steep and rocky heights.

Even this house, which is occupied by a well-to-do man named Nel-
son, 15 is another residence where one finds lodging as a “favor” and for a
stiff price. In front of the door we found a middle-aged woman whom I
asked to accommodate us, and who quite politely consented, after making
it clear to us that her house was no tavern.

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Here in this house I soon found an American officer who related to me |
that his brother had been shot by the jagers at Elizabethtown in the
Jerseys. I regretted this and steered the conversation to the question of
whom I should turn to for permission to see the fortifications at West
Point. We were informed that a General McDougall 16 resided scarcely a
mile from here, but he did not have the command of the fortifications.
Nevertheless, we considered it our duty to pay a visit to this gentleman.
We were scarcely halfway to the general’s residence when he met us, and
as soon as we had identified ourselves he offered us the hospitality of his
house with all politeness for as long as we intended to stay. But since we
could not accept this, out of courtesy, we asked him for a pass to cross the
North River. He accompanied us to the plantation where we were to
descend, furnished us with a pass, ordered his boat, and himself accom-
panied us to the opposite shore. When we thanked him, he invited us to
his table the following day.

As soon as we arrived at West Point we found a battery of four guns
which commanded the narrow channel of the river between this place
and Point Constitution. This point is a complete peninsula, which is at-
tached to the left bank of the North River by a marshy isthmus. It extends
into the river so close to the opposite point that the river, which makes a
sharp bend here, is only four hundred paces wide but fifty to sixty
fathoms deep. This peninsula forms a steep cliff on all sides, on which
three redoubts had been constructed to sweep the river and the side
where it connects with the left bank by a marshy tongue of land. On this
side there is a barracks for three hundred men, which, however, is not
protected from the water side.

The duty officer of the battery at West Point received us very politely,
and immediately provided us with a noncommissioned officer who led us
to the quarters of the commandant, who is General Knox. As soon as we
climbed up the steep bank several hundred fathoms from the battery
situated at the end of the promontory, we found ourselves on a natural
place d’armes about one and a half German miles long and a good half mile
wide. It is surrounded by a chain of steep and rocky mountains six to
seven German miles deep, which form a semicircle of which the North
River is the diameter and across which only footpaths lead.

We were received very courteously by General Knox, whose figure is
quite distinguished and venerable . 17 He consented at once to our request
to inspect the fortifications. Since I strengthened his conviction that it was
a formidable and impregnable position, he asked us to his table and
provided us with his adjutant, Captain Lillie , 18 as an escort, who probably
was instructed to what extent he should show us the fortifications.

We then went to Fort Clinton , 19 which is situated on the point above
the water battery mentioned. It is quadrangular, with broken flanks, and
commands the river from all directions. Afterward we inspected the bar-

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racks, which are secure against all armed vessels, since the right bank of
the river is very high and the rocks at most places rise perpendicularly

On this walk the captain took us to the artillery park, which consists of
approximately eighty pieces, all of which had been captured from the
English during the war, and on which the place and occasion of capture
were engraved in big letters. What touched me most strongly and pro-
foundly, and led me into deep reflection for several minutes, were three
light 3-pounders which looked as simple as a Quaker. They had been cast
at Philadelphia, were the first cannon in the American army, and had
comprised their entire field artillery in the first and second campaigns. 2 "

I became totally lost in my meditations as I tried to imagine the Ameri-
can army in its wretched condition, such as we had often encountered it
during the year 1776 and chased it from hill to hill. On the other side I
tried to envisage the splendid and formidable army of the English, con-
sisting mostly of veterans who despite all dangers had swum across nearly
a half of the earth’s diameter. But they were put to such poor use that
eight campaigns were lost, followed by the loss of thirteen provinces,
which, in a word, had torn down the Crown of England from its loftiest
peak. How ashamed must a man like General Grant now feel, who at the
outbreak of the war declared in Parliament that he would make America
obedient again with six thousand men, since according to his reports most
people were loyalists. 21

Since the hour of three had passed during the course of this walk, and
it was time to return to the general, Captain Lillie offered to show us the
rest of the fortifications after dinner or early in the morning. Once more
we were courteously received by the general and by Madam Knox, 22 and
introduced to some twenty American staff and other officers, whose
names I have completely forgotten except that of a Colonel Vose, 23 a
distinguished and talkative gentleman. After a short time we went to the
table, where I had the good fortune of being seated between madam and
the general. Madam Knox had a quite pleasant face and very lively brown
eyes, but I heard no other sound from her than those words I could
extract. The general, who had been a bookdealer in Boston before the
war, appeared to be a reasonable and well-read man, considering all the
books he had studied in his business, which he showed especially when
the conversation turned to finance and accounting. 24 One could see the
fancied happiness of this company from the look in everyone’s eyes as
soon as the conversation turned to free trade, with which they com-
plimented themselves to a great extent. But when one talked to them as
soldiers, they made it known at once that they would be happy to disband
as soon as the order was issued for the remainder of the army, which still
consisted of five thousand men. Then that object for which they had
drawn their swords would have been obtained, and they considered

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hemselves fortunate enough to be independent and at peace, and now
ble to reap their flax.

Toward half-past five we arose from the table and strolled to the
,arade ground, where the entire garrison, consisting of about 3,200 men,
vras drawn up in battalion formation and accounted for and inspected as
isual. The shortest men formed the first rank, which was introduced by
general Baron von Steuben, the Inspector General, who has his useful-
ness in the field but who makes a very poor figure on parade. 25

The men looked haggard and pallid and were poorly dressed. Indeed,
/e ry many stood quite proudly under arms without shoes and stockings.
Although I shuddered at the distress of these men, it filled me with awe
for them, for I did not think there was an army in the world which could
be maintained as cheaply as the American army. It was not even permit-
ted to requisition straw during the campaigns, since the country could not
have borne the expense. The barracks at West Point as well as those at all
permanent places had to be built by the soldiers with their own hands,
without compensation. Shoemakers and tailors who are assigned to reg-
iments must work for nothing for their officers and regiments; their only
benefit being exemption from guard duty.— What army could be main-
tained in this manner? None, certainly, for the whole army would
gradually run away— This, too, is a part of that “Liberty and Indepen-
dence” for which these poor fellows had to have their arms and legs
smashed.— But to what cannot enthusiasm lead a people!

Although the general was so polite as to offer us a bed in his quarters,
we thanked him for this kind offer, and asked his adjutant to direct us to
a house or tavern where we could stay overnight. To procure good lodg-
ings here was a difficult matter, for even the general’s residence was a
makeshift house made of boards. Meanwhile, since there are always
people everywhere who will undertake anything for money, there was a
discharged sergeant here, who with his loving better half owned a frame
house which he had named a “coffeehouse.” 26 Captain Lillie guided us to
the place, where we were welcome guests for our money.

Here we found Captain Hinrichs from our Corps, Secretary Motz, and
Dr. Michaelis, 28 who had traveled several days ago through the Province
of Jersey to Valley Kill 29 in order to excavate some bones of a monstrous
beast which must have been bigger and stronger than an elephant, and of
which Buffon 30 makes mention. This journey had turned out so success-
fully that I had hardly entered the house when Dr. Michaelis shouted to
me in a loud voice: “My dear captain, our journey has resulted according
to our wish. We have made a great discovery, and Buffon s entire system
is overturned!” To my displeasure, none of the American officers spoke
German, who otherwise would have taken me for a scholar because of the
learned words of the doctor. Be that as it may, we were delighted to meet

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each other so unexpectedly here in this corner of the American) world,
and proposed to make our return journey together. We then begged
Colonel Vose, through the Captains Lillie and Benson, 31 to give us the
honor of passing the evening with us, and putting up with supper in this
coffeehouse made of boards. They accepted and we spent the night quite
pleasantly.

Since the North River in this area yields an abundance of oysters, and
the port was of reasonable quality, we enjoyed quite an excellent supper.
As we intended to open the hearts and mouths of the Americans, we
passed around the bottle several times, and after a few quarter hours we
became such good friends that no outsider would have believed how dif-
ferent our views were.

Among other things, our conversation turned to the pay of the troops,
whereupon the American officers assured us that they still had five years’
pay coming. — But on what did they live, since surely some of them had
nothing at all to depend on? — Enough of them, who had nothing to add
to their subsistence, had to live on the daily ration, which consisted of a
pound of meat and a pound of bread. He who could not purchase a new
coat wore his old one until it fell off his body in pieces. He who could not
procure shoes made them himself from cowhide, or any other skin, or a
piece of leather. Where the direst need arose and the officers complained
too loudly, then a little money was paid out, with which each sought to
clothe himself. “Would you believe it, gentlemen, that we had officers
enough in the army who did not get on a horse during the entire war,
who often marched without shoes, and who still did everything that was
possible to live in this world as free men? But we had resolved to endure
everything and to die in the end or throw off the yoke of tyranny.” — But
wouldn’t you think that the Congress and their countrymen, who had
them to thank for everything, would reward them for their toils? — “Many
are against us, but we hope to receive at least half-pay. All the officers of
the regular troops petitioned the Congress to grant us a piece of land of
130,000 acres between the Ohio and Mississippi, where we wanted to es-
tablish a colony, since it is against the Constitution of the country to main-
tain a standing army. We wanted to guard the frontier against the Indians,
but be permitted to frame our own laws and be independent of the Con-
gress. This, however, was denied us. They will give us land, but not all in
one area. But once the English army leaves our soil, we will try to get by
force what they will not give us amicably.” 32

This last remark clearly showed that if the English were willing to
squander large sums of money among these people they could easily
cause fresh unrest in this new state, by which it would be quite possible to
turn a part of these provinces to the British side again.

Toward four o’clock in the morning the American gentlemen left us,

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whereupon our host brought his entire supply of bedding into our room
to prepare a bed for us. But since there was only enough room in it tor
three of our party, two of us laid at either end. As the windows and doors
in this palace were in poor condition and a strong, cold wind blew freely
in and out of the room, our lodging was not the most pleasant, and each

of us was glad to see the break of day.

The 23d After we had had a very good breakfast in our cold room, we
naid a visit to the general. I introduced the other three gentlemen, and at
the same time we both took our leave. We were asked to the table again,
but since Lieutenant von Gerresheim and I had an appointment with
General McDougall on the New York shore, only the other three gentle-
men accepted. Hereupon we inspected Fort Putnam, which is shaped like
an irregular pentagon, dominating the entire plain and Fort Clinton.
Then we looked at Fort Wyllys, 33 which lies close to the river bank and
sweeps the approaches to the river as well as the area between these
approaches and Fort Putnam. However, the latter is a regular pentagon
and so narrow that if a bomb is placed in the right spot, the garrison
could scarcely hold out for long. In front of the two forts, an English mile
distant four redoubts lay in a semicircle, which can clearly observe all
approaches and the terrain for eight to ten English miles. But it seems to
me that he who has possession of Redoubt Number 3 could easily control
all the other redoubts. It would require some effort, to be sure, since the
hills upon which the four redoubts are constructed are very steep and
high and in many places surrounded by deep ravines.

In order to block the channel completely to armed vessels and war-
ships since the river is not controlled above and below the fortress, a
chain 34 of a special construction has been placed between the western
point and Constitution Island. Since the right bank of the river is per-
pendicularly steep and several hundred rods high at some places, the
forts cannot be bombarded by warships, although they would have
enough deep water. It may be that mortar galiots brought to bear could
do much damage to Fort Wyllys, but they would not gain a foot of
ground. Should an armed vessel attempt to pass the works on the water
side, and try to break the chain by force, to which the tide and a favorable
wind could greatly contribute, it could get only as far as the point, be-
cause the river here forms a deep and double bend where the wind
becomes unfavorable. Besides, the men on deck could easily be killed by
pistols from the steep bank. So much is certain, that determined men
could make the conquest of this post sour and expensive to an enemy .-
But are there not enough examples in ancient and modern history w ere
the strongest and most impregnable posts have been betrayed y

treachery or surprise? _ , ... ^

In the afternoon we crossed the river again. The fortress appeared like

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a three-story amphitheater, and the many waterfalls tumbling down from
the steep and rocky bank provided a majestic sight to the eye. Toward
three o’clock we rode to General McDougall’s residence, where we met a
company of three ladies and about twenty officers. One of the ladies was
a daughter of the general and was married to an American colonel. Of
the others, one was the wife of a major, with her daughter. The major 33
was born in Frankfort-on-the-Main and seemed to me from beginning to
end to be a military charlatan, but not without some knowledge. °

Since we dined in the best English fashion, we did not go to the table
until half-past four. At this time the conversation turned to General
Arnold, who had been commandant at West Point, and was willing to play
this post into the hands of General Clinton. But Madam Lawrance, 36 who
did not like the military and political talk, took her lute from the wall,
played it, and favored us with several first-rate English arias.

At the appointed hour we went to the table, and I had the good fortune
to be seated between Madam Lawrance and Miss Bauman. 37 The former
was a very pleasant and vivacious blonde with light-blue eyes which pos-
sessed much worldliness to entertain a stranger, and I do not deny that
the company of this charming woman was so pleasant that I felt much
regret when we rose from the table. As soon as the ladies had withdrawn
and the glasses were more frequently filled, the general came closer to
me. Heart and mouth were unbuttoned and I began to speak English
very fluently. I discovered that the general must be a reasonable and
excellent soldier, for which he was already noted in our army. He was a
native Scotsman, had commanded a privateer at his own expense during
the Seven Years’ War, and, since the Americans took him for a coura-
geous man, the Congress had appointed him a general at the beginning
of the war. 38 In a word, I was so impressed by this man during this short
acquaintance that I was very glad to have made it. Toward half-past
seven, the ladies called us for tea. After I had enjoyed the company of the
pleasant Madam Lawrance for another hour, we took our leave of these
good people and rode back to Nelson’s house, where we met our three
traveling companions and clean rooms and beds, and rested our bones
for the first time on this journey.

Since Captain Hinrichs wished to pay his respects to General
McDougall on the morning of the 24th, and Dr. Michaelis wanted to call
upon a famous rattlesnake doctor, we did not depart from Nelson’s house
until around midday. Toward seven o’clock in the evening we arrived at
Tarrytown, thirty-nine English miles from our last lodgings, where we

seemed to be quite welcome for our money.

Here we met an American councilman who was a zealous defender of
the American cause and a great enemy of the English government. For
the sake of independence he had abandoned all his possessions which lay

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in and around New York. At first this man appeared to be quite reason-
able, but in the end he seemed nothing more than a fool and a pettifog-
ger. As we did not contradict him due to courtesv and caution, he began
to speak rather severely of the cruelty of the English army. But since our
hostess feared that such talk might injure her trade, because she had
recommended her house highly to us and our acquaintances traveling
into this country, she became arbitrator and addressed the councilman,
who had continually entertained us during supper with his reputation
and dignity in his country, in the following fashion. — “Sir, I will not stand
for such talk in my house. My house is open to everyone who spends his
money, and I like most he who spends the most. I like the money of these
gentlemen better than the money of all you councilmen, for they deposit
it in the cashbox, and the others let it slide.”

At this, we all began laughing, and “my dear senator” clasped his ears
to his head and quietly retired to his sleeping place.

On the morning of the 25th, about nine o’clock, we left our amiable
hostess and toward two o’clock arrived safely at our quarters at McGo-
wan’s Pass on York Island.

Month of November. On the 7th the Hessian regiments, Leib, Land-
graf, Prinz Carl, and the three Hessian grenadier battalions, Linsing,
Lowenstein, and Platte, along with General Lossberg, were embarked at
New York and sailed at once for England to pass the winter there.

On the 9th the Jager Corps, the Grenadier Battalion Lengerke, and the
Donop and Lossberg regiments received orders to be ready for embarka-
tion.

The 1 8th. Fortunate is he who has nothing further to do in New York!
As lively as the city was formerly because of its trade, it is now just as
dead, since all commerce is at a standstill. The remainder of the loyalists
are occupied with nothing but packing up and leaving, and those who
would dare to remain in New York look desperate with fear of dark
prospects. On the other hand, the rebel sympathizers arrive in the city
from all directions by land and water. With a triumphant air they take
possession of their dwellings, on which they had turned their backs eight
years ago. Every moment one sees people from all sides raising a commo-
tion in the streets, and if one inquires after the cause one finds it is a duel
between a Whig and a Tory. Since the former party is now the stronger,
and the city has only a few regiments for a garrison, the troops are too
weak to remedy the evil completely. These guests become so insolent that
every honest man in the army risks being soundly beaten, unless he takes
a sensible course and stays out of the way of every rebel. Even the Ameri-
can officers and soldiers, who now arrive in the city in greater numbers
from the country, discard all their modesty in defiance of the garrison,
and actually knock down anyone who doesn’t get out of their way.

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Early in the morning of the 21st the American General Knox and one
thousand men took possession of York Island, whereupon the Jager
Corps, the Grenadier Battalion Lengerke, the Donop Regiment, that of
Lossberg, and the 80th Regiment gave up this area, marched to New
York, and were immediately embarked. 3a

On the 22d, 23d, 24th, and 25th all the guns, ammunition, and pro-
visions and the 7th, 22d, 23d, and 40th regiments, along with the Com-
mander in Chief, were embarked at New York. All the posts in and
around New York were delivered up to the Americans. 40

On all corners one saw the flag of thirteen stripes flying, cannon salutes
were fired, and all the bells rang. The shores were crowded with people
who threw their hats in the air, screaming and boisterous with joy, and
wished us a pleasant voyage with white handkerchiefs. While on the
ships, which lay at anchor with the troops, a deep stillness prevailed as if
everyone were mourning the loss of the thirteen beautiful provinces.

It was on this same day, at four o’clock in the afternoon, that we set sail
with a favorable wind. In the twilight, the fleet of perhaps sixty sail passed
Sandy Hook, and on the morning of the 26th we had lost sight of the
coast of America.

After many violent storms with ever-present dangers and heavy dam-
age to the masts of our ship, called the Mars, we arrived quite alone at
Deal in the Downs, where we anchored on the 15th of January, 1784,
without seeing anything of the fleet for four weeks. Here we met with a
number of ships from the fleet and for the first time revived ourselves
with fresh provisions, wine, and water. The destination of all the Hessian
troops was Portsmouth and Chatham. But since our ship was in such bad
condition that it could not sail far, the two jager companies on board were
assigned their quarters at Sheerness on the west coast of England. We set
sail again on the 22d, passed the Margate straits with the help of the tide,
entered the Medway River, and anchored on the evening of the 27th near
the Isle of Sheppey. On the 28th we disembarked and were quartered at
once in the fortress of Sheerness.

Month of April. On the 4th all the Hessian troops here at Chatham and
at Portsmouth which had wintered in England were embarked for Ger-
many. On the 13th we set sail, and on the 15th we found all the troops at
anchor at Harwich. On the 16th the entire fleet set sail again. On the
morning of the 20th we arrived in the Weser after a severe storm of
twelve hours between Techsel and Heligoland, and cast anchor at four
o’clock in the afternoon at Bremerlehe.

On the morning of the 22d all the troops left the transports and were
placed on Bremen boats during the most violent gale. Without troubling
further about us they sent us to Bremen, where we arrived safely on the

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?5th despjte all the wind and weather. Here we heard the pleasant news
that the friendly Hanoverians, who had overwhelmed us with politeness
on our march through their country to America, had now refused to
permit us to march through, but that we were to be transported on boats
down the Weser to our dear fatherland. Everything was ready for this
purpose.

On the 26th we left the ships and climbed into the boats. We left
Bremen on the 27th, after the honest Bremen peddlers had dealt quite
sharply with all of us, whatever we bought, and made our purses lighter.
After a snail-like journey of twenty-one days, which cost a great deal of
money because we stayed over at the places where we stopped, without
any choice in what we bought, we arrived on the 16th of May at Mtinden,
two miles from Cassel.

On the 18th all the troops left the vessels, marched off, and arrived at
Cassel at midday. After the regiments had been inspected by their sover-
eign, they marched to their permanent quarters. The Jager Corps was
reduced at once, despite its faithful and well-performed service. 41 His
Serene Highness the Landgrave 42 and his entire suite did not bestow a
single special, gracious glance on any officer. The subsidies 43 had ex-
pired. We had willingly suffered eight years in America for the selfsame
money. All services performed were forgotten and we poor “Americans,”
who had flattered ourselves with the best reception, were deceived in our
expectations in the most undeserved way. — Then envy stretched out its
claws toward us. — We became agitated, muttered in our beards, cursed
our fate, and bent our proud backs under everything, because it could
not be otherwise.

Thus ended the American War,
and thus was the soldier
treated by his sovereign
in Hesse.

Amen!

APPENDIX 1

Publications of Johann von Ewald

Ewald, Johann. Gedanken eines hessischen Officiers iiber das, was man bey Fiihrung
eines Detaschements im Felde zu than hat [Thoughts of a Hessian officer about what
he has to do when leading a detachment in the field]. Cassel, 1774. 86 pages and
3 maps. This was Ewald’s first military essay, dedicated to Frederick II, Land-
grave of Hesse-Cassel.

. Abhandlung iiber den kleinen Krieg [Essay on partisan warfare]. Cassel,

1785. 158 pages. Published after Ewald’s return from America. Carl von Ewald’s
biography states that this work was honored with the approbation of Frederick
the Great, and that “Ewald joined the military writers of the American War.”

. Abhandlung vom Dienst der leichten Truppen [Treatise on the service of light

troops]. Flensburg, Schleswig, and Leipzig, 1790. 308 pages. This work placed
Ewald among the outstanding military writers of the day. It was translated into
English, Danish, Dutch, and Swedish. Under the title A Treatise Upon the Duties of
Light Troops it became a textbook in General Sir John Moore’s training camp at
Shorncliffe, England, in 1804-05, and helped prepare British troops for the
Peninsular War in Spain, where they fought with Spanish and Portuguese troops
against Napoleon.

. Gesprache eines Husaren-Corporals, eines J tigers und leichten Infanteristen iiber

die Pflichten und den Dienst des leichten Soldaten [Conversation of a corporal of
hussars, a rifleman, and a light infantryman on the duties and service of light
soldiers]. Altona, 1794. 154 pages. Translated into Danish.

. Belehrungen iiber den Krieg, besonders iiber den kleinen Krieg, durch Beispiele

grosser Helden und kluger und tapferer Manner, mil Anmerkungen [Instructions on
war, especially partisan warfare, through examples of great heroes and wise and
brave men, with annotations]. Schleswig, 1798. 514 pages.

. Folge der Belehrungen iiber den Krieg [Continuation of the instructions on

war]. Schleswig, 1800. 448 pages.

. Zweite und letzte Folge der Belehrungen iiber den Krieg [Second and last

continuation of the instructions on war], Schleswig, 1803, 530 pages. This treatise
in three parts was Ewald’s most important work. It deals with selected extracts
from the history of war; the annotations draw on events of the American War in
which the author participated. A Danish edition was published in two volumes in
1809. The German edition has served as the principal source for historians inter-
ested in Ewald’s part in the American Revolution, including George Bancroft,
Max von Eelking, and Edward J. Lowell.

. Vom Dienst im Felde fiir Unterofficiere der Infantene und auch Layen in der

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APPENDIX 1

Kriegskunst , wvlche zum Schutze des Landes bet der Landwehre und Kiisten-Militz ang
stellt werden kbnnten [On the service in the field, for noncommissioned officers <
the infantry and novices in the art of war who might be drafted into the reserv
and coast militia for the defense of the country]. Schleswig, 1802. 102 page
Composed in the form of questions and answers, this booklet was twice tran
lated into Danish and distributed among the army.

3(34

APPENDIX 2

Letters from Ewald to Jeannette Van Horne,
January 30, 1777-August 7, 1778

These nine letters translated from the French reveal the romantic side of Ewald’s
nature, which contrasts sharply with his practical military character. Jeannette
was the daughter of Philip Van Horne, who in about 1755 had moved from New
York City to Somerset County, New Jersey, where he later became the judge of
the Court of Common Pleas. His home at Middlebrook was called “Convivial
Hill” or “Phil’s Hill,” and still stands in present-day Bound Brook. It is said that
Van Horne had loyalist leanings; he was reportedly arrested and put on parole,
but was permitted to remain at his home at Middlebrook. According to the
addresses given in Ewald’s letters, the Van Horne family lived at New Brunswick
from January to early June of 1777, when they moved to the Clarkson’s house in
Flatbush. It is quite likely that the family moved to Flatbush, which was within
British lines, because they knew the British would soon evacuate New Brunswick.
Two of the daughters, Jeannette and Anne, were on good terms with Captains
Ewald and von Stamford, and thus were consorting with enemy officers. As
Ewald’s last letter to Jeannette indicates, the family next moved to Philadelphia,
ending Ewald’s correspondence.

But what of Jeannette herself? What did she think of Ewald, and what was
contained in her letters to him? Was she merely amused at the despairing ex-
pressions of a desperate and perhaps unrequited love? We shall never know, for
nothing is known of Jeannette. Possibly the answer lies in her preservation of
these letters, and her remembrance of a gallant but futile love. The letters are
now in the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress. For further informa-
tion on the Van Hornes see Francis M. Marvin, The Van Horn Family History (East
Stroudsburg, Pa., 1929).

To Mademoiselle
Mademoiselle van Horen,
presently at
New Brunswick.

Mademoiselle

My very dear and very honored friend!

Hoping that you will pardon me the liberty, Mademoiselle, I
am sending you sausages made in the German manner. They

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APPENDIX 2

are a mere trifle, but deign to accept them for the sake of a
change of menu.

Present, if you please, my very humble respects to Madame,
your mother, and to the young ladies, your sisters. I hope soon
to have the infinite pleasure of assuring you from my lips that I
will be entirely to the end of my life,

Mademoiselle,
Your very humble
servant and sincere
friend,
Ewald.

Raritan Landing,
the 30th of January,

1777.

To Mademoiselle

Mademoiselle Jeannette von Horen
at New Brunswick.

Mademoiselle

My very dear and very honored friend!

I was hoping to have the honor and the infinite pleasure of
paying you, Mademoiselle, my very humble compliments; but
the trip of Mr. de Wreeden, who is remaining in the town a
longer time than he promised, has deprived me of this most
agreeable hour, which is a great loss for me. But what can I
do? — I die of chagrin. — The only consolation for my troubles is
that I can take the liberty of writing you these few lines. Perhaps
you laugh at me — but I speak sincerely.

I hope to have the great pleasure tomorrow, Mademoiselle, of
paying you my obedient respects. Receive and accept these poor
birds, which were unable to escape the cruelty of my chasseurs,
and please extend my very humble respects to Madame, your
mother, to Madame Clarson [Clarkson], and to all the young
ladies, your sisters. Permit me to dare to name myself with the
most perfect consideration,

Mademoiselle,
your very humble servant
and sincere
J. Ewald

the 14th of May, 1777.

366

LETTERS FROM EWALD TO JEANNETTE VAN HORNE

Mademoiselle ^

My very dear and very honored friend!

I hope. Mademoiselle, that you are more composed than I.

Because consider, how can a man as unhappy as I am feel well?

A ringlet of hair before my eyes, and half of my heart has been
lost at New Brunswick, and perhaps — perhaps this has hap-
pened without winning a quarter of a certain heart. My greatest
consolation consists of the common treasure of us poor
mortals— of hope. And if this sweet feeling is not imprinted
within the human heart, I do not want to live a moment longer.

It is you, Mademoiselle, it is you upon whom depends my
great happiness, and since you are the cause of my remaining in
America after the peace, you are the foundation of my bright
fortune. But pardon, my dear! If I have written anything which
offends your ears and which you would never expect to hear
from me, then read and tear up this letter and believe that I will
always be yours, true and sincere up to the tomb. But I appeal to
the generosity of your heart.

To this letter, Mademoiselle, I add a request. At present, 1
have stored my equipment in the quarters of Captain von Stam-
ford. But he has left for camp and my few things are without
protection. Dare I ask you, Mademoiselle, to allow me to send
my valet with my things to your house, and may I ask that you
put them in a small corner? As soon as we march, I will forward
them near York. Please pardon me, my dear, if my request dis-
commodes you.

I recommend myself to your favor. Present, if you please, my
very humble respects to Madame, your mother, and to the
young ladies, your sisters; and permit me to dare call myself with
the most perfect consideration and veneration to the end of my

^ a ^ S ’ Mademoiselle,

your very humble servant
and sincere
J. Ewald

the 17th of May,

1777.

at eight o’clock
in the morning.

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L.NDIX 2

To Mademoiselle
Mademoiselle Jannette de Horen
at New Brunswick.

Mademoiselle,

My very dear and very honored friend!

I beg a thousand times. Mademoiselle, that you excuse me for
troubling you so much today. I repeat my desires once more, as I
did yesterday. The hope of having the extreme pleasure of see-
ing vou with all vour dear relations, places me at the summit of
my happiness. I will pray all night to the Goddess Flora to im-
prove nature so that your short stay in the wretched town of the
chasseurs, where destruction by mankind has prevailed up to the
moment, will give you much satisfaction. I certainly believe
Mademoiselle, that the birds will redouble their songs in view of
the unexpected change in the camp of Mars which your agree-
able presence will cause here.

Give I pray, my very humble respects to Madame, your
mother, to Madame Clarson, and to all the young ladies, your
sisters. I commend myself to your kind remembrance. I have the
honor to remain with the most perfect consideration up to the

dark tomb,

Mademoiselle,
your very humble and
very obedient servant
J. Ewald

Sunday, the 4th [1777]

Mademoiselle

Mademoiselle Jeannette d’Horen
At home

My very dear,

My very honored Mademoiselle!

In wishing that you have rested well, Mademoiselle, I ask your
pardon if I cause you any inconvenience. A vessel is leaving
shortly for York with the equipage, and I intend to include my
own, which you are keeping. But if I knew that you would not
take it in bad part, my dear, and if it could be done without
causing you the slightest inconvenience, I would ask you to take
my things with your own to Flatbush. Have the kindness,
Mademoiselle, to' let me have some news on this question,
frankly. Because I do not want to trouble you, whom I love more

than my blood and my life. ,

Present, if you please, my very humble respects to Madame,

.68

LETTERS FROM EWALD TO JEANNETTE VAN HORNE

your mother, to Madame Clarson, and to all the young ladies,
your sisters. I hope to have the honor this afternoon of paying
my respects personally, and assuring you that I will have the
utmost consideration and an inviolable attachment until the end
of my days.

Mademoiselle,
your very humble servant
and sincere
J. Ewald

the 7th of June,
1777.

To Mademoiselle
Mademoiselle Jeannette d’Horen
at Mr. David Clarkson’s
Flatbush, Long Island.

My very dear,

My adorable friend!

I hope with all my heart, my dear, that you have finally
finished your voyage, and that you have arrived healthy and
happy at Flatbush. I anticipate this news with ardent feelings.
Pardon if I wish for anything which would cause you any an-
noyance. But you, yes you yourself, my dear — your charms, your
spirit, your extraordinary qualities, which surpass all others of
all the women in the world, are solely the cause.

What a terrible desert this town has become for me, and what
a lovely name Flatbush has become in my thoughts. But if I meet
you there, then I shall have the greatest pleasure in the world in
seeing you again. When I think about this, I do not believe I am
in a state to resist the transports of my soul. What a contradiction
to find one’s self in my situation. I call myself the most happy
man in the world to have the acquaintance of such an accom-
plished woman as yourself, my dear. But if I look at my other
situation of being unsure in my desires and in my hopes, I am
the most unhappy man in the world. Alas! my friend, do not
forget me. If you are not indifferent to me, do the best you can,
so that you do not make unhappy a man who adores you, who
loves you, and who suffers more in this world than the unfortu-
nates in hell. I force myself— it is necessary that I force myself—
to find consolation. But where will I find it? — In your incompar-
able character. — Yes! — but — I remain silent, and I pour out my
grief to my four walls.

You had the kindness to furnish a place in your house for my
equipment. I take the great liberty of sending for it by the bearer

369

APPENDIX 2

df this. I beg a thousand pardons for this inconvenience. Par-
don, my dear, if my letter is confused and if it is not in the state it
should be. For the love of you, my mind finds itself in such a
condition that if I wish to write three words, I have already
forgotten two. I fear that my brain has turned around. Adieu,
my dear — perhaps forever. — I kiss your hands a thousand
times — your beautiful hands!

Present, if you please, my very humble respects to Madame,
your mother, and to all the young ladies, your sisters, and ask
them to remember me. I commend myself to your benevolence
and kind remembrance, and beg once more that you will not for-
get me. — Oh no, do not! For my part, through everything, I will
die with the most perfect veneration and an inviolableattachment.

My adorable friend,
as your very humble servant
and your fervent adorer,

J. Ewald.

Brunswick,
the 10th of June,

1777.

Miss Van Horne
at Mr. David Clarkson’s
at Flat-bush
Long Island.

My adorable friend!

Before I leave the pleasant town where I found the most pre-
cious treasure in the world, whom I first met through fate and
who has made me the most happy mortal in the world, I aban-
don myself within my four walls to sadness which causes the
greatest unhappiness in my soul and which cannot be expressed.
Thank God! — that it is necessary that I leave this town where I
enjoyed the happiest hours, but which has been a desert for me
since your departure, my dear.

Everywhere I look, I find traces of my adorable Nanny, and it
is impossible to rejoin her here. Oh, my dear, what terrible days
and nights I endure since our separation. I have already begun
to count the hours and the days which I have yet to overcome
until the most pleasant moment when I can throw myself at your
feet. But, my God! They are the only ones for me, and who
knows what adverse circumstance might rob me of this hope. I
dare not abandon myself to such a thought, which would only
increase my anguish and certainly cause my death. Nothing in
this world can lessen my misery but your benevolence, which, my
adorable friend, I beg you to save for me.

370

LETTERS FROM EYVALD TO JEANNETTE VAN HORNE

Give me and honor me with some news about yourself and al|
your dear family, as soon as the opportunity presents itself.
Adieu! My charming and my adorable Nanny — this amiable
name, imprinted in my heart and in my soul, I will never forget.
Adieu! I kiss your beautiful hands a hundred thousand times. I
beg of you, remember me, even if I do not deserve it. I corp-
mend myself to your benevolence, and I will die with the
greatest veneration and an inviolable attachment.

To my adorable friend,
your very humble servant
and your true adorer
J. Ewald

Brunswick,
the 13th of June,

1777.

May destiny deprive me of life,
if Nanny is not my friend.

Present a thousand respects on
my part to all your dear family.

Adorable Friend!

Before I leave your neighborhood, my darling, I ask your
good wishes, and perhaps t*his occasion is, by chance, the last one
for a period of three months. A terrible fate to Find myself in
such a situation! It is necessary that I leave the One whom I love
with all my life’s blood, and at the summit of my unhappiness
this departure puts me in the fatal state of not having news from
my one and only adorable Nanny. Alas! My dear. Remain mine,
keep me in your good remembrance, and have pity for the one
who will love and adore you to the tomb. Pardon, my darling,
that my letter is so short. I am surrounded by ten officers, and
the noncommissioned officer who will deliver this letter is com-
manded by Captain von Wreden and the Lt. Colonel [Wurmb],
who is in a hurry. Present my very humble respects to Madame,
your mother, and to all the young ladies, your sisters. I kiss your
beautiful hands a hundred thousand times, and I will remain,
with the greatest veneration and with an inviolable attachment,

Adieu! adieu! my darling, I
beseech you all my life, do not
forget me. Adieu! Alas, adieu.
O! Lord, what a state I am in!

My adorable N

Your very humble servant
and true adorer,

J. Ewald

371

Letter from Ewald to Jeannette Van Horne, July 9, 1777. By permission of the
Manuscript Division, Library of Congress.

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APPENDIX 2

Mademoiselle,

Very honored and adorable friend!

Three times I have been on the way to Flatbush to render my
duty and my very humble respects to the six beautiful and ami-
able sisters, and three times the service at New York has pre-
vented me from going further. This is the reason why I take the
liberty to present to you, my adorable friend, my compliments
with these few lines. The day I received from Mr. Heinrichs the
news, very important for me, of your prosperity was a festive day
for me. I also obtained from Monsieur de Wurmb the news that
your family was leaving Flatbush to live comfortably in Philadel-
phia. As much as I wish with all my heart to find you in our
neighborhood, so much do I take the part of a true friend in all
that concerns your true interest, which I hold dearer than my
own. I will always find the moment very happy if I learn of your
prosperity and well-being, and I will believe myself at the sum-
mit of happiness if you remain my friend.

His Serene Highness, the Landgrave of Hesse, has sent me the
Cross of the Order of Military Virtue. Since I know your noble
heart, which in so many ways takes an interest in that which
concerns your friends, my darling, I give you this news, very
important for a soldier.

In case Fortune, who is a woman, turns her back on me and
you leave before I can do my duty, I hope I will have your best
wishes and a favorable remembrance. I believe a mortal is ex-
tremely happy in having found a true friend who has honored
me with her friendship and shown so much politeness in a part
of the world so far from our country, which I will never forget.

Present, my adorable and amiable friend, my very humble and
very obedient respects to Madame, your mother, and to all the
young ladies, your amiable sisters. At the same time, I owe you a
thousand and a hundred thousand obligations for the gracious-
ness you have shown me. I pray you to believe that I will remain,
in kissing your hand again a thousand times in thought, with all
the veneration in the world, and with the most perfect esteem up
to the last moment of my life,

Mademoiselle

very honored and adorable friend!

Your very humble and very obedient
servant and true friend
and adorer
J. Ewald.

Cortlandt House
the 7th of August, 1778

Notes

INTRODUCTION

1. Translated from the French as quoted in Friedrich Kapp, Der Soldatenhandel
deutscher Fiirsten nach Amenka, 2d edn. (Berlin, 1874), p. 259.

2. Mrs. LeRoy Sanders, “Hessian and Brunswick Ancestry,” The Historical Review of
Berks County 16, no. 4 (July-Sept. 1951): 113.

S. The Writings of George Washington, ed. Jared Sparks, 12 vols. (Boston, 1858), IV, 309.

4. Joseph G. Rosengarten, The German Soldier in the Wars of the United States (Philadel-
phia, 1886), p. 23; Edward J. Lowell, The Hessians and the Other German Auxiliaries of Great
Britain in the Revolutionary War (New York, 1884), pp. 300-01.

5. “Feldzug der Hessen nach Amerika von Ewald,” p. 46, Hessian mss., no. 5, George
Bancroft Collection, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library.

6. The smoothbore musket had a battle range of one hundred yards, but only a forty
percent expectancy of hits without counting misfires. The American rifle accounted for
fifty percent of hits at three hundred yards, but at two hundred yards the marksman
aimed with deadly accuracy. Ewald states at Charleston in 1780 that his jager rifles, using
a one and a half powder charge, fired a distance of about “five hundred paces.” Normally
the jagers fired at distances of one to two hundred yards (Lynn Montross, War Through the
Ages [New York and London, 1946], p. 427).

7. Carl Preser, Der Soldatenhandel in Hessen (Marburg, 1900), p. 69.

8.. Johann von Ewald, Belehrungen iiber den Krieg, besonders iiber den kleinen Krieg, durch
Beispiele grosser Helden und kluger und tapferer Manner. Mit Anmerkungen (Schleswig, 1798),
followed by Folge der Belehrungen iiber den Krieg, (Schleswig, 1800) and Zweite und letzte
Folge der Belehrungen iiber den Krieg (Schleswig, 1803). An annotated list of Ewald’s publica-
tions appears as an appendix.

9. Major-General J. F. C. Fuller, Decisive Battles of the U.S.A. (New York, 1942), p. 33.

10. Max von Eelking, Die deutschen Hulfstruppen im nordamerikanischen Befreiungsknege,
1776 bis 1783 , 2 vols. in 1 (Hannover, 1863), II, 264-65; translated and abridged by
Joseph G. Rosengarten as The German Allied Troops in the North American War of Indepen-
dence, 1776-1783 (Albany, 1893), hereafter cited as German Allied Troops, trans. Rosengar-
ten.

11. Allgemeine deutsche Biographic (Leipzig, 1877), VI, 443-44; Dansk biografisk Leksikon
(Copenhagen, 1935), VI, 479-81.

12. “Biographie des Konigliche Danischen Generallieutenants Johann von Ewald,”
Schleswig-Holstein-Lauenburgschen Provinzialberichten der Jahre 1822 und 1823 (Schleswig,
1823), parts 1 and 2, pp. 2-22; part 4, pp. 1-24; written in Danish by Ewald’s son, Captain
General and Aide-de-Camp Carl von Ewald, and translated into German by Baron An-
dreas von Liliencron. The Danish edition, Generallieutenant J dhann von Ewalds Levnetslob ,
was published at Copenhagen in 1838 by Carl von Ewald, then lieutenant colonel in the
Royal Danish Army.

13. This account of Ewald’s life before and after the American Revolution was taken
from the biographies cited above. The earlier form of “Cassel” is retained here and
throughout the diary.

14. His son remarks: “The saber cut by which he lost his left eye and the black ribbon

375

NO I KS It) 1».\( .I S \ \ \ i -IS

he alw a vs wore after the American War suited him well, augmenting his soldier-Iik
appearance' (Generallicutenant Johann von Fwalds Levnetslob, p. PI).

15. Xeucn S< h les u 'ig-H olst ei n ischen Provinzialbenchten des /allies ISN (Schleswig 1814^
part 2. pp. 1 58 -4 1. ' ’

VOLUME I

E WALD’S FOREWORD

1. A pencil notation at the bottom ol the page in a handwriting resembling that of
Ew aid’s son Carl states: “One died as a 7-8 year-old bov.”

-• At the time Ewald signed the foreword he was a lieutenant colonel and chief of' the
Schleswig Jager Corps stationed at Eckernforde.

NO I L TO DUMOURIEZ’ LETTER

I. Charles Francois Dumouriez (1739-1823) was a celebrated French general, a minis-
ter to King Louis XVI. and minister of war in the French revolutionary government. He
helped win the French victory over the Prussians at Valmy in 1792. but fled to the
Austrians in 1793 after his defeat at Neerwinden, Belgium, because of pending treason
charges. Dumouriez wandered through Europe and finally settled in England. A note
inserted here by Carl von Ewald reads: “General Dumouriez lived as an emigre for one
year, perhaps a little longer, in Eckernforde, where my father, as Colonel and Chiefof the
Jager Corps that he raised himself, was garrisoned. Dumouriez, whom I very well re-
member as a 9- 1 0-vear-old boy, understood the German language perfectly. C v E.” This
undated note must have been written before 1864, the year that Carl von Ewald gave his
fathers dial \ to Major Gustav Ferdinand von Pfister, retired Hessian general staff offi-
cer. At that time Carl von Ewald was a retired Danish major general, seventy-five years
old; he dieci in 1866.

CHAPTER I

1. Lieutenant General Wilhelm, Freiherr von Knvphausen.

2. The 2d Jager Company, commanded bv Captain Johann Ewald.

3. Hessian regiments and battalions were named after their titular chiefs, their com-
manding officers, or the princes, except for the Leib Regiment.

4. Colonel William Faucitt of the Guards, the British minister plenipotentiary, who
negotiated the treaties for the use of the German troops in America.

4 he Two By others was a Dutch schooner. Due to a lack of British transport vessels,
Dutch ships wet e hired at high rates but often in bad condition (German Allied Troops,
trans. Rosengarten, p. 47).

6. Shortly after midnight on September 20, 1776. a disastrous fire broke out in New
5 oik, allegedly caused bv Americans concealed in the citv. Lieutenant Mackenzie reports
that about 600 houses were burned ( Dial y oj Frederick Mackenzie , Giving a Daily Narrative
of His Military Service as an Officer of the Regiment of Royal Welch Fusiliers During the Years
I e / S-I /6l in .Massachusetts, Rhode Island , and New 1 ark, 2 vols. [Cambridge, Mass.. 1930),

I. 58-60; Heath's Memoirs oj the American War, ed. Rufus R. Wilson [New York, 1904], p.
409).

7. General von Knvphausen s Second Division of Hessian auxiliaries landed at Mvers’s
Point, now Davenports Neck, near New Rochelle; the main body of Hessians landed on
Bauffets Point, on the east side of Davenport s Neck (“Journal des Infanterie Regiment
Piinz Carl, p. 4, Hessisches Staatsarchiv Marburg, Marburg. Federal Republic of Ger-
main; Benjamin J. Tossing, The Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution; Or, Illustrations, by Pen

376

NOTES TO PAGES 8-10

and Pencil , of the History, Biography, Scenery , Relics, and Traditions of the War for Independence,
2 vols. [New York,' 1855], II, 614).

8. Captain Ben. Charnock Payne, Assistant Deputy Quartermaster General (Worth-
ington C. Ford, British Officers Serving in the American Revolution, 1774-1783 [Brooklyn,
1897], p. 142).

9. Brigadier General Sir William Erskine.

10. Colonel Cad Emil Ulrich von Donop.

1 1. Lieutenant General Leopold Philipp, Freiherr von Heister, commander in chief of
the Hessian forces in America.

12. The strength of the First Division was 8,647; Second, 3,056. Other figures given
are: First Division, 8,397; Second, 3,997 (File 4h.410, 33, Hessisches Staatsarchiv Mar-
burg; Wilhelm Has, Geschichte des 1. Kurhessischen Felda r tiller ie~Regi m ents Nr. 11 und seiner
Stammtruppen [Marburg, 1913], pp. 161, 163).

13. Captain Carl August von Wreden.

14. Mile Square is now a part of Yonkers, New York. The name was derived from a
tract of land one mile square which was sold in 1670 by Elias Doughty of Flushing to
Francis French, Ebenezer Jones, and John Westcott. The location is shown on the Map of
1783 in Frank L. Walton, The Pillars of Yonkers (New York, 1951), p. 54; see also pp.
110 - 11 .

15. Rosengarten states that each jager company consisted of 4 officers, 1 noncombat-
ant officer, 12 noncommissioned officers, 3 musicians, and 105 privates, totaling 125
men. Ewald does not mention having a noncombatant officer or any musicians except for
his hornblower. The two jager companies had no artillery until their arrival in America,
when each company received two light English 1 -pounders called amusettes ( German
Allied Troops, trans. Rosengarten, p. 22; Has, Geschichte des 1. Kurhessischen Feldartillerie-
Regiments Nr. 11, p. 162).

16. The jager officers were: First Lieutenant (later Captain) Johann Friedrich Jacob
Trautvetter, Second Lieutenant (later Captain) Carl von Rau, and Fiijst Lieutenant Fried-
rich Wilhelm von Grothausen. The name, grade, unit, year of birth, and place of origin of
the Hessian grenadier and garrison officers and men are listed in Hessische Truppen im
Amerikanischen Unabhdngigkeitskrieg , Index nach Familiennamen, I, comp. Eckhart G.
Franz and Otto Frolich (Marburg, 1972); hereafter cited as hetrina.

17. I.e., gained some relief. Military terms such as this used by Ewald are retained in
the text.

18. Von Donop’s rebuke probably implied that Ewald did not follow his own instruc-
tions for a detachment commander in the field as set forth in his first published treatise
on military tactics, Gedanken eines hessischen Officiers iiber das, was man bey Fiihrung eines
Detaschements im Felde zu thun hat (Cassel, 1774).

19. Ewald met Colonel Edward Hand’s riflemen of Major General Charles Lee’s divi-
sion. Other accounts and the losses reported differ slightly (Archibald Robertson
Lieutenant-General Royal Engineers His Diaries and Sketches in America 1762-1 780, ed. Harry
M. Lydenberg [New York, 1930], pp. 104-05; Revolution in America: Confidential Letters and
Journals 1776-1 784 of Adjutant General Major Baurmeister of the Hessian Forces , trans. and ed.
Bernard A. Uhlendorf [New Brunswick, N.J., 1957], p. 62; Lowell, The Hessians, pp.
75-76).

20. Throg’s Neck, a low peninsula jutting from the Bronx into the East River at the
entrance to Long Island Sound. Called also Frog’s Neck, but properly Throck’s Neck,
from Throckmorton, the name of the original proprietor.

21. Lieutenant Colonel Robert Rogers, a renowned partisan during the French and
Indian War, had raised and commanded a corps of American loyalists called the Queen’s

377

NOTES TO PAGES 10-15

American Rangers, which was surprised and defeated at Mamaroneck on October 21
{Diary of Frederick Mackenzie , 1, 84).

22. Colonel Robert Magaw, 5th Pennsylvania Regiment.

28. The 1st Jager Company.

24. A picket consisted of an unfixed number of men. usually accompanied by an
officer.

25. Ewald usual!' measures distances in hours marched. The German word “hour" is
often used to measure the distance covered in one hour, i.e., about two and a half English
miles. An English, or statute, mile is 1,760 yards or 5,280 feet.

26. Lieutenant Colonel Robert Abercrombv.

27. Major, the Honorable John Maitland.

28. The Bronx River.

29. An American force of five to six hundred men, mixed militia and Continentals,
had been sent out to delay the British advance and to collect information (Douglas S.
Freeman, George Washington: A Biography, 7 vols. [New York, 1948-57], IV, 229).

30. Clinton explains: ‘“But I was certain, the instant they discovered mv column, they
would retire: and I therefore halted the head of it and detached Lord Cornwallis from its
rear with some battalions and cannon, with a view of getting round them” ( The American
Rebellion : Sir Henry Clinton's Narrative of His Campaigns , 177 b -1782, with an Appendix of
Original Documents , ed. William B. Willcox [New Haven, 1954], p. 51).

31. Chatterton’s Hill, a commanding eminence which was defended by Major General
Alexander McDougall’s brigade, aided bv troops from Delaware, Maryland, and Mas-
sachusetts, with two guns under Captain Alexander Hamilton (Freeman, George
1 1 ashi ngton , IV’, 229-31).

32. Colonel Johann Gottlieb Rail, who crossed the Bronx River and occupied a hill
flanking the Americans. General Howe, who had ordered General Leslie to occupy this
hill, was surprised and exclaimed, “What? Is that the enemy?” (“Feldzug der Hessen nach
Amerika von Ewald,” p. 10, Hessian mss, no. 5, Bancroft Collection, New York Public
Library).

33. I have been unable to verify Ewald’s surprising estimate of the number of dead.
Howe’s deputy adjutant general states that the British-Hessian losses were “several offi-
cers and 180 killed and wounded,” but Captain von der Malsburg says the loss was “about
286 dead and wounded.” The next day the American losses were reported “from conjec-
ture, between 400 and 500”; however, three weeks later Washington believed the British
losses to be about 300 and the American “‘little more than half’ that number (“Journals of
Lieut. -Col. Stephen Kemble,” in The Kemble Papers , 2 vols., Collections of the New-York
Historical Society for the Years 1883-84, vols. XVI-XVII [New York, 1883-84], I, 96;
“Tagebuch des Friedrich Wilhelm von der Malsburg, Regiment von Dittfurth,” p. 64,
Hessisches Staatsarchiv Marburg; The George Washington Papers. The Library of Con-
gress. VI, 243).

34. An abatis was a defense formed bv placing felled trees lengthwise, one over the
other, with their branches toward the enemy.

35. Brigadier General (later Major General) James Agnew.

36. Brigadier General (later Major General) Alexander Leslie.

37. The seat of Brigadier General Oliver DeLancev. a prominent loyalist, which was
situated on the eastern side of the Bronx River opposite the heights of Fordham.

38. Captain (later Major) Georg Henrich Pauli of the Hessian Artillery Corps, whose
biography appears in Has, Geschichte des 1. Kurhrssischen Frldartillene-Regiments Sr. / /, p-
728.

39. Fort Washington was situated on the highest eminence on Manhattan Island, above

378

NOTES TO PAGES 15-17

the steep and rocky slopes overlooking the Hudson River; the site was between present
181st and 186th streets in New York City. The fort was an irregular pentagon with a small
outwork in front of the entrance. It was an earthwork with a good abatis but lacked a
palisade. There was hardly any ditch, since the fort rested on rocky ground. The outwork
w as weak and one of the main redoubts was unfinished. The armament is reported
variously as between thirty-two and forty-five guns, with two mortars and two howitzers
(Diary of Frederick Mackenzie, I, 109; Freeman, George Washington , IV, 243-48; Lossing,
Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution, II, 610n.).

40. Lieutenant Colonel (later Major General) James Paterson.

41. Captain Friedrich Heinrich Lorey, who had served as a lieutenant in Ewald s jager
company in 1774 in Hesse-Cassel.

42. Major Friedrich Ludwig von Dechow, Land Grenadier Regiment Rail.

43. Major General Martin Conrad Schmidt of the Hessian forces.

44. First Lieutenant (later Captain) Johann Hinrichs (Heinrichs), assigned to Captain
Wreden’s 1st Jager Company. In April 1777 he served in Ewald s 2d Jager Company.

45. Brigadier General (later Major General) Edward Mathew.

46. The Morris House is now the Morris-Jumel Mansion, located at West 106th Street
and Edgecombe Avenue in Washington Heights, New York City.

47. Lieutenant General Hugh, Earl Percy.

48. I.e., “in gentle slope.”

49. For Lieutenant Andreas Wiederhold’s account of the attack see “The Capture of
Fort Washington,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 23, no. 1 (1899):
95-97. The Morristown National Historical Park Library has transcripts and translations
of various Hessian military journals.

50. Freeman states: “So far as is known, there is no record of the exact armament of
the fort itself’ (George Washington, IV, 245, n. 86).

51. Howe reported 2,818 Americans captured, with 53 killed and wounded. British
losses were 19 killed, 102 wounded, and 7 missing. German losses were 6 officers, 1
noncommissioned officer, and 49 privates killed and 9 officers, 1 / noncommissioned
officers, and 247 privates wounded (ibid., IV, 252, n. 134; Diary of Frederick Mackenzie, I,
110; “Journal des hochloblichen Fuselier-Regiments von Alt Lossberg vom lOten Merz
1776, bis dem 5ten October, 1783,” p. 71, Hessisches Staatsarchiv Marburg).

52. The work on Jeffery’s Hook, a fortified promontory overlooking the Hudson River
near Fort Washington, which covered the chevaux-de-frise in the river there.

53. Mackenzie (Diary, I, 1 10) says the Hessians “were extremely irritated at having lost
a good many men” and wanted to take the fort by assault.

54. Washington had crossed the river on November 14 and encamped at Hackensack
to the rear of Fort Lee; he observed the capture of Fort Washington from Fort Lee. His
army numbered between 2,000 and 3,000, exclusive of Heath’s 4,000 and Lee’s 7,700 left
in New York. Washington withdrew to New Brunswick on November 29 (The George
Washington Papers, VI, 314; Freeman, George Washington, IV, 25/, 260, 267).

55. Philipsburgh was the present Philipse Manor Hall at 29 Warburton Avenue in
Yonkers, built in 1682. The invasion force is reported variously: Kemble gives 4,000;
Serle, 6,000; and Hinrichs, 8,000 (The Kemble Papers , I, 101; The American Journal of
Ambrose Serle, Secretary to Lord Howe, 1776-1778 , ed. Edward H. Tatum, Jr. [San Maiino,
Cal.. 1940], p. 144; [Julius F. Sachse], “Extracts from the Letter-Book of Captain Johann
Heinrichs of the Hessian Jager Corps, 1778-1780,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History
and Biography 22, no. 2 [1898]: 139).

56. At this point atop the Palisades the British were about five miles from the fort; one
hour’s marching equaled two and a half miles. Ewald often spells names and places

379

NOTES TO PACES 18-19

phonetically, using the capital letters “D” and “T,” and “B” and “P,” interchangeably.
Here he wrote “Dunnefledt” for “Tenafly,” which agrees exactly with the distance he
gives from the Tenaflv area to Fort Lee. Further, Ewald could not possibly have seen and
skirmished with the American troops retreating from the fort if the British had landed at
the Closter Dock Landing at present Alpine, which is a distance of six to seven miles from
the fort. Ewald’s testimony supports the recent theory that the landing place was the
Lower Closter Landing (later Huyler’s Landing) and not the Closter Dock Landing
(Erskine-DeWitt maps, American Revolution, no. 26, part 3, and no. 36, part 1, Aug.
1778, New-York Historical Society; Wayne to Washington, July 19, 1780, Wavne Papers,
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia; John Spring, “The British Landing at
Closter,” Bergen County History (1975 Annual): 26-41.

57. New Bridge is located on the Hackensack River.

58. English Neighborhood comprised approximately the area of present-day En-
glewood and Leonia in Bergen County.

59. The bridge at New Bridge, about six miles northwest of Fort Lee, where most of
Washington s army crossed the Hackensack River. The only other escape route was across
Overpeck Creek, a tributary of the Hackensack, less than two miles back of the fort, where
a small number of American troops crossed the creek (Leonard Lundin, Cockpit of the
Revolution: The War for Independence in New Jersey [Princeton, 1940], p. 140).

60. Ewald may have seen the “several hundred stragglers” collected by General
Greene, who rode back to the fort two hours after its evacuation (Freeman, George
Washington, IV, 257, n. 156).

61. Cornwallis’s reply seems clear, but it is equivocal if Lieutenant Hinrichs’s remarks
are credible: “We crossed with a corps of 8000 men to New Jersey, under the command of
my Lord Cornwallis, who had orders to capture Fort Lee, and to take up his winter
quarters in that part of the Jerseys situated between Elizabethtown and Amboy ... at the
same time Cornwallis had orders to follow the enemy, until they should make a stand,
when he was to retire and not molest them, except in so far as the above districts were
concerned” (Hinrichs to Herr H., Counselor of the Court, June 14, 1778, quoted in
[Sachse], “Extracts from the Letter-Book of Captain Johann Heinrichs,” p. 139).

62. An unidentified American soldier writes: “There Was a Great many Was taken that
Got Drunk With they Sutlers Liquir and nocked they heads ought of the hogsheads.”
Freeman says the British “took no more than 105 prisoners,” but a Hessian report states,
“We took a great quantity of cannon and made prisoners of over 200 men” (“Journal of a
Pennsylvania Soldier, July-December 1776,” The Bulletin of the New York Public Library 8,
no. 11 [Nov. 1904]: 549; Freeman, George Washington, IV, 258; “Journal des Grenadier-
bataillons Block, nacher von Lengerke wahrend des Feldzuges in Amerika von 1776-
1784,” Nov. 20, 1776, Hessisches Staatsarchiv Marburg).

63. The following order had been issued on November 20, apparently with little effect:
“As the inhabitants of this Country are in general well effected to Government, Lord
Cornwallis expects the Commanding Officers of Brigades and Corps will exert themselves
to prevent plundering amongst the Troops” (Thomas Glyn, “Ensign Glyns Journal on the
American Service with the Detachment of 1,000 Men of the Guards Commanded by
Brigadier General Mathew in 1776,” p. 28, Princeton University Library).

64. I.e., the post lay exposed and unsupported.

65. American troops were sent to Tappan to bring off the provisions stored there.
Colonel Benjamin Tupper was near Tappan until November 22, and Colonel John
Tyler’s regiment was ordered there from the Ramapo River on November 25 ( Heath's
Memoirs , ed. Wilson, p. 104).

66. See Adrian C. Leiby, The Revolutionary War in the Hackensack Valley: The Jersey Dutch
and the Neutral Ground, 177 b -1783 (New Brunswick, N.J., 1962), p. 77.

380

NOTES TO PAGES 20-24

67. The Passaic (Acquackanonck) River. <

68. Now Passaic, renamed in 1873.

69. William Livingston, the first governor of independent New Jersey, whose manor
house Liberty Hall was located about one mile north of Elizabethtown. It still stands, on
the present Morris Avenue in Elizabeth. Livingston was a brigadier general of the New
Jersey militia.

70. Connecticut Farms, now Union, was earlier known as “Wade’s Farms.” Before 1749
several families from Connecticut purchased a large tract of land there and divided it into
farms (John W. Barber and Henry Howe, Historical Collections of the State of New Jersey
[Newark, N.J., 1844], p. 196).

71. Mountain Society, Presbyterian Meeting House at modern Orange (Stephen
Wickes, History of the Oranges in Essex County , New Jersey [Newark, N.J., 1892], pp. 1 18-20).

72. Lee was still in New York on November 30. A number of regiments of Major
General Horatio Gates had moved into New Jersey to reinforce Washington, their van
having reached Morristown by December 2 and 3, when Lee was passing the Hudson
River ( Heath's Memoirs , ed. Wilson, p. 107).

73. I have been unable to verify Daniel Morgan’s presence in New Jersey on November
30, 1776. Morgan had been captured at Quebec in 1775. In September 1776 he arrived in
New Jersey on parole, met Washington, and returned home to Virginia. If Morgan was in
New Jersey on November 30 perhaps he tried to keep his presence secret, since his parole
stipulations extended into December (James Graham, The Life of General Daniel Morgan of
the Virginia Line of the Army of the United States [New York, 1856], pp. 115-18; Don Higgin-
botham, Daniel Morgan, Revolutionary Rifleman [Chapel Hill, N.C., 1961], pp. 55-57; Fran-
cis B. Heitman, Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army During the War of the
Revolution, April , 1775, to December, 1783 [Washington, 1914], p. 401). I am grateful to
John M. Jennings, Director of the Virginia Historical Society, for his comments on this
subject.

74. The Presbyterian church or meeting house at Connecticut Farms. Ewald’s account
of the terrain, church, and locality appears similar to the description of the place given in
Barber and Howe, Historical Collections . . . of New Jersey, pp. 196-98.

75. I can find no other record of this skirmish.

76. The bridge was located at Raritan Landing, about two miles above New Brunswick,
which was usually called Brunswick at that time. Ewald’s Plan of the Area of Bound Brook , 20
April 1777 clearly delineates the bridge.

77. Robertson ( Diaries , ed. Lydenberg, p. 114) says, “The Jagers prevented their de-
stroying the Bridge over the Raritan.” Howe’s journal states: “December 1 st . Lord Corn-
wallis moved on towards Brunswick landing, 8c prevented the Rebels from entirely destroy-
ing the Bridge. 2 d . The Bridge being repaired, Lord Cornwallis took Possession of
Brunswick, & cantoned his Army” (“Journal of the Operations of the American Army
under General Sir William Howe from the Evacuation of Boston to the end of the
Campaign of 1776,” Letters and Papers Relating to the War in America, 1771-1781, File
Egerton 2135 [Farnbourough], Press 542.1, p. 8, British Museum, London).

78. Captain Friedrich Karl von Weitershausen, 2d Company, Grenadier Battalion
Block, born 1734/35 (hetrina, nos. 8302-03). Other accounts are given in Letters and
Journals of Baurmeis ter, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, pp. 73-74, and in “Journal von dem
hochloblichen hessischen Grenadier-Bataillon oliin von Minnigerode modo von Loewen-
stein vom 20. Januar 1776 bis den 17 Mai 1784,” pp. 88-89, Hessisches Staatsarchiv
Marburg.

79. The Reverend Dr. Abraham Beach, who was rector of Christ Church at New
Brunswick from 1767 to 1784 (Barber and Howe, Historical Collections . . . of New Jersey , p.
313). His farmhouse or parsonage was located about four miles northwest of New

381

NOTES TO PAGES 24-25

Brunswick on the right bank of the Raritan River. See Ewald’s Plan of the Area of Bound
Brook and Plan of the Area between Raritan Landing and Bound Brook.

80. Probably the van of General Gates’s troops. Lee did not arrive at Morristown until
December 8. He reported to Washington that he desired to hang on the British rear
rather than combine forces {Heath's Memoirs, ed. Wilson, p. 107; Diary of David How, ed. G.
W. Chase [Morrisania, N.Y., 1865], p. 40; Charles Lee, The Lee Papers . . . 17 id -IS 1 1 , 4
vols., Collections of the New-York Historical Society for the Year 1871 [-74], Vols.
IV-VII [New York, 1872-75], II, 337).

81. Howe had ordered Cornwallis to halt at New Brunswick. Clinton states that Howe
informed him of ‘his intention of running a chain of posts across east Jersey” to protect
the loyalists in that area ( Sir Henry Clintons Narrative, ed. Willcox, p. 56).

82. Washington had but 3,442 rank and file present and fit for duty when he crossed
the Raritan to New Brunswick. Two thousand militiamen left the armv on December 1 in
the face of the enemy’s advance because of expiration of their term of enlistment on the
previous day (The George Washington Papers, VI, 320; American Archives: Fifth Series ,
Containing a Documentary History of the English Colonies in North America from the King's
Message to Parliament , of March 7, 1774, to the Declaration of Independence by the United States,
ed. Peter Force, 3 vols. (Washington, 1848-53), III, 822, 1035, 1071).

83. Joseph Galloway of Philadelphia, the most outspoken loyalist in America. He had
been a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly and the First Continental Congress, but he
became an uncompromising Tory. Galloway left his country home at Trevose and made
his way to the British army at New Brunswick in early December 1776 (Oliver C.
Kuntzleman,yoj^/i Galloway , Loyalist [Philadelphia, 1941], p. 137; Wilbur H. Siebert, The
Loyalists of Pennsylvania (Columbus, Ohio, 1905); Lorenzo F. Sabine, Biographical Sketches of
Loyalists of the American Revolution with a Historical Essay, 2 vols. [Boston, 1864], I, 453-57).

84. The statements of Cornwallis’s officers do not support testimony before the Par-
liament in 1779 that “the troops had been constantly marching, ever since their first
entrance into the Jerseys.” Both Ewald and Glyn report no army marches on November
22, 24, 26, or on the 27th, which Baurmeister says “was a day of rest.” Captain George
Harris writes, “We now pursued the enemy, much too slowly for our wishes.” But on the
last day of the march, December 1, Cornwallis asserts that he covered twenty miles, that
the artillery and baggage horses were “quite tired,” and that he had “to pay some atten-
tion” to Lee’s corps, which was not yet in New Jersey. Cornwallis halted at New
Brunswick: “But had I seen that I could have struck a material stroke, by moving forward,
1 certainly should have taken it upon me to have done it.” He saw “no great object” in
pursuing Washington, but Ewald says, “it was decided to pursue the enemy farther”
before Howe arrived on December 6. (See Examination of Lieutenant-General the Earl
Cornwallis before A Committee of the House of Commons upon Sir William Howe's Papers (Lon-
don, 1779). Monthly Review 60 (June 1 7 79) :4 73 reproduces Cornwallis’s testimony from
The Parliamentary Register: Or, History of the Proceedings and Debates of the House of Commons,
ed. John Almon (London, 1775-80), XIII, 1-16. See also “Ensign Glyns Journal,” pp.
27-30, Princeton University Library; Letters and Journals of Baurmeister, trans. and ed.
Uhlendorf, p. 73; and Stephen R. Lushington, The Life and Services of General Lord Harris,
G.C.B., During His Campaigns in America, the West Indies, and India (London, 1840), p. 83.

85. The Van Veghten Bridge spanned the north branch of the Raritan River above
Bound Brook. See Ewald’s Plan of the Area of Bound Brook.

86. Robertson ( Diaries , ed. Lydenberg, p. 115) reports: “6th. General Howe Join’d the
Army. Donop’s Corps and Jagers went to Bondbrook.” No other record save Ewald’s
states that Cornwallis accompanied the column to Bound Brook. Apparently it has been
assumed that Howe and Cornwallis marched together from New Brunswick to Princeton.

382

NOTES TO PAGES 26-31

87. The Van Veghten house, built in 1750, is located at Finderne in Somerset County,
on the left bank of the south branch of the Raritan River. See Henry C. Beck, The Jersey
Midlands (New Brunswick, N.J., 1962), p. 272.

88. The First and Second Watchung Mountains.

89. Cf. “Journal . . . hessischen Grenadier-Bataillon von Minnigerode,” p. 90: “On the
7th December Erskine came with orders from General Howe to start at daybreak and
proceed by a detour to Princetown.”

90. Falls Ferry was one of two crossings over the Delaware; the other one was Trent
Ferry, near William Trent’s house, built in 1719.

91. A gravestone inscribed “Grave of the Unknown Hessian once stood at the spot

near the river.

92. The drawbridge over the Crosswicks Creek, which flows into the Delaware below
Trenton. See Ewald’s Plan of Trenton.

93. Including militia, Washington had about 5,000 men across the river on December
12 (Freeman, George Washington , IV, 278).

94. When he testified before a Parliamentary Committee of Enquiry in 1779 General
Howe denied that he permitted Washington to escape. See Troyer S. Anderson, The
Command of the Howe Brothers During the American Revolution (New York and London,
1936), pp. 183-84, 204-06, 208-09; Bellamy Partridge, Sir Billy Howe (London, New
York, and Toronto, 1932), pp. 101-02; Ira D. Gruber, The Howe Brothers and the American
Revolution (New York, 1972), pp. 156-57, 351-65; Charles Stedman, The History of the
Origin, Progress , and Termination of the American War, 2 vols. (London, 1794), I, 247;
Lundin, Cockpit of the Revolution, pp. 151-56.

95. For data on the Burlington-Philadelphia ferry see Alfred M. Heston, South
jersey — A History , 1664-1924, 4 vols. (New York, 1924), I, 285.

96. Howe wrote Lord George Germain, Secretary of State for the American Colonies,
on December 20, 1776: “The chain, I own, is rather too extensive, but I was induced to
occupy Burlington to cover the County of Monmouth, in which there are many loyal
inhabitants” (. American Archives : Fifth Series, ed. Force, III, 1317).

97. The Continental Navy in the Delaware consisted almost entirely of the Pennsyl-
vania Navy, which was commanded by Commodore John Hazelwood (John W. Jackson,
The Pennsylvania Navy, 1775-1781: The Defense of the Delaware [New Brunswick, N.J.,
1974], pp. 333-52).

98. Commodore Thomas Seymour.

99. Neither American accounts nor that of Colonel von Donop mentions his threat to
burn the town (Lundin, Cockpit of the Revolution, pp. 80-81; Carl Emil von Donop, “Be-
richt iiber den Uberfall in Trenton, December 1776” [Report on the surprise at Trenton,
December 1776], Dec. 11, 1776, Hessian mss, no. 36, Bancroft Collection, New York
Public Library).

100. Von Donop and his officers dined at the home of John Lawrence, 459 High
Street, Burlington (Margaret Morris, Private Journal Kept During a Portion of the Revo-
lutionary War, for the Amusement of a Sister [Philadelphia, 1836], pp. 7-10). The Lawrence
House is now a New Jersey State Historic Site.

101. Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Stirling.

102. Black Horse is modern Columbus in Burlington Countv. The place was first
known as “Encroaching Corners,” a name that originated in a quarrel between two settlers
over the right to occupy the land. The name was later changed to Black Horse, after a
tavern which displayed a sign with a black horse. The restored tavern became the Colum-
bus Inn (Barber and Howe, Historical Collections . . . of New Jersey, p. 1 10).

103. The Lewis Mill was located on Black’s Creek, which flows into the Delaware a

383

NOTES TO PAGES 34-38

short distance below Bordentown. The mill was owned by Lieutenant Colonel William
Lewis, 1st Regiment of Burlington County Militia (Heston, South Jersey , II, 653-54;
William S. Stryker, Ojficial Register of the Officers and Men of New Jersey in the Revolutionary
War, Compiled Under Orders of His Excellency Theodore F. Randolph , Governor [Trenton,
1872], p. 339). See Ewald’s Plan oj the Area of Bordentown and the Lewis Mill.

104. Modern Fieldsboro, about two miles southwest of Bordentown. Named for the
Field family, Fieldsboro was First known as White Hill from 1695 to 1832 (Henry H.
Bisbee, Place Names in Burlington County, New Jersey [Riverside, N.J., 1955], pp. 42, 108).

105. The Hermitage, the country seat of Brigadier General (later Major General)
Philemon Dickinson, located about a half mile from Trenton. Dickinson commanded
New Jersey militia (William S. Stryker, The Battles of Trenton and Princeton [Boston and
New York, 1898], p. 97).

106. Maidenhead is modern Lawrenceville in Mercer County.

107. Slabtown, once a shipping center of slabs mined in the hills nearby, was renamed
Jacksonville in 1863 in honor of President Andrew Jackson (Bisbee, Place Names in Bur-
lington County, p. 55; Henry C. Beck, Forgotten Towns of Southern New Jersey [New' York,
1936], pp. 22 1-22). Jacksonville is three and a half miles north of Mount Holly.

108. Colonel Samuel Griffin, not Brigadier General Thomas Mifflin, an error which is
corrected in the next paragraph. Griffin was posted near Haddonfield; he was sent from
Philadelphia with about six hundred Pennsylvania militia to make a demonstration and
draw the Hessians away from the support of Trenton (George DeCou, Historical Sketches
of Mount Holly and Vicinity, Pamphlet No. 2, reprinted from the Mount Holly Herald
[Mount Holly, N.J., 1936], p. 19; see also Albert E. Freeman II, “The American Revolu-
tion: Skirmish at Mount Holly Helped Washington Win at Trenton,” Burlington County
Herald, May 13, 1976, p. 10D).

109. On December 20 the Grenadier Battalion von Kohler and a train of heavy artil-
lery left New York to reinforce Colonel von Donop. On December 23 General James
Grant notified him that this battalion, with tw'o 24-pounders and four 18-pounders, had
arrived at Perth Amboy (von Donop, “Bericht,” Dec. 23, 1776; Letters and Journals of
Baurmeister , trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, p. 77).

1 10. The Yorkshire Bridge was one of the two northern exits from Burlington during
the early vears, the other being the London Bridge. Both bridges crossed a small stream
called the Moat. The location of the Yorkshire Bridge is unknown (Bisbee, Place Names in
Burlington County, p. 111).

111. The Lawrence House on High Street in Burlington. John Lawrence was a promi-
nent lawyer and a loyalist. His title is given as Councilor, which Ewald also uses; however,
Mrs. Morris calls him the Recorder: “ — 17 Hessians in town to-day [Dec. 20, 1776] and we
were told the Recorder was desired to prepare a dinner for about 500 men” (Morris,
Private Journal, p. 16; Heston, South Jersey, II, 639).

112. This skirmish was fought near the Friends Meeting House at Copany, a half mile
east of Slabtown, where the Assiscunk Creek is spanned by a bridge known as the “Pet-
tvcoat Bridge.” Local tradition has it that the bridge received its name w hen one ot the
patriotic women who w'ere removing the planking slipped and caught her petticoat on a
nail, which prevented her from tumbling into the creek (Beck, Forgotten Towns , pp.
227-31; Bisbee, Place Names in Burlington County, p. 86; DeCou, Historical Sketches, pp.
19-20; Morris, Private Journal, p. 18).

1 13. Colonel von Donop spent the night of December 22 at the Sun Tavern in Black
Horse (von Donop, “Bericht,” Dec. 22, 1776).

1 14. The strength of this force was about fifteen hundred men. American accounts
give two thousand (DeCou, Historical Sketches, p. 20; Stryker, Battles of Trenton and Prince-
ton, p. 74). Von Donop does not mention his strength.

384

NOTES TO PAGES 38-43

115. At that time a Friends Meeting (House stood on Woodpecker Lane, near the
junction of the roads to Burlington and Slahtown, on the northern side of the “Mount”
which gave Mount Holly its name. See Ewald’s Plan of the Area of Mount Holly .

1 16. Colonel von Donop claims, “I had no wounded or dead men, hut the rebels had
three caused by my artillery fire” (von Donop to von Knyphausen, Dec. 27, 1776, Hessian
mss, no. 36, Bancroft Collection, New York Public Library). An American account of the
skirmish which supports Ewald’s version is found in John K. M. Ewing, “The Battle of
Mount Holly, December 23, 1776,” a paper including extracts from George Ewing’s
unpublished military journal, deposited at the Camden County Historical Society, Cam-
den, N.J.

1 17. The Mill Street Hotel, known in 1755 as the Three Tuns Tavern, “was one of the
headquarters of the Hessians,” but, “according to some accounts it was in the tavern that
stood near the meeting house on Wood Lane” (Henry C. Shinn, The History of Mount Holly
[Mount Holly, N.J. (1957)], p. 27; DeCou, Historical Sketches , pp. 20-21; Heston, South
Jersey , I, 105n.).

1 18. The Great Road to Philadelphia.

119. The Long Bridge, or Long Crossing, spanned the South West Branch of the
Rancocas Creek at present Hainesport.

120. Ewald visited Burlington for the third time on December 24: “Several Hessians in
town to day . . . two were observed to be in liquor in the street; they went to the tavern,
and calling for rum ordered the man to charge it to the King” (Morris, Private Journal , p.
20 ).

121. Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Reynolds, 2d Regiment of Burlington County Militia
(Heitman, Officers of the Continental Army , p. 464: Stryker, Official Register , p. 354).

122. New Mills, six miles southeast of Mount Holly, became Pemberton in 1826
(Barber and Howe, Historical Collections . . . of New Jersey, p. 106).

123. Probably the present Morris Mansion on Hanover Street in Pemberton. The
house was erected in 1764, shortly after the mill was built, by David Budd, whose daugh-
ter was Lieutenant Colonel Reynolds’s first wife.

124. One of the ladies was very likely Lieutenant Colonel Reynolds’s second wife, nee
Mary Ritchey Brian. Reynolds was released on parole on June 6, 1777, but he was not
officially exchanged for three years; he resigned on December 18, 1782. Von Donop
confirms Ewald’s capture: “On the 25th, Colonel von Donop sent out a detachment of
jagers and Highlanders which captured a rebel colonel, his profession a miller, and two
rebel captains” (Charles S. Boyer, Early Forges and Furnaces in New Jersey [Philadelphia,
1931], pp. 142-43; Stryker, Official Register, p. 354; von Donop, “Bericht,” Dec. 25, 1776).

125. No physician or doctor of divinity had died at Mount Holly in recent years. Yet
Mrs. Morris noted on December 22: “all the women removed from the town, except one
widow of our acquaintance.” I have been unable to identify her as either a resident or an
agent sent to delay Colonel von Donop (Morris, Private Journal , p. 17; E. M. Woodward
and John F. Hageman, History of Burlington and Mercer Counties, New Jersey [Philadelphia,
1883], pp. 75, 202).

126. The three Hessian regiments in Trenton were the Land Grenadier Regiment Rail
and Fusilier Regiment von Lossberg, quartered in the northern part of the village, and
the Fusilier Regiment von Knyphausen, in the southern part (German Allied Troops , trails.
Rosengarten, pp. 60-61).

127. The dispatch rider came from Lieutenant Colonel Friedrich Ludwig von Min-
nigerode, stationed at Bordentown (von Donop, “Bericht,” Dec. 26, 1776).

128. Von Donop does not mention leaving Ewald behind: “The colonel therefore
decided abruptly to vacate Mount Holly, to march back to Black Horse and Esslington
and collect the Battalions von Linsing and von Minnigerode, and to fall back over the

385

NOTES TO PACES 43-43

Crosswicks bridge through Allentown to Princetown. He sent a strong tore e of grenadiers
and jiigers to the Crosswicks bridge to make sure of his retreat, since he could be cut off
from Princetown on all sides” (ilnd.).

129. The mount at the northern end of the town.

130. Mam vears later Ewald related in his military treatise Belehrungen uln r den Kneg
that he had not intended to burn Mount Hollv. F.elking savs, ‘’Ewald had no intention to
burn the v illage, but his threat enabled him to hold it quietly” (German Allied Troops , trails.
Rosengartcn, p. 7b).

131. Washington's second column was opposite Trenton, under command of
Brigadier General James Ewing, who did not cross the river and seize the bridge over
Assunpink Creek because of the ice floes. The third column had assembled at Bristol
under command of Brigadier General John Cadwalader. Part of his infantry crossed the
ice with great difficulty, but returned when the ice prevented the landing of artillery
(Freeman, George Washington, IV, 307-08, 326-27).

132. Here Ewald’s son Carl inserted the following remark on the inner margin of the
diary: "I recall here, as told to me by my unforgettable father, that when the wagoners
protested they could not drive down such a steep hill, he had them beaten down hill by a
half a dozen jiigers, which resulted in much noise but no damage. Eckernfdrde, February
3, 1814 — Carl von Ewald.”

133. Assunpink Creek. Washington had about 2,400 men when he crossed the Dela-
ware to attack Trenton on December 26. He estimated that about 2,300 men made the
second crossing on December 30 and 31, not December 29 as Ewald notes (The George
Washington Papers, VI, 442, 461-63).

134. Lee’s troops, under Major General John Sullivan, had joined Washington on
December 20. Major General Benjamin Lincoln was not in New Jersey at the time. The
troops at Morristown were under command of Brigadier General William Maxwell (ibid.,
VI, 409, 415).

135. The College of New' Jersey (now Princeton University) was housed in Nassau Hall,
erected in 1757.

136. The responsibility for ordering the regular patrol on the morning of December
26 belonged to Major Friedrich Ludwig von Dechow , who excused the men because of the
severity of the weather. He was mortally wounded attempting to seize the Assunpink
Creek bridge.

137. Captain (later Major) Ernst Eber von Altenbockum, Fusilier Regiment von
Lossberg, who was wounded and captured ( German Allied Troops , trans. Rosengarten, pp.
66, 76, 307).

138. Second Lieutenant (later Captain) Andreas Wiederhold, who was captured
( Tagebuch des Capt. Wiederholdt , V om 7 October 1776 Bis 7 December 1780, Americana Ger-
manica, Vol. IV, ed. M. I). Learned and C. Grosse [New York, London, and Berlin
(1902)1, pp. 28-33).

139. Washington reported to the President of Congress on Dec. 27, 1776: “The out-
guards made but a small opposition, though tor their numbers, they behaved very
well, — keeping up a constant retreating fire from behind houses. We presently saw their
main body formed; but, from their motions, they seemed undetermined how to act” fl he
George Washington Papers, VI, 442).

140. Colonel Rail was mortally wounded and died on the evening of December 27; he
was buried in the Presbyterian churchyard at Trenton.

141. The Hessian losses were computed as 22 killed, 84 wounded, and 916 captured,
with 412 escaping. Samuel Smith gives 22 killed, 83 wounded, and 891 captured, with 60C
escaping to Bordentown and 53 to Princeton. Several Americans were wounded but none

386

NOTES TO PAGES 45-50

killed (The George Washington Papers, VI, 443, 446-48; Stryker, Battles of Trenton and
Princeton , pp. 188, 195; Samuel S. Smith, The Battle of Trenton [Monmouth Beach, N.J.,
1965], p. 31).

142. Postmortems were readily provided by those who were not there. Cf. “Jour-
nal ... hessischen Grenadier-Bataillon von Minnigerode,” p. 97: "It Colonel Rail had
thought of retreating it would have been quite easy to have done so bv Bordentown."
General Grant said: “If Colonel von Donop had been at Trenton, he certainly would have
retired over the bridge to Bordentown, just as the light infantry, dragoons, jagers, and
200 men of the Rail Brigade had done" (von Donop, “Bericht,” Dec. 27, 1776).

143. Cornwallis had been recalled from New York, where he was embarking for En-
gland on leave.

144. Lieutenant Colonel Johann Christoph von Kohler.

145. After the war Ewald wrote: “In the American War we received biscuit instead of
bread for entire years, and since our soldiers finally got accustomed to it, they preferred
biscuit to bread" (Abhandlung iiber den kleinen Krieg [Essay on partisan warfare] [Cassel,
1785], p. 37).

146. On January 1, 1777, Washington stationed Fermoy’s brigade, Hand’s regiment,
Scott’s brigade, the German Battalion, and a detachment with two guns on Five Mile Run,
halfway between Princeton and Trenton (Stryker, Battles of Trenton and Princeton, p. 258).

147. Renamed the Combined Battalion, under command of Lieutenant Colonel
Johann August von Loos.

148. Colonel Nicholas Haussegger, who “surrendered under somewhat suspicious cir-
cumstances,” commanded the German Battalion (Freeman, George Washington, IV, 343;
Papers of Joseph Reed, New-York Historical Society, I, 286; Heitman, Officers of the
Continental Army, p. 280).

149. American guns broke up three British attempts to storm the bridge. This action is
known as the Battle of Assunpink or Trenton Bridge, or sometimes as the Second Battle
of Trenton (Barber and Howe, Historical Collections . . . of New Jersey, pp. 299-301).

150. Shortly after midnight Washington moved off in complete silence around the
British left flank toward Princeton. Five hundred men remained to guard the Assunpink
Bridge, to keep the fires burning temporarily, and to use pick and shovel as if they were
constructing earthworks (The George Washington Papers, VI, 468; Freeman, George
Washington, IV, 348).

151. Sunrise at Princeton on January 3, 1777, was at approximately 7:25 a.m.

152. Lieutenant Colonel Charles Mawhood, commanding the 4th Brigade, had used
the 17th and part of the 55th regiments in the fight against Brigadier General Hugh
Mercer; the 40th Regiment remained in Princeton.

1 53. Mawhood was not in Nassau Hall. American artillery fired several rounds into the
building, a door was forced, and the defenders surrendered. British losses in the battle
were about 286. Washington believed his dead numbered but 6 or 7 officers and 25 to 30
men, with no estimate of the wounded; however, he suffered an irreparable loss in the
death of General Mercer (The George Washington Papers, VI, 481; Stryker, Battles of
Trenton and Princeton, p. 458; Barber and Howe, Historical Collections . . . oj New Jersey, pp.
272-73; Samuel S. Smith, The Battle of Princeton [Monmouth Beach, N.J., 1967]).

154. Washington did not march to New Brunswick because of “the harassed state of
our troops . . . and the danger ol losing the advantage we had gained by aiming at too
much.” Washington wrote regretfully that “six or eight hundred fresh troops upon a
forced march" could have taken New Brunswick, its stores and military chest, and “put an
end to the war" (Washington to the President of Congress, Jan. 5, 1777, The George
Washington Papers, VI, 470).

387

NOTES TO PAGES 50-57

155. A number of baggage wagons containing much-needed woolen clothing were
seized by a group ot fifteen to twenty militia following a surprise attack on the wagon
train after dark on fanuarv 3 (Barber and Howe, Historical Collections. . . of Mew Jersey,
p. 273).

156. Lieutenant Colonel, the Honorable Henry Monckton.

157. A small earthwork, V-shaped, and open at the rear.

158. Lieutenant Colonel James Webster, 33d Regiment of Foot.

159. Colonel Sir George Osborn, a member of Parliament.

160. Quibbletown is modern New Market.

161. Samptown is modern South Plainfield.

162. At this time Washington thought the best service his weakened regiments could
accomplish was to tie down the British by these two measures: first, to destroy or remove
the grain, provender, and livestock near enemy camps; and second, to harass the foraging
parties sent out to get supplies that could not readily be brought to New Brunswick by
ship. Since British mobility depended on their horses, it was vital to deny them oats, corn,
and fodder (The George Washington Papers, VII, 9-10, 26-27, 97, 1 19).

163. The Spanish peso duro, piece of eight, or dollar, in use throughout the colonies.

164. Major Nicholas Dietrich, Baron de Ottendorff, who had raised a battalion of three
companies in Pennsylvania (Heitman, Officers of the Continental Army, p. 422).

165. Lieutenant Colonel William Harcourt, later 2d Earl Harcourt.

166. Lieutenant Colonel William Meadows, 1st Battalion of Grenadiers.

167. Philip Van Horne, judge of the Court of Common Pleas for Somerset County,
lived at Convivial Hill, situated at Middle Brook. “Philip Van Horne was the father of five
well-bred and very handsome daughters, who were the much admired toasts of both
armies. ... he and his bright-eyed girls continued to welcome friend and foe alike, and it
is said were often able to mitigate the ferocities of war (Francis M. Marvin, The Van Horn
Family History [East Stroudsburg, Pa., 1929], pp. 1 18-19). Surprisingly, Ewald fell in love
with Jeannette Van Horne, as is revealed in his letters written to her in French, transla-
tions of which appear here in an appendix. The letters are now in the Manuscript Division
of the Library of Congress.

168. Major General Lincoln commanded the outpost at Bound Brook, seven miles
upstream from New Brunswick, Brigadier General Anthony Wayne was not present.
Lincoln’s force consisted of the 8th Pennsylvania Regiment, part of the 4th Continental
Regiment, and some militia; he just had time to ride off before Van Horne’s house was
surrounded. Ensign Glvn reports, “General Lincoln escaped without his clothes, all his
papers were seized” (The George Washington Papers, VII, 399, 4 1 1 , 427; Francis Bowen,
Life of Benjamin Lincoln , Major-General in the Army of the United States [Boston, 1847], p. 240;
“Ensign Glyns Journal,” p. 46).

169. See Ewald’s Plan oj the Area oj Bound Brook , 20 April 17/7.

170. Literally, a “half-moon blower,” from H albermondbldser ; hereafter called a
hornblower, not a bugler or a trumpeter. Such hunting-type horns, called half-moons,
were brass crescent-shaped horns made for the Jager Corps.

171. See Lowell, The Hessians, pp. 108-10, which cites Ewald's Folge dec Belehmngen

iiber den Kneg, p. 122.

172. Both Robertson ( Dianes , ed. Lvdenberg, p. 126) and Kemble {The Kemble Papers ,
1, 113) put the number of prisoners at eighty. Washington s estimate ot thirty-live to forty
casualties was later reduced by Brigadier General Henry Knox to twenty to thirty pris-
oners and six killed (The George Washington Papers, VII. 427; Freeman, George
Washington, IV, 409, n. 48). The official British summary of the attack is given in The
Gentlemans Magazine: and Historical Chronicle 47 (1777): 289.

173. Rev. Dr. Abraham Beach, identified above in note 79.

388

NOTES TO PAGES 63-71

174. Washington states that this skirmish occurred on May 26 (The George
Washington Papers, VIII, 133).

175. First Lieutenant (later Captain) Friedrich Adolph Julius von Wangenhenn, who
had been in the Gotha service.

176. Colonel Friedrich Ludwig Albrecht von Eyb, who later commanded the First
Regiment of Brandenburg Anspach, 1778-79.

177. Lieutenant Colonel (later Colonel) Ludwig Johann Adolph von Wurmb.

178. Major (later Lieutenant Colonel) Ernst Carl von Prueschenck.

1 79’ Thejager Corps, formed on June 23, 1777, consisted of a company under Major
von Prueschenck, Ewald’s and Wreden’s companies, a company of 105 Anspach jagers,
and a troop of unmounted jagers, the total amounting to 600 men. In addition, a detach-
ment of one officer and thirty Hessian grenadiers with two 3-pounders was attached to
the corps (“Journal Gefiihrt Bey dem Hochloblich Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps wahrend
denen Ca[m]pagnen der Konigl: Gros[s]brittanischen Armee in North-America,” p. 1,
Hessisches Staatsarchiv Marburg; the Morristown National Historical Park Library has a

handwritten copy of this journal).

180. The Hesse-Cassel order pour la vertu militaire, which Ewald and Wreden received
after the Battle of Brandywine.

181. Ewald’s Plan of the Area of Hillsborough shows the disposition of the British forces
in and around Hillsborough.

182. In his letter of April 9, 1777, to Congress, Washington expressed disbelief that
Howe planned to approach Philadelphia from the south with an expedition to
Chesapeake Bay. Up to mid-June he had believed the British objective to be either: (1) the
destruction of the main American army; (2) an expedition to capture Philadelphia by
crossing the Delaware River; or (3) an expedition up the Hudson River to aid the British
invasion from Canada. Following the British withdrawal to New Brunswick, Washington
believed that another attempt to proceed overland to Philadelphia was not probable (The
George Washington Papers, VII, 380; VIII, 231-33, 248^9, 262-63, 275).

183. Howe’s movement was undertaken in the hope of tempting Washington to leave
his strong positions and to hasten to the Delaware River to defend its crossings ( The
Narrative of Lieut. Gen. Sir William Howe in A Committee of the House of Commons, on the 29th of
April, 1779, Relative to His Conduct, During His Late Command of the King’s Troops in North
America; To which are added, Some Observations upon a Pamphlet, entitled, Letters to A Nobleman
[London, 1780], pp. 15-16).

184. The Short Hills, north of Metuchen.

185. Prince’s Bay is located near the southern extremity of Staten Island.

186. Some of these women were soldiers’ wives; most of them served as washerwomen.

187. Andre says the captured guns were three French brass Fieldpieces (Major Andre’s
Journal: Operations of the British Army Under Lieutenant Generals Sir William Howe and Sir
Henry Clinton, June 1777 to November 1778 , ed. William Abbatt, [Tarrvtown, N.Y., 1930], p.
32). '

188. See Freeman, George Washington, IV, 433-34.

189. The Presbyterian Church at Westfield, built in 1730 (Barber and Howe, Historical
Collections ... of New Jersey, p. 201).

190. Billop's Ferry was located on Billop’s Point at the southern end ot Staten Island,
near the home of Colonel Christopher Billop, a former British naval officer who com-
manded the loyalist militia ot Staten Island.

CHAPTER 2

1. In a note written in the margin of the diary opposite this entry the strength of the
Jager Corps is given as 865 men.

389

NOTES TO PA tiES 71-73

2. Captain Patrick Ferguson, who commanded a company of British riflemen equipped
with the first breech-loading rifle used in battle. A description of the “Ferguson Rifle”
can be found in George C. Mackenzie, Kings Mountain , National Park Service Historical
Handbook No. 22 (Washington, 1955), pp. 36-39.

3. The 16th and 17th Regiments of Dragoons.

4. Captain John Montresor, who accompanied the expedition, states on Julv 25, 1777,
that the troops numbered 16,000, with 1,000 artillerists {The Montresor Journals, ed. G. D.
Scull, Collections of the New-York Historical Society for the Year 1881, Vol. XIV [New
York, 1882], p. 429).

5. Generals not identified earlier are Major General Charles Grey, commanding the 3d
Brigade, and Major General Johann Daniel von Stirn, commanding a Hessian brigade.

6. The Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel recalled General von Heister at the request of the
British government, nominally on account of his age and infirmities, but actually because
he could not get along with Howe. Heister criticized Howe’s operations in the autumn of

1776, which made the latter hostile. Heister quite understood that he was in disgrace, and
died within two months after reaching Cassel, of sorrow and disappointment {German
Allied Troops , trans. Rosengarten, pp. 107, 273-74; Lowell, The Hessians, p. 115).

7. Decker’s Ferry was located at present Port Richmond and ran to Bergen Point in
New Jersey. Cole’s was situated near the present Municipal Ferry at St. George, the only
ferry still in operation. Simonsen’s was located at Rosebank and ran to Brooklyn. I could
not identify Reisen’s, despite the helpfulness of Loring McMillen, Director of the Staten
Island Historical Society.

8. Denys’s Ferry was located on Long Island on the Narrows, in the present Bay Ridge
section of Brooklyn.

9. Montresor {Journals , ed. Scull, p. 429) states that the fleet consisted of 266 sail.
Baurmeister gives 264 {Letters and Journals of Baurmeister, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, p. 97).

10. Probably Captain Anthony Parrey, R.N., or Captain Francis Parry, R.N.

1 1. Captain William Dickson, R.N. The identifications of naval officers are found in
The Royal Navy, a History from the Earliest Times to the Present, ed. William L. Clowes et al., 7
vols. (London and Boston, 1897-1903), III, Index.

12. Captain William Harris, R.N.

13. Captain Andrew Sutherland, R.N.

14. Captain (later Rear Admiral) John Barker, R.N. Cornwallis and Grant were aboard
the Isis and Grey was aboard the Somerset {Major Andre s Journal , ed. Abbatt, p. 34).

15. Andre gives a Captain Toulmin as agent {ibid., p. 35).

16. The Roebuck, 44 guns, commanded bv Captain Sir Andrew Snape Harnond, R.N.,
met the fleet at the mouth of the Delaware River {Robertson Dianes, ed. Lydenberg, p. 141;
Journal of Ambrose Serle, ed. Tatum, p. 241).

17. Vice Admiral Richard, Viscount Howe, R.N.

18. Howe said that he approached Philadelphia from the south because this was easier
than reducing the forts and destroying the obstructions of the Delaware. Information of
enemv fire ships and batteries received at the mouth of the river convinced him that
landing there would be extremely hazardous. Therefore he decided to proceed to
Chesapeake Bav and land at its head (Sir William Howe to Sir Henry Clinton, July 30,

1777, in The Headquarters Papers of the British Army in North America During the War
of the American Revolution (The Henry Clinton Papers), William L. Clements Library,
University of Michigan, Ann Arbor; and The Narrative of Lieut. Gen. Sir William Howe, pp.
23-25).

19. Probably the transport Jenny Hamilton {Major Andre's Journal, ed. Abbatt, p. 106).

20. Captain Walter Griffith, R.N., the master of the Nonsuch, was the commodore of
the fleet.

390

NOTES TO PAGES 73-78

2 1. At that time Washington was preparing to parade his army through Philadelphia to
impress loyalist sympathizers. He reached Brandywine Creek on September 9 and took
up a position on the high ground near Chad’s Ford (The George Washington Papers, IX,
125-27, 197-98).

22. The Adjutant General Department was on board the transport Roman Emperor
(Major Andre's Journal , ed, Abbatt, p. 105).

23. Andre lists the 77th Regiment in the fourth disembarkation (ibid., p. 36).

24. Captain John Baurmaster, R.N., master of the Fanny.

25. The landing took place at Elk Ferry, about seven miles north of Turkey Point
proper. Ewald refers to ail of Elk Neck as Turkey Point.

26. The village of Head of Elk, close to modern Eikton, Cecil County, Maryland, which
was the ‘head” of navigation in the Elk River.

27. Probably the wild grape vine.

28. Cicadas (locusts), most likely.

29. Probably the skirmish at Grey’s (now Red) Hill.

30. The upper Elk River or its western tributary, Big Elk River.

31. See Letters and Journals of Baunneister , trans. and ed. Uhlenclorf, p. 100.

32. Now Christiana, Delaware.

33. Brigadier General William Maxwell of New Jersey, who commanded light troops of
Major General Lincoln’s Division.

34. Major James Wemyss; and Captain Louis Augustus, Baron de Uchritz, of Otten-
dorffs Pennsylvania Battalion (Heitman, Officers of the Co?itinental Army , p. 553).

35. Baron Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben was in Paris, making Final arrangements
through Benjamin Franklin and Comte de St. Germain, French War Minister, to go to
America, where he arrived three months later on December 1, 1777. He never ranked
higher than captain in the Prussian army during the Seven Years’ War, after which he
became court chamberlain for the Prince of Hohenzollern-Hechingen in Suabia. Possibly
Baron von Uchritz learned of the plan to send Steuben to America, which anticipated his
arrival (John McAuley Palmer, General von Steuben [New Haven, 1937], pp. 80-91; Fried-
rich Kapp, The Life of Frederick William von Steuben, Major General in the Revolutionary Army ,
2nd edn. [New York, 1859], pp. 67-75).

36. Lafayette had arrived near Georgetown, South Carolina, on April 17, 1777, ac-
companied by French Brigadier General Johann Kalb, styled Baron de Kalb. Lafayette
traveled overland to Philadelphia, where he was voted the rank of major general on July
31 by Congress and met Washington on August 5 (Freeman, George Washington , IV, 449;
Friedrich Kapp, The Life of John Kalb [New York, 1884], pp. 114-16).

37. Colonel Charles Teffin Armand, Marquis de la Rouerie, who was commissioned
May 10, 1777, and assigned to the 3d Cavalry of Count Casimir Pulaski’s Legion. In 1779
he succeeded Pulaski in command of the Legion, and in 1780 it was redesignated Ar-
mand’s Partisan Corps (Heitman, Officers of the Continental Army, p. 73).

38. Possibly named for James Oburn, who had recently owned land in the area (Cecil
County Deed Book 14-228, James Oburn to Samuel Evans, April 14, 1777, Cecil County
Court House, Eikton, Md.).

39. Now Glasgow, Delaware.

40. The Welsh Tract near Iron Hill, along the road to Newark in present Delaware. In
1701 William Penn gave a group of Welshmen a patent for 31,000 acres in New Castle
County.

41. Iron Hill, about 325 feet high (Topographical details here and below are taken
from maps of the area by the U.S. Geological Survey.)

42. Captain Montresor (Journals , ed. Scull, pp. 445-46) states that the Americans left
twenty dead on the Field. Baurmeister says thirty were killed, with the Americans taking

391

NOTES TO PAGES 78-84

off their founded (Letters and Journals of Baurrneister, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, p. 102).
See also Major Andre s Journal, ed. Abbatt, pp. 42-43; Robertson Dunes, ed. Lydenberg,
pp. 144-45; and Edward W. Cooch, The Battle of Cooch’s Bridge (Wilmington, Del., 1940).

43. The Howe Orderly Book in the William L. Clements Library contains a slightly
different version.

44. I.e., the Leib, Donop, and Mirbach regiments and the Combined Battalion.

45. About one and a quarter miles long. The heights along the creek rise one to two
hundred feet.

46. Possibly the wife of Colonel Samuel Patterson of the Delaware militia, who was
colonel of the Delaware Detachment of the Flying Camp in June 1776 (Heitman, Officers
of the Continental Army, p. 429).

47. A harlequin sharing of the spoils.

48. Called Jeffrey’s Ford by Ewald, on the East Branch of the Brandywine, six miles
above Chad’s Ford. The British first crossed Trimble's Ford on the West Branch of the
creek, three miles from Jefferis’s Ford.

49. Brigadier General Samuel Cleaveland, commanding the Artillery Brigade.

50. After ambushing von Knyphausen’s van, Maxwell's troops fell back to Chad’s Ford,
where they were reinforced. The Americans again engaged the enemy, but were out-
flanked and driven out of the woods and across the ford (Christopher Ward, The War of
the Revolution, ed. John R. Alden, 2 vols. [New York, 1952], I, 343).

51. Troops of Wayne and Maxwell, lacking the support of Greene, who had left to aid
Sullivan’s right wing.

52. Two first lieutenants by this name are listed in the Jager Corps: Wilhelm von
Hagen and Carl E. von Hagen ( German Allied Troops, trans. Rosengarten, p. 334).

53. Captainjames McPherson, 42d (Highland) Regiment (Ford, British Officers, p. 122).

54. Captain William [?] Scott, 17th Regiment of Light Infantry (ibid., p. 158).

55. I can find no other reference to constant skirmishing throughout the morning,
except for mention of “an enemy patrol of 100 men which retreated into the wood!
leaving behind several prisoners” (“Journal . . . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps,” p. 13).

56. Ewald’s description of his guide would appear to fit Joseph Galloway better than it
does a local farmer, Curtis Lewis, who claimed to have guided the British army. Ewald
never names his guides or spies; he says there was more than one guide. Christopher
Ward states that Galloway guided the British across the fords. Lieutenant Colonel James
Ross, patrolling behind the British column, reported to Washington: “Joseph Galloway is
here known by the inhabitants with whom he spoke.” In England after the war, Galloway
claimed he had made Howe’s victory possible (Ward, War of the Revolution, II, 568; Free-
man, George Washington, IV, 475; Kuntzleman, Joseph Galloway, Loyalist, p. 156; copy of
Curtis Lewis’s claim as filed in the Public Record Office, London, in the Chester County
Historical Society, West Chester, Pa.; John Bakeless, Turncoats, Traitors, and Heroes [Phila-
delphia and New York, 1959], p. 160).

57. General Sullivan said he was not told to reconnoiter as far as the Forks of the
Brandywine and had too few horsemen to do so (Letters and Papers of Major General John
Sullivan, Continental Army, ed. Otis G. Hammond, Collections of the New Hampshire
Historical Society, 3 vols. [Concord, N.H., 1930-39], I, 573-74).

58. Montresor (Journals, ed. Scull, p. 5 16) states that the complete march was seventeen
miles. Andre (Journal, ed. Abbatt, p. 45) says it was "about fifteen miles."

59. Even Howe was reported as puzzled: “Here was a hill so high, w hich seemed almost
impossible to cross, that the 500 men and two guns [ol the Jager Corps] were able to climb
it only with extreme difficulty. Since this hill was not occupied, the commanding general
was further supported in his opinion that Washington would retire and not fight; oth-

392

NOTES TO PAGES 84-86

erwise, it could mean nothing else but that he had positive orders from the Congress t<|>
fight” (“Journal . . . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps,” p. 14),

60. The “terrible defile” is the present Birmingham Road, which begins at State Route
842, where a Pennsylvania Historical Commission marker is located. Still flanked by high
banks and woods, this steep road (35° grade) winds up a 350-foot hill to the site of
Sconnelltown, once a hamlet of several dwellings, a shop, and a schoolhouse. Ewald’s
account of this defile is the only one extant.

61. The “Journal . . . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps” (p. 14) states: “It was exceedingly
difficult to get the artillery over this hill, and this was the reason why the column halted on
the other side until two o’clock.” Montresor {Journals , ed. Scull, p. 449) says the army
“arrived upon an open clear height at x h past 2 and halted and refreshed ourselves for an
hour.”

62. Captain (later Major) Alexander Ross, aide-de-camp to Cornwallis (Ford, British
Officers , p. 154).

63. The Birmingham Friends Meeting House, about four miles below Jefferis’s Ford,
which was used as a hospital by both sides.

64. A cluster of houses along the Birmingham Road. East Bradford is a township; the
Birmingham Meeting House is in Birmingham Township, Chester County.

65. Joseph Townsend, a twenty-one-year-old Quaker, remarks: “The advanced guard
aforementioned having arrived at the street road, and were fired upon by a company of
the Americans, who were stationed in the orchard north of Samuel Jones’ brick dwelling
house. The attack was immediately returned by the Hessians. ... A German officer on
horseback [Ewald?] ordered the fence to be taken down, and as I was near to the spot, I
had to be subject to his requirings as he flourished a drawn sword over my head” (Joseph
Townsend, “Some Account of the British Army, Under the Command of General Howe,
and of The Battle of Brandywine, on the Memorable September 1 1th, 1777,” Proceedings
of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 1, no. 7 [Sept. 1846]: 24).

66. Probably the 350-foot hill across the road from the Birmingham Meeting House, a
mile and a quarter southeast of Osborne Hill, also 350 feet high.

67. The “Journal . . . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps” (p. 14) states: “Captain Ewald re-
ported about three o’clock that the enemy was advancing toward us.”

68. Ewald probably saw the troops of Stephen’s or Stirling’s division. When
Washington had definitely learned he was being outflanked, he ordered the divisions of
Sullivan, Stirling, and Stephen to hurry to Birmingham Meeting House, three and a half
miles from Chad’s Ford, and attack the British column that was advancing in that direc-
tion (The George Washington Papers, IX, 206).

69. The Jager Corps held the extreme left wing during the action. The strength of the
corps there, excluding Ewald’s seventy-six jagers and the other mounted jagers who were
unable to follow due to the difficult terrain, was a little over three hundred men and two
British 3-pounders (“Journal . . . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps,” pp. 14-15).

70. Howe and Cornwallis were atop Osborne Hill. Howe directed the army s
movements from this hill, a distance of about a mile and a quarter from Ewald’s position
(John S. Bowen and J. Smith Futhey, “A Sketch of the Battle of Brandywine,” Proceedings
of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 1, no. 7 [Sept. 1846]: 1 1).

71. The brigade of Brigadier General Philippe Hubert de Prudhomme de Borre,
which held the American right, was the first to give way. He was charged with “misman-
agement or worse,” became indignant, and resigned from the army (Freeman, George
Washington , IV, 535, 539; Heitman, Officers of the Continental Army, p. 191).

72. The hill southwest of the meeting house, upon which the troops from Stephen’s
and Stirling’s divisions made a stand.

393

NOTES TO PAGES 86-89

73. Alexander Wilhelm Bickell, who was promoted to lieutenant for his distinguished
conduct in the battle (Eelking, Die deutschen Hulfstruppen , II, 267).

74. Brigadier General George Weedon of Greene’s division later stopped the disor-
derly retreat and made another stand at a narrow defile on the road from Dilworth. about
a mile from the Birmingham Meeting House (Bowen and Futhey, “Sketch of the Battle of
Brandywine,” p. 12; Ward, War of the Revolution, I, 352; Freeman, George Washington, IV,
482-83).

75. The 1st and 2d battalions of British grenadiers.

76. The 4th British Brigade.

77. Sullivan states that the British advance was halted between sunset and dusk. Sunset
on September 1 1, 1777, was at approximately 6:16 p.m. This was the last action of the
battle. The British were surprised by troops under Maxwell, who covered the American
retreat near Dilworth ( Letters and Papers of Sullivan, ed. Hammond, I, 465; Ewald, Folge
der Belehrungen iiber den Krieg , p. 337, and Zweite und Letzte Folge der Belehrungen iiber den
Krieg, p. 463).

78. British losses were reported as 89 killed, 488 wounded, and 6 missing, totaling 583
officers and men. Howe did not comment on his losses (The Kemble Papers , I, 135).

79. Lieutenant von Forstner (de Forstner), given name unknown, of the Anspach
Jagers (German Allied Troops , trans. Rosengarten, pp. 113, 341).

80. Jager Corps losses are reported as two officers and six men killed and three
sergeants and thirty-five privates seriously wounded, totaling forty-six officers and men
(“Journal . . . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps,” p. 16).

81. Washington was unable to make a return of his losses due to the confusion follow-
ing the battle. Greene estimated the American dead, wounded, and captured at 1,200 to
1,300, but Carrington gives 780 (William Gordon, The History of the Rise, Progress, and
Establishment of the Independence of the United States of America, 3d edn., 2 vols. [New York,
1801], II, 226; Henry B. Carrington, Battles of the American Revolution, 1775 -1781 , 2 vols.
in 1 [New York, Chicago, and New Orleans, 1877], II, 42). The “Journal . . . Hessischen
Feld-Jager Corps” (p. 11) lists the same American losses that Howe estimated, with proba-
ble exaggeration: 300 killed, 600 wounded, and 400 prisoners. See also Samuel S. Smith,
The Battle of Brandywine (Monmouth Beach, N.J., 1976).

82. Washington was in no condition to fight again that night. Freeman comments, “So
tangled were the troops of the center and the right, along the road to Chester, that
Washington did not get them in order until nearly midnight.” Andre adds, “Night and
the fatigue the Soldiers had undergone prevented any pursuit” (Freeman, George
Washington, IV, 483; Major Andre s Journal, ed. Abbatt, pp. 46-47). Ewald and Wreden
later received the Hessian Knight Order pour la vertu militaire for their distinguished
conduct. Lowell notes, “This was a great honor, as they were the first officers of the rank
of captain to be thus distinguished” (The Hessians, p. 199).

83. West Chester, Pennsylvania.

84. Present Goshenville in Chester County.

85. The White Horse Tavern in East Whiteland Township, Chester County.

86. The Boot Tavern, on the road to Chester, was British headquarters on September
16 (Robertson Diaries, ed. Lvdenberg, p. 147).

87. Because of this cloudburst the action which followed is sometimes called “The
Battle of the Clouds.” The British army was positioned near the Admiral Warren Tavern,
known also as the White Horse Tavern (Annals oj the First Troop Philadelphia City Cavalry,
1774-1914 [Philadelphia, 1915], p. 21).

88. As late as 1785 jager rifles were not equipped with bayonets, as is established by
Ewald’s description of that date: “Their weapons consist of a rifle, a short hunting sword.

394

NOTES TO PAGES 89-93

and a good cartridge pouch with a tin casing, in which forty cartridges can be well
preserved” (Abhandlung iiber den kleinen Krieg , p. 19).

89. Washington had intended to deliver a sudden blow against the British on Sep-
tember 16 while their troops were in motion. But due to the sudden deluge tens of
thousands of rounds of ammunition were ruined, since most of the cartridge boxes were
poorly constructed, and many regiments could not fire a shot. Washington’s troops had
no shelter and little food; nearly one thousand men were barefooted and most lacked
even blankets, which had been lost or thrown away in the retreat (The George
Washington Papers, IX, 366, 415, 497).

90. Washington crossed the Schuylkill River on September 19 and proceeded to Read-
ing (Warwick) Furnace to refit his army. He left Smallwood’s brigade on the British side
of the river near White Horse, Wayne’s division at Paoli, and Maxwell’s and Potter’s
brigades at Pott’s Forge (Valley Forge) (ibid., IX, 235-38, 240-41).

91. Now Norristown in Montgomery County.

92. Pikeland Township, Chester County, was divided in 1838 into East Pikeland and
West Pikeland townships.

93. I have been unable to identify the village and rifle factory. Two days earlier the
British destroyed the Mount Joy Forge (Valley Forge) on Valley Creek, built in 1742 (The
Montresor Journals , ed. Scull, p. 457; “Journal . . . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps,” p. 20).

94. Paulins Ford was one mile below Richardson’s Ford and two miles above Fatland
Ford (The Montresor Journals , ed. Scull, p. 419).

95. Norriton Township, Montgomery County.

96. A gulden, or guilder, a coin of the Netherlands. A groschen was a small silver coin,
worth a little more than an English penny or about three American cents. For a full
description of the rather comfortable financial circumstances of the soldiers, see Vol. II,
Chap. 1, Part One.

97. Probably the Reverend Dr. William Smith, a prominent clergyman and educator
who was the First provost of the Academy and College of Philadelphia, reorganized in
1779 as the University of Pennsylvania. See Thomas F. Jones, A Pair of Laum Sleeves: A
Biography of William Smith ( 1727-1803 ) (Philadelphia and Ontario, 19721, p. 118.

98. Dr. Smith resided at the provost’s house at Fourth and Arch streets in Philadelphia.
About 1759 he began to build a house on his property at the Falls of Schuylkill dubbed
“Smith’s Octagon” or “Smith’s Folly.” The house, razed in 1965, stood on the hillside
along Indian Queen Lane above Ridge Avenue in Manayunk, (ibid., pp. 46-48).

99. Commenting on this conversation long afterward, Ewald was careful not to name
his informant. He simply stated that he had been warned by an American, by no means a
Tory,” who said, “My friend, be on your guard tonight and tomorrow" (Folge der Be-
lehrungen iiber den Krieg , p. 32). See also Lowell, The Hessians, p. 201.

100. This revelation of Washington’s whereabouts was reasonably correct. He had
marched his army down the Skippack Road into Worcester Township on October 2 and
camped there, about fifteen miles from Germantown. Norriton Township juts into Wor-
cester Township from the south. Washington left on the evening of October 3, and by
3:00 a.m. on the 4th he was inside the area covered by the British patrols (Freeman,
George Washington , IV, 502-05).

101. General Howe's words are recorded in both English and German in the diary.

102. A German mile equals 4.6 English or statute miles; however, Ewald states at
Charleston in Volume III that a German mile equaled seven English miles, and this is
apparently the ratio he uses in describing distances throughout the Diaiy.

103. Brigadier General James Potter, who commanded a brigade in Major General
John Armstrong’s Pennsylvania militia.

NOTES TO PAGES 93-97

104. The battle was over by 10 a.m.

105. Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Musgrave.

106. The Chew House, known as Cliveden, was built in 1763-67 bv Benjamin Chew,
Chief Justice of Pennsylvania in 1774. The house is located at 6401 Germantown Avenue
in Philadelphia. In 1972 the Chew family gave Cliveden to the National Trust for Historic
Preservation.

107. Just such tactics were recommended to Washington bv several of his officers, that
is, to mask the house with a regiment and to continue on. But he was influenced in his
decision to storm the house bv General Knox, Chief of Artillery (Freeman, George
Washington , IV, 508-09; 514; Ward, War of the Revolution, I, 366).

108. Washington s report of his losses has disappeared. The Board of War reported
American losses as 152 killed, 521 wounded, and over 400 captured or missing (The
George Washington Papers, IX, 319; Gordon, History of the Rise . . . of . . . Independence, II,
234).

109. The British losses are reported as 70 killed, 450 wounded, and 14 missing, total-
ing 534 ( The Kemble Papers , I, 137).

1 10. Brigadier General James Agnew, colonel of the 44th Foot, was mortally wounded.

111. Lieutenant Colonel John Bird, 15th Foot, was killed; Lieutenant Colonel William
Walcott, 5th Foot, was seriously wounded.

112. After receiving news of the defeat of the American left wing, the Jager Corps
attacked the Wissahickon Creek bridge and opposite height. The Americans withdrew
through the defile, leaving twenty dead (“Journal . . . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps,” pp.
26-27).

113. Ewald says “gebackenen Steinen” (“baked stones”) which suggests a brick con-
struction. However, Cliveden is and was most certainly constructed of cut stone and
rubble. Mr. Samuel Chew states: “The front of Cliveden is ‘dressed stone’ or cut blocks
which measure 18 inches in width by 10 inches. The sides of the house were made of
‘rubble’ or crude masonry scored in blocks. The original plaster still remains and shows
signs of where it had been hit by cannonballs” (Samuel Chew to the Editor, March 2,
1972). It is interesting to speculate what might have happened if Washington and Knox
had known that the side and rear walls of Cliveden were made of rubble and not stone. If
they had concentrated their cannon fire on these walls they might have been breached,
and the time saved might have changed the outcome of the battle. Freeman states that the
6-pounders “were placed at an angle to the structure and struck mere glancing blows”
(Freeman, George Washington, IV, 508). Ewald’s description of the scene within Cliveden
immediately after the battle is the only one extant.

1 14. Apparently Howe disregarded Dr. Smith’s warning and failed to alert his forces.
Von Knyphausen does not mention the warning in his report but Andre said on the day
of the battle: “Some intimations had been received the 3d of the designs of the Rebels to
attack us, which were very little credited” (von Knyphausen to the Landgrave of Hesse-
Cassel, Oct. 17, 1777, Hessisches Staatsarchiv Marburg; Major Andre's Journal, ed. Abbatt,
p. 54).

115. Fort Mifflin was located on Fort Island, which was often confused with Mud
Island, a few hundred yards upstream. The fort was named for Major General Thomas
Mifflin, the quartermaster general of the Continental army.

1 16. This was The Hills, the country house of Robert Morris, “Financier of the Revolu-
tion.”

117. Eleven redoubts were erected, connected by strong palisades; the line of en-
trenchments ran between the Schuylkill and Delaware rivers.

118. Now Camden, New Jersey:

396

NOTES TO PAGES 97-98

119. Lieutenant Colonel Justus Henrich von Schieck ( German Allied Troops , trans.
Rosengarten, p. 314; Letters and Journals of Baurrneister, trails, and ed. Uhlendorf, p. 126).

120. Fort Mercer at Red Bank was designed to support the left side of the chevaux-de-
frise in the Delaware River. Washington sent the French engineer captain Thomas An-
toine, Chevalier de Mauduit du Plessis, to strengthen the fort. He found it overbuilt
and reduced the works about two-thirds by putting a double board fence Filled with
obstructions across the remaining third part, which transformed it into a large redoubt
resembling a pentagon (Heston, South Jersey , I, 165; Barber and Howe, Historical Col-
lections ... of New Jersey , p. 211; Frangois Jean, Marquis de Chastellux, Travels in North-
America in the Years 1780, 1781 , and 1782 [New York, 1827], I, 124-25). For details of the
battle, see Jackson, The Pennsylvania Navy, pp. 170-200, and Samuel S. Smith, Fight for the
Delaware (Monmouth Beach, N.J., 1970), pp. 16-24.

121. Colonel von Donop had asked Howe for a separate command, which was granted,
with orders to take Fort Mercer. When he requested more artillery, he was notified that
the British would capture the fort if he could not. He became indignant and replied: "Tell
your general that Germans are not afraid to face death!” (Lowell, The Hessians, p. 204;
Has, Geschichte des 1. Kurhessischen F eldartillerie -Regiments Nr. 11, p. 181).

122. Probably New Jersey militia from Cape May and Salem counties.

123. Cooper’s Creek drawbridge, near Spicer’s Landing, built c. 1762.

124. Von Donop stayed overnight at Haddonfield in the home of John Gill. When he
left the next morning, he told his host that he would capture Fort Mercer before sunset.
Gill promptly sent a messenger to warn his sister, Sarah Whitall, the daughter-in-law of
James and Ann Whitall, who lived close to the fort (Heston, South Jersey , I, 374, 454).

125. The Hessians crossed Big Timber Creek at Clement’s Bridge at the head of the
creek, since the bridge further down had been taken up (ibid., I, 165, 455).

126. On the day of the battle Washington wrote to Brigadier General Silas Newcomb,
commander of militia in southwestern New Jersey, ordering him to fall upon the rear of
the enemy if the latter should invest Fort Mercer. Newcomb did not receive this letter in
time; he did not attack the Hessian rear during the battle and failed to harass their retreat
(The Writings of George Washington, ed. John C. Fitzpatrick, 39 vols. [Washington, 1931-
44], IX, 413; Chaplain Ebenezer David to Nicholas Brown, Nov. 5, 1777, in John Carter
Brown Library, Brown University, Providence, R.I.).

127. Strawberry Bank is modern Wescottville. The Hessians marched from Haddon-
field to Red Bank "by way of a place then known as Cattletown, to the King’s Highway,
above Woodbury and toward Red Bank” (Heston, South Jersey, I, 164-65).

128. Captain Oliver Clark, who had been sent out to reconnoiter (Lundin, Cockpit of the
Revolution, p. 350).

129. Lieutenant Colonel, the Honorable Charles Stuart, a member of Parliament. He
was a major until promoted four days later, on October 26; he had been assigned to the
43d Regiment at Newport, Rhode Island. Stuart was the son of Lord Bute, the former
Prime Minister, and became a confidant of Sir Henry Clinton (Ford, British Officers, p.
169; Diary of Frederick Mackenzie , I, 203; William B. Willcox, Portrait of a General : Sir Henry
Clinton in the War of Independence [New York, 1964], p. 278; A Prime Minister and His Son,
from the Correspondence of the 3rd Earl of Bute and of Lt. -General the Hon. Sir Charles Stuart,
K.B., ed. The Hon. Mrs. E. Stuart-Wortley [London and New York, 1925], p. 117).

130. Major Georg Henrich Pauli, Hessian Field-Artillery Corps, assigned to the Gren-
adier Battalion von Linsing, and a veteran of the Seven Years’ War. Of his conduct
General von Knyphausen wrote on December 13, 1777: "He has taken to drinking so
much that he is frequently unfit for duty” (Has, Geschichte des 1. Kurhessischen
F eldartillerie -Regiments Nr. 11, pp. 162, 728).

397

NOTES TO PAGES 98-102

131. Staff Captain Johann Georg Krug, Hessian Field-Artillery Corps, also a veteran of
the Seven Years' War. His biography, as well as Major Pauli s, is in the work cited above
(ibid., p. 716).

132. The “Journal ... Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps” (p. 30) savs, "The enemy had
been informed this morning of the approach of the troops and hastily prepared to defend
the fort. But the Journal . . . hessischen Grenadier-Bataillon von Minnigerode " (p. 178)
states that von Donop should have attacked at once: "The door of the fort stood open and
the sentinels at the gate and in the fort were pacing quietly up and down with their guns
on their shoulders, probably unloaded.”

133. Lieutenant Colonel Christopher Greene, 1st Rhode Island Regiment. Washington

had sent Greene to Red Bank, and wrote him on October 9: “The post with which you are
entrusted is of the utmost importance to America. . . . The whole defense of the Delaware
absolutely depends upon it; and consequently all the enemy’s hopes of keeping Philadel-
phia and finally succeeding in the object of the present campaign” (Heston, South Jersey I
165). - ’ ’

134. Lieutenant Colonel Jeremiah Olney, 2d Rhode Island Regiment, had been de-
puted to meet “a British major” who had advanced with a white flag, demanding the
surrender of the fort. Olney replied: "We shall not ask for nor expect any quarter, and
mean to defend the fort to the last extremity.” But after the war, Ewald related that when
the fort was summoned “A resolute, loud ‘By God, no!’ was the answer” (Catherine R. A.
Williams, Biography of Revolutionary Heroes; Containing the Life of Brigadier Gen. William
Barton, and also, of Captain Stephen Olney [Providence, 1839], p. 223; “Feldzug der Hessen
nach Amenka von Ewald,” p. 23, Hessian mss, no. 5, Bancroft Collection, New York
Public Library).

135. Bundles of sticks, twigs, or small branches of trees bound on both ends and in the
middle.

136. Lieutenant Colonel (later Colonel) Otto Christian Wilhelm von Linsingen; born
1/3 1/33 at Birkenfelde, Hesse-Cassel; Chief of Grenadier Battalion von Linsingen, called
Linsing by Ewald and others (hetrina, nos. 4637-39).

137. Just before the attack Colonel von Donop summoned the fort a second time:
‘After two hours had elapsed, he again summoned the fort to surrender, but he received
the same answer as before” (‘ Journal . . . hessischen Grenadier-Bataillon von Min-
nigerode,” p. 179).

138. The “Journal... Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps” (p. 31) states that Colonel von
Donop did not want to be carried back and therefore fell into enemy hands.” This
remark is confirmed by the “Journal ... hessischen Grenadier-Bataillon von Min-
nigerode” (p. 181), which says, “He absolutely refused to allow himself to be brought to
Philadelphia.”

139. The Americans in the fort feared to open the gate, although Colonel von Donop
was taken into the fort by Major Simeon Thayer, who arrived after dark. The next
morning the wounded Hessians were carried to the fort and to the nearbv Whitall house
(Williams, Biography of Revolutionary Heroes , p. 225).

140. Officers not previously identified: (2) Captain Wilhelm Erdman von Bogatsky; (3)
Fiist Lieutenant Johann Conrad Riemann; (4) Second Lieutenant Carl von Wurmb; (5)
First Lieutenant Konrad du Puy; (6) Staff Captain Johannes von Groening; (7) First
Lieutenant Georg Wilhelm Hille; (8) Second Lieutenant Karl von Offenbach (hetrina,
nos. 2240, 3163, 3880, 5552; German Allied Troops , trails. Rosengarten, p. 315; Letters and
Journals of Baurmeister, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, p. 126).

141- Officers not previously identified: (2) Staff Captain Johann Emanuel Wagner,
mortally wounded; (4) Captain Ludwig Friedrich von Stamford; (5) Captain Henrich

398

NOTES TO PAGES 102-05

Friedridi Wachs; (7) First Lieutenant Friedrich Andreas Schotten (Baurmeister calls him
"Lieutenant Scbutten, my sister's only son”); (8) Second Lieutenant Johann Ludolf
Rodemann; (9) Second Lieutenant Friedrich Wilhelm Waitz von Eschen; (10) Second
Lieutenant Carl Friedrich Rieffer (Ruffer); (1 1) Ensign Hieronymus Berner; (12) Second
Lieutenant Dietrich von Gottschall, mortally wounded; (13) Second Lieutenant Ernst
Philipp Wilhelm Heymel; also wounded was Captain Karl Wilhelm von Eschwege, 1st
Company, Grenadier Battalion von Linsing (hetrina, nos. 453, 2436, 3074, 3859, 6092,
8041, 8083, 8132; German Allied Troops, trans. Rosengarten, pp. 288, 291, 314-15; Letters
and Journals of Baurmeister, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, pp. 126-27).

142. Lieutenant Berner recovered. Colonel von Donop was removed from the Whitall
house to the Low house across the dam at Woodbury Creek, where he died on October
29; he was buried with military honors at the lower end of the fort. His grave was later
despoiled and his remains reportedly scattered as relics and souvenirs. The Rutgers Uni-
versity Library displays a skull which a New Jersey physician claimed was the colonel's.
But the Rev. Schroeder states that the government of Hesse-Cassel removed von Donop’s
remains for reinterment in his own country (Heston, South Jersey, I, 167-68; Barber and
Howe, Historical Collections . . . of New Jersey, p. 210; Lossing, Pictorial Field-Book of the Rev-
olution, II, 84; John F. Schroeder, Life and Times of Washington, 2 vols. [New York, 1857],

L 597). .. , „ .

143. The battle lasted about forty minutes; contemporary accounts list the Hessian

losses variously. Von Knyphausen’s official report lists 82 killed, 229 wounded, and 60
missing, totaling 371. Baurmeister gives 377 killed and wounded, about 100 wounded
being captured. Captain Stephen Olney believed “their killed and wounded exceeded
400.” Ewald reports 154 killed (including three mortally wounded) and 263 wounded,
totaling 417. The number of wounded who did not recover is unknown (Lowell, The
Hessians, pp. 208, 301; Williams, Biography of Revolutionary Heroes, p. 224; Letters and
Journals of Baurmeister, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, p. 126).

144. The American losses were 14 killed and 23 wounded. Captain Olney says the
Hessians were “said to be 1200 strong,” but the Jager Corps strength alone was about half
that number. Gruber, Heston, and Mauduit give a strength of about 2,500 men. One year
later the same units numbered 2,206 (Williams, Biography of Revolutionary Heroes, pp. 222,
224; Diary of Frederick Mackenzie, 11,410; Gruber, The Howe Brothers, p.251; Heston, South
Jersey, I, 166; The Revolutionary Journal of Baron Ludwig von Closen, 1780-1783, trans. and
ed. Evelyn M. Acomb [Chapel Hill, N.C., 1958], p. 121).

145. Captain Francis Reynolds, R.N.

146. Bergen op Zoom in the Netherlands was captured by the French in 1747 during
the War of the Austrian Succession. Olmiitz was besieged and sacked by the Swedes in the
Thirty Years’ War.

147. The distance between the two forts was about 1,900 yards.

148. Fort Mifflin and its 300-man garrison were exposed to a terrific cannonade for six
days, beginning November 10 with the bombardment by British batteries on Province and
Carpenters islands, aided by British ships in the river. On the last day, November 15
more than a thousand balls struck the fort. About 250 Americans were killed and
wounded; the British loss was 7 killed and 5 wounded (Major Andre s Journal, ed. Abbatt,
p. 64; Jackson, The Pennsylvania Navy, pp. 256-59; Gruber, The Howe Brothers, pp. 258-
59; for Admiral Howe's account, see Marion Balderston, "Lord Howe Clears the Dela-
ware,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 96, no. 3 [July 1972]. 338-40).

149. Major John Graves Simcoe. See Simcoe's Military Journal: A Histoiy of the Operations
of a Partisan Corps, Called the Queens Rangers, Commanded by Lieut. Col.J.G. Simcoe, Dunng
the War of the American Revolution (New York, 1844), pp. 17, 62. The journal was published

399

NOTES TO PAGES 109-20

privatelv in 1787. A copv containing Simcoes handwritten dedication to George 111 is in
the British Museum, London.

150. The light infantry was attacked bv Colonel Morgan and his Virginia riflemen and
bv Colonel Mordecai Gist and his Maryland militia. The Americans lost about thirty killed
and wounded, with fifteen captured; the British had around forty killed and wounded
(Robertson Dianes, ed. Lydenberg, p. 160; Simcoes Military Journal, p. 31; Major Andres
Journal, ed. Abbatt, pp. 68-70; Letters and Journals oj Baurmeister, trans. and ed. Uhlen-
dorf, pp. 136-38).

151. Cornwallis, with 3,500 men, fell in with Potter's militia and Sullivan's division at
Matson’s Ford, now Conshohocken. Washington recalled his troops, but Potter was un-
able to get back before the bridge was broken up. Howe blamed the foragers, not
Cornwallis, for harmful acts inflicted upon the inhabitants (Robertson Diaries, ed. Lyden-
berg, p. 161; Ward, War of the Revolution, I, 381-82; “Valley Forge, 1777-1778: Diary of
Surgeon Albigence Waldo,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 21, no. 3
(1897): 299-323).

152. Middle Ferrv was located on the Schuylkill at the foot of High Street, now Market
Street, in Philadelphia.

153. This letter appears in the diary in both English and German. The date of the
letter is three days later than the date of December 13 given for Cornwallis s departure
for England in Franklin and Mary Wickwire, Cornwallis: The American Adventure (Boston,

1970), p. 105.

154. The area called "The Neck” was located in present South Philadelphia between
the Delaware and Schuylkill rivers. After the surrender of Cornwallis in 1 78 1 a number of
Hessian deserters became farmers on The Neck, below' present 1 hird Street and Oregon
Avenue. The residents of this area were called "Keekers.”

155. Upper Ferry was located in the area of the present Philadelphia Museum of Art.

VOLUME II

CHAPTER 1

1 . Major General Arthur E. Sinclair was in New York State.

2. Rev. Dr. Caspar Dietrich Weyberg, pastor of the First Reformed Church in
Philadelphia, located on Sassifrass (now Race) Street near North Fourth Street (John T.
Faris, Old Churches and Meeting Houses In and Around Philadelphia [Philadelphia and Lon-
don, 1926], p. 73; John F. Watson, Annals of Philadelphia, and Pennsylvania, in the Olden
Time, 3 vols. [Philadelphia, 1884], I, 452). Ewald was of the Reformed faith.

3. The western section of Berks County, Pennsylvania, is known as the Tulpehocken
Area, and consists of the townships of Tulpehocken, Upper Tulpehocken, Jefterson,
Heidelberg, North Heidelberg, Lower Heidelberg, and Penn. Tulpehocken Creek was
the "Land of the Turtles" in Delaware Indian language. No data is available on Tul-
pehocken loyalists.

4. In October 1777 a census of Philadelphia ordered by General Howe recorded
21,767 inhabitants and 5.470 houses, of which 587 were found unoccupied. Many of the
residents who had fled at the approach of the British returned later, except for about
6,000 men serving with the Continental army (Watson, Annals of Philadelphia, II, 40/).

5. Captain Richard Hovendon of Pennsylvania; his name appears on the Pennsylvania
"Black List,” a list of citizens proscribed for treason (Sabine, Biographical Sketches oj
Loyalists, I, 546; Kuntzleman, Joseph Galloway, Loyalist, p. 41).

6. Captain Evan Thomas of Pennsylvania (Sabine, Biographical Sketches of Loyalists, II.

353).

400

NOTES TO PAGES 120-29

7. Major Francis Murray, i3th Pennsylvania Regiment. Heitrnan {Officers of the Conti-
nental Army, p. 408) states that Murray was “taken prisoner 2 1 February 1778, while on his
wav home; exchanged 25 Dec. 1780; did not return to service.”

8. Major Richard Crewe, 17th Regiment of Dragoons (Ford, British Officers , p. 54).

9. Captain (later Lieutenant Colonel) Henry Lee, Jr., 1st Regiment of Continental
Dragoons, known as “Light-Horse Harry” Lee; father of General Robert E. Lee.

10. Mounted sentinels, stationed in advance of the pickets to watch an enemy and give
notice of danger.

1 1. This affair may have been the British attack on Virginia troopers in the house and
barn of Andrew Wood of Roxborough during the winter of 1778. The incident is com-
memorated on a stone obelisk in Leverington Cemetery in Roxborough, Philadelphia.
The bones of eighteen Virginia troopers were removed to the cemetery from their origi-
nal burial place on Wood’s farm. The Grace Lutheran Church now occupies the site.
Henry Lee does not mention the attack in his Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department
of the United States (New York, 1869).

12. First Lieutenant (later Captain) Balthaser Mertz of the Jager Corps (German Allied
Troops , trans. Rosengarten, p. 333).

13. In early May 1778 Washington’s army at Valley Forge numbered 11,800 men,
able-bodied and convalescents. There were about 1,400 men at Wilmington, and about
1,800 in the Highlands garrisons in New York. Washington estimated he would have
about 20,000 men for the next campaign, plus 3,000 to 4,000 militia from the middle and
southern states and an unascertained force in the north (Freeman, George Washington , V,
7; The George Washington Papers, XI, 563-65).

14. Ewald’s Disposition of General Washington at Valley Forge , illustrated.

15. Lieutenant General Sir Frederick Haldimand, who succeeded General Sir Guy
Carleton as governor of Quebec.

16. Major General Robert Pigot commanded in Rhode Island. Lord Percy remained in
England.

17. France announced the Alliance on March 13, 1778. The confirming news reached
Washington on April 30.

18. The Free Friends Apprentice Library, located at the corner of present Arch and
North Fifth streets, Philadelphia.

19. Anthony Benezet (1713-84), a prominent Quaker of Huguenot origin from St.
Quentin, France. He became a teacher in Philadelphia and was interested in education for
girls, emancipation of the slaves, and religious toleration (Dictionary of American Biography ,
ed. Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone, 27 vols. [New York, 1928-44], s.v. Benezet,
Anthony”).

20. The Academy and College of Philadelphia.

21. Dr. David Rittenhouse (1732-96), American astronomer and instrument maker.
He constructed the first orrery for the College of New Jersey, now Princeton University,
and a second one in 1771 for the Academy and College of Philadelphia. The latter is in
the University of Pennsylvania Museum.

22. A French squadron had sailed from Toulon on April 13, 1778. The fleet consisted
of twelve ships of the line and four frigates, mounting 834 guns and carrying 4,000
troops, commanded by Vice Admiral Charles Hector, Comte d’Estaing. Lord Germain
wrote Clinton of the danger on May 4, but the news did not reach New York until July^L a
week before the French fleet arrived in the Delaware (Germain to Clinton, May 4, 1 / /JL
in Sir Henry Clintons Narrative , ed. Willcox, p. 381; Ward, War oj the Revolution , II, 587).

23. Probably Johann Ludwig Leonhard, about sixty years old; born at Ziegenhain,
Hesse -Cassel. He was recruited as a grenadier for the 1st Company, Grenadier Battalion

401

NOTES TO PAGES 129-32

von Minnigerode, in October 1777 and died as a private in October 1780 (hetrina, nos.
4552-53).

24 The Hessian Knight Order pour la vertu militaire, established March 5, 1769, with
the Landgrave, Frederick II, as Order-Master. The original Hessian Court Register citing
Ewald’s honor was published as a pamphlet: Hochfiirstlich Hessen-Casselischer, Staats- und
Adress-Calender auf das Jahr Christi 1778, Cassel [17 78]; the original is held b\ the Hes-
sisches Staatsarchiv Marburg.

25. First Lieutenant (later Captain) Franz Christian von Bodungen ot the Jager Corps
(Eelking, Die deutschen Hiiljstruppen , II, 266).

26. Washington had sent out Lafayette with about 2,200 men and five guns to cover
the camp at Valley Forge, to obstruct enemy parties, "and to obtain intelligence ot their
motions and designs” (The George Washington Papers, XI, 418-19). On May 18, 1778,
Lafayette took post at Barren Hill, about four miles west of Whitemarsh (Ward, War of the
Revolution, II, 564).

27. General Grant, with five thousand men. took a circuitous route via Franklord and
Whitemarsh to a point where the road to Whitemarsh crossed the Ridge Road, about a
mile and a half north of Barren Hill in Lafayette’s rear. Another column of two thousand
grenadiers under General Grey crossed to the left bank of the Schuylkill and took post
about three miles below Barren Hill (Charlemagne Tower, The Marquis de La Fayette in the
American Revolution, 2 vols. [Philadelphia, 1895], I, 331-32).

28. The Falls of Schuylkill were located opposite Fort St. Davids until 1822, when
construction of the Fairmount dam deepened and widened the river, covering the falls.

29. The Americans reported nine men killed and captured at the ford, with two British
horsemen killed and several wounded. Erskine reported to Howe that the Americans lost
one French officer and six riflemen killed, and one French officer and nine men cap-
tured; but Baurmeister cites "General Lafayette’s report” that 127 were drowned in the
Schuylkill River (Freeman, George Washington, V, 8; Letters and Journals of Baurmeister,
trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, pp. 176-77).

30. Ewald encountered Captain Allen McLane’s partisan corps of 150 men, including
50 Oneida Indians, which covered Lafayette’s left wing on Ridge Road. No Indians are
reported captured (Tower, The Marquis de La Fayette, I, 329-36; Ward, War of the Revolu-

tion , II, 564). ,

31. The “Journal . . . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps’ (p. 53) states that Hoyendon s pro-
vincials accompanied the British army across New Jersey. Clinton mentions “Pennsylvania
Loyalists" in his army. Stryker savs Hovendon’s troop of provincial cavalry was under
General Leslie (Clinton to Germain, June 22, 1778, The Henry Clinton Papers, William L.
Clements Library; William S. Stryker, The Battle oj Monmouth, ed. William S. Myers
[Princeton, 1927], p. 55).

32 This reason for the abandonment of Philadelphia has long been the generallv
accepted one. But a week after the French demarche of March 13, the British government
drew up and dispatched a new plan of campaign focusing principal attention on the
French West Indies instead of North America. Clinton’s army was the nearest available
for this purpose. Willcox remarks, "Many historians have assumed that the order to
evacuate Philadelphia was the government’s response to the threat horn d’Estamg. Noth-
ing could be further from the truth" (Portrait of a General, pp. 223-241.

33. Howe’s letter is recorded in the diary in the original French; it also appears in Carl
von Ewald, General lieutenant Johann von Ewalds Levnetslqb, p. 26.

34. William Schaw, Earl Cathcart. The proposals of the Commissioners were tor-
warded to Congress at York, Pennsylvania, bv ordinary military post (Carl Van Doren,
Secret History of the American Revolution [New York, 1941], p. 95).

35. On May 17 Congress voted the answer to the proposals of the Royal Commission.

ICot

kn<

bee

but

rec

j‘*>

402

NOTES TO PAGES 132-35

Congress would treat with the Commissioners only if American independence was ac-
knowledged or the British fleets and armies were withdrawn (ibid. ).

36. Lowell says the Americans believed the Anspachers were shipped to New York
because they could not be trusted. Stryker states that Clinton thought they would desert,
but Clinton does not mention this in his Narrative. The Germans said the two Anspach
regiments were unable to march (Lowell, The Hessians, pp. 212-13; Stryker, The Battle of
Monmouth . ed. Myers, p. 31).

37. The Upper Ferry was also called the Coopers Point Ferry, and sometimes the New
Jersey Ferry. The Philadelphia terminus was at Arch Street, and the New Jersey terminus
near the present Pyne Poynt Park in Camden (Charles S. Boyer, “Old Ferries,” no. 3,
Annals of Camden , [Camden, N.J., 1921], pp. 8-9).

38. Major General Heinrich Julius von Kospoth of the Hessian forces.

39. Brigadier General John Cadwalader, with about three hundred Continentals and
some militia, hung on the British rear (Ward, War of the Revolution , II, 573).

40. Now Pensauken Creek, which flows northwestward into the Delaware River below
Palmyra (Bisbee, Place Names in Burlington County, p. 85).

41. Robertson (Diaries, ed. Lydenberg, p. 174) states that Cornwallis’s division en-
camped at John Lippincott’s place in Evesham Township on June 18.

42. Fostertown, formerly Forestertown, was named for an early property owner and
county judge, William Foster or Forester (Bisbee, Place Names in Burlington County, p. 44).

43. The Belly-Bridge Branch, a name applied to the South West Branch of the An-
cocas (now Rancocas) Creek by the Burlington General Assembly of 1766 (ibid., pp. 7, 29).

44. The name is spelled Earystown, Airstown, Arystown, and Irestown in early maps.
The place was named for Richard Eayres, who owned the tract in 1713 (ibid., p. 37).

45. The South Branch of the Rancocas Creek at Eayrestown.

46. Maxwell, with thirteen hundred New Jersey Continentals, was in front of the
British at Mount Holly, but withdrew on their approach. Philemon Dickinson, with eight
hundred New Jersey militia, was on the British left flank. Both generals had been ordered
to destroy bridges and obstruct roads, and to harass and slow the British retreat but not to
bring on any general action. On June 21 Colonel Morgan was detached from the main
army with six hundred riflemen to annoy the British flank (Ward, War of the Revolution,
II, 572-73).

47. Generals Lee and Wayne, with six brigades, crossed the Delaware River at Coryell’s
Ferry (now Lambertville, New Jersey) during the night of June 20. Washington crossed
over on the 21st with the rest of his army (The George Washington Papers, VII, 102-04).

48. Despite American reports that the British attempted to repair and cross the bridge,
the intent was to make a feigned attack or demonstration to assist the army in passing
Crosswicks (Freeman, George Washington, V, 15; Lossing, Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolu-
tion, II, 11; Barber and Howe, Historical Collections . . . of New Jersey, p. 104).

49. The Americans were a part of General Dickinson’s New Jersey militia. The “Jour-
nal .. . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps” (pp. 54-55) reports that Colonel Morgan was pre-
sent.

50. Lieutenant Colonel William Lewis, 1st Regiment of Burlington County Militia.

51. Heston states, “A small force and a number of wagons were sent to Colonel Lewis’
mills on Black’s Creek, seized all the grain and Hour, and set fire to the buildings” (South
Jersey , II, 654).

52. For Simcoe’s account, see his Military Journal, p. 68.

53. The British army marched on June 26 to Monmouth Court House, “where it
encamped in a beautiful plain. The jagers were stationed in a very pleasant walnut grove
on the road to Trenton” (“Journal . . . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps,” p. 57).

54. Pulaski was not present; his legion had been taken over by Colonel Stephen Moylan

403

NOTES TO PAGES 136-38

in March 1778. On June 26 Moylan proceeded to the enemy front from Englishtown, but
he had only thirty troopers and could do little more than observe the enemy and forward
intelligence (The George Washington Papers, LXXVHI, 49).

55. Clinton lists the following troops in von Knyphausen’s division: ** 1 7th Light Dra-
goons, 2d Battalion of Light Infantry, Hessian Yagers, 1st and 2d brigades British, Stern’s
and Loo’s brigades of Hessians, Pennsylvania Loyalists, West Jersey Volunteers. Maryland
Loyalists’ (Clinton to Germain, July 5, 1778, The Henry Clinton Papers, William L.
Clements Library).

56. Clinton lists these troops in Cornwallis’s division: “16th Light Dragoons, 1st battal-
ion of British Grenadiers, 2d ditto, 1st battalion of Light Infantry, Hessian Grenadiers,
Guards, 3d, 4th, 5th brigades British” (ibid.). The Queen’s Rangers are omitted.

57. General Dickinson’s New Jersey militia of Lee’s division. Lee himself was still at
Englishtown at that hour.

58. The west ravine, a morass through which ran a branch of the Wemrock Brook
(Ward, War of the Revolution , II, 577).

59. Washington reported to Congress that his revised losses were 72 killed, 161
wounded, and 132 missing, totaling 365, but added, “Many of the missing dropped
through fatigue and have since come in” (Freeman, George Washington, V, 43n.). British
casualties were 235 killed and wounded, 64 missing, and 59 dead of fatigue, totaling 358
(Facsimilies of Manuscripts in European Archives Relating to America, 1773-1783 , ed. Benjamin
F. Stevens, 25 vols. [London, 1889-98], XI, no. 1114).

60. Lieutenant Colonel, the Honorable Henry Monckton, 45th Regiment, who is
buried in Tennent Church graveyard.

61. Major William Gardiner, 10th Regiment, was not killed but wounded in the foot.

62. Clinton states that the baggage and provisions train “extended near twelve miles.”
Von Knyphausen said there were about 1,500 wagons (Clinton to Germain, July 5, 1778,
The Henry Clinton Papers, William L. Clements Library; Von Knyphausen to the Land-
grave of Hesse-Cassel, July 6, 1778, in Lowell, The Hessians, p. 213).

63. The 40th Regiment.

64. Clinton fails to credit the Jager Corps in his account of the defense of the train
(Clinton to Germain, July 5, 1778).

65. Clinton left the battlefield “near midnight” on June 28 and joined von
Knvphausen’s division the next morning at Nut Swamp, about three miles south of
Middletown (Sir Henry Clintons Narrative, ed. Willcox, p. 98). For details of the battle see
Samuel S. Smith, The Battle of Monmouth (Monmouth Beach, N.J., 1964).

66. The Navesink River, also called the North Shrewsbury River.

67. Sandy Hook Bay.

68. Sandy Hook was connected with Shrewsbury Township by a narrow bar until 1778,
when it became an island.

69. Sandy Hook Lighthouse, built in 1 764, was described in the New York Mercury, June
1 /64, as follows: “On Monday Evening last [June 1 1] the New York Light-house, erected
at Sandy Hook, was lighted for the first time. The house is of octagon figure, having eight
equal sides; the diameter at the base, 29 feet; and at the top of the wall, 15 feet. The
lanthorn is 7 feet high; the circumference 33 feet. The whole construction of the lanthorn
is iron; the top covered with copper. There are 48 oil blazes. The building from the
surface is nine stories; the whole from bottom to top, 103 feet.” The lighthouse now
stands on the U.S. military reservation. Fort Hancock. In 1962 the lower part of the
promontory became Sandy Hook State Park.

/0. Due Charles Louis Auguste Fouquet de Belle-Isle (1684-1761), Marshal of France,
whose masterly retreat from Prague in 1742 during the War of the Austrian Succession
saved the French army.

404

NOTES TO PAGES 138-43

71 Clinton notes, “But with the| thermometer at 96 — when people fell dead in the
street, and even in their houses — what could be done at midday in a hot pine barren,
loaded with everything that [the] poor soldier carries?” (Sir Henry Clintons Narrative , ed.
Willcox, p. 94n.). Unofficial reports said that the thermometer reached 103° on June 28.

72. On July 7 Major Baurmeister wrote Major General Baron Friedrich von
Jungkenn-Muntzer, Lord High Chamberlain and Minister of State of Hesse-Cassel, that
“the men were never in need of salt or fresh provisions.” but Lieutenant von Krafft says,
“On the march we got salt and fresh meat, biscuit and rum, nothing more” (Letters and
Journals of Baurmeister, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, p. 185; Journal of Lieutenant J ohn Charles
Philip von Krafft, 1776-1784 , Collections of the New-York Historical Society for the Year
1882, Vol. XII [New York, 1882], p. 49).

73. After reconnoitering the British on June 27, Major General von Steuben notified
Washington that “They have some tents pitched 8c their horses are at pasture.” Perhaps
the tents belonged to the headquarters command staff, for Lieutenant von Krafft states,
“We had no tents” (Kapp, Life of von Steuben, p. 158; Journal of Lieutenant von Krafft, p. 40).

74. Washington thought the total British loss during the retreat was 2,000, including
over 600 deserters who came into Philadelphia by July 6. On the same day, von
Knyphausen reported to the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel that 236 Hessians had deserted
during the retreat. American reports said the Hessian deserters numbered 440 and the
British deserters 136 (The George Washington Papers, XII, 150, 161; Lowell, The Hes-
sians, p. 213n.; Stryker, The Battle of Monmouth, ed. Myers, pp. 293-94).

CHAPTER 2

1. General Gates remained in the New York Highlands.

2. The deep-draught vessels of the French fleet were unable to sail inside Sandy Hook
because the channel was not deep enough. A French man-of-war of 64 guns drew
twenty-seven feet, while a similarly gunned British ship drew twenty-two feet (Freeman,
George Washington, V, 48n.).

3. Lieutenant Colonel Andreas Emmerich had fought in the Seven Years’ War and
afterward settled in America. At the outbreak of the Revolution he returned to Germany
and raised a volunteer corps of chasseurs for service under the British flag. In 1809 he
took a leading part in a conspiracy against Jerome Bonaparte, King of Westphalia, and
was executed (German Allied Troops, trans. Rosengarten, p. 121).

4. A part of the Hessian prisoners captured at Trenton in 1776.

5. The Philipse Manor Hall, now a New York State Historic Site. See Edward H. Hall,
Philipse Manor Hall at Yonkers (New York, 1930).

6. Frederick Philipse, the third and last lord of the manor. In 1779 he was attainted of
treason by the New York Legislature and his entire estate was confiscated, including the
Philipse Castle at Tarrytown and the town house at Whitehall and Stone streets in New
York City. Philipse died in England in 1785 (Dictionary of American Biography and Encyclo-
pedia Americana [New York, 1962], s.v. “Philipse, Frederick”).

7. The Albany Post Road, which ran past the Philipse Manor Hall; now Warburton
Avenue in Yonkers.

8. St. John’s Episcopal Church, built in 1752-53 by Frederick Philipse and maintained
by him. Ewald mentions this same church and graveyard in his entry for July 23, 1778.
The church was rebuilt in 1870.

9. Captain Carl von Rau of the Jager Corps.

10. The second destructive fire in New York City, on August 7, 1778, destroyed over
one hundred buildings in the area south of Pearl Street, between Coen ties and Old Slips
(Heath's Memoirs, ed. Wilson, p. 409).

405

NOTES TO PAGES 143-52

1 1. See Lossing, Pictorial Field-Book oj the Revolution , II, 630-31.

12. Captain Christoph Friedrich Joseph von Waldenfels.

13. First known as the Caledonian Volunteers, a Scottish corps initially raised by Earl
Cathcart in Philadelphia by Clinton’s order, with its organization completed in New York.
In August 1778 Earl Cathcart was succeeded by Lieutenant Colonel Banastre Tarleton
and the corps became the British Legion (Sir Henry Clintons Narrative , ed. Willcox, p. Ill;
Simcoe’s Military Journal , pp. 79-80).

14. The farm of Peter Post, located between Hastings and Dobbs Ferry.

15. See Ewald’s Ambuscade , which shows how the Americans were trapped below Val-
entine’s house. See also Simcoe’s Ambuscade of the Indians at Kinksbridge , August 31, 1778
(Simcoes Military Journal , p. 86).

16. Daniel Nimham, a Wappinger chief, who was killed. Simcoe says Nimham, his son,
and about forty of his sixty braves were killed or seriously wounded, and that Lieutenant
Colonel Tarleton commanded the Legion cavalry. Baurrneister states that Earl Cathcart
commanded the 17th Light Dragoons ( Simcoes Military Journal, pp. 81, 85; Letters and
Journals of Baurrneister, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, p. 205).

17. Brigadier General Charles Scott of Virginia.

18. This severe skirmish is often called the action at Indian Field or Indian Bridge.
Lowell drew his account (The Hessians, pp. 223-25) from Ewald’s Folge der Belehrungen
iiber den Kneg, pp. 312-18. The “Journal ... Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps” makes no
comment.

19. Arminius, called Hermann in modern German, was the great Teuton chieftain
who destroyed the Roman legions under P. Quintilius Varus in the Teutoberg Forest in
a.d. 9, securing the independence of the Teutonic race.

20. Matting or cordage made of the inner bark of basswood.

21. Colonel Nathaniel Gist, 1 6th Virginia Regiment.

22. Babcock’s Hill was also known as Boar Hill. Colonel Gist and his corps camped near
the hill; he “was enamoured of the widow Babcock and it is said that the attachment was
reciprocated.” When Major Prueschenck failed to force Philipse’s bridge, he joined the
other troops, whereupon “Gist’s rear being thus left open, the Americans, aided by signals
waved by Mrs. Babcock from an upper window, escaped” (Hall, Philipse Manor Hall at
Yonkers, p. 168).

23. Washington opened his field headquarters at Fishkill, New York (The George
Washington Papers, XII, 526-29).

24. Located several miles due east of Valentine’s Hill.

25. The Queen’s Rangers and the 71st Highland Regiment crossed the river on Sep-
tember 28, but returned because they had arrived too late to cooperate with the British
foraging expedition in New Jersey (Simcoe’s Military Journal, p. 90; Robertson Diaries, ed.
Lvdenberg, p. 183).

26. Baurrneister states that the Americans in ambush were Colonel Richard Butler s
250 infantry and Major Henry Lee’s 200 dragoons (Letters arid Journals oj Baurrneister,
trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, p. 221). The “Journal . . . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps” (p. 70)
confirms 'Light-Horse Harry” Lee’s presence. See also Otto Hufeland, 11 estchester County
During the American Revolution, 1//5-1/83, 3 vols. (White Plains, NA 1926), HI, 266, and
Journal oj Lieutenant Von Krafft, pp. 62-63.

27. Abraham Storm, who built the bridge and lived nearby, was an American captain
during the war (Sarah Comstock, Old Roads jrom the Heart of New I ork [New \oik, 1915],
p. 296). The “Journal. . . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps” (p. 71) says the attack occurred
near Hammond’s house, just north ot Storm’s Bridge.

28. Paulus Hook, or Powles Hook, now a part of Jersey City.

29. The British expedition crossed the Hudson River to Paulus Hook on September 22

406

NOTES TO PAGES 152-57

and returned on October 15, bringing thirty sloops loaded with forage (Robertson Dianes ,
ed. Lydenberg, pp. 182-84).

30. Captain Patrick Ferguson, 70th Regiment, was promoted to major on October 25,
1779. A few months later he was promoted to temporary lieutenant colonel (Ford, British
Officers , p. 69).

3 1 . Chestnut Neck at Little Egg Harbor, New Jersey, was an important port for Ameri-
can privateers which preyed on British shipping. Ferguson attacked and captured a small
earthen fort without guns at Fox Burrows on Chestnut Neck in the Mullica River; he
destroyed the village and ten ships, as well as the salt works at Bass River (Ferguson’s
report to Clinton, Oct. 10, 1778, in Heston, South Jersey , 1, 231-32). See also Franklin W.
Kemp, A Nest of Rebel Pirates (Egg Harbor City, N.J., 1966).

32. He was not a Frenchman but Lieutenant Colonel Charles August, Baron von Bose,
of a noble Saxon family, born at Klein-Leitz, Germany, on September 21, 1728. Baron
Bose was second in command to Count Pulaski; he commanded the advanced picket of
about fifty Legion troops posted on farms near present Tuckerton (Franklin W. Kemp,
“Baron Bose Comes to Berks,” Historical Review of Berks County 30, no. 1 [1964-65]:
19-20).

33. This affair is commonly called the Massacre of Little Egg Harbor. When Governor
Livingston learned of the expedition, he appealed to Congress and Washington for aid.
Count Pulaski and his Legion were sent to Little Egg Harbor, reaching present Tuckerton
on October 8. Ferguson reported “about fifty and several officers” were killed and “only
five prisoners” taken. Pulaski reported to Congress that he lost between twenty-five and
thirty men (Heston, South Jersey , I, 232 and II, 766-68; Barber and Howe, Historical
Collections ... of New Jersey , pp. 108-09; Kemp, A Nest of Rebel Pirates, pp. 37-52).

34. Lieutenant Carl Wilhelm Joseph Juliat, who was dishonorably discharged but later
received an honorable discharge. Baurmeister wrote of him in October 1780: “Out of
respect to his great-uncle, the Palatine master of ordnance, I took it on myself to help him
get to Hesse-Rheinfels to his family; but the hussar’s beaver made him forget the danger
he is in if the rebels capture him.” In January 1781 Baurmeister wrote that Juliat had
embarked for Europe on the transport Minerva. But nothing is said of Juliat’s despicable
deed (Letters and Journals of Baurmeister, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, pp. 227, 390, 408).

35. Near the foot of Babcock’s Hill (Boar Hill) stood the rectory of the Reverend Luke
Babcock, an ardent loyalist who died in 1777. His widow continued to live in the house.
Babcock was the second pastor of St. John’s Episcopal Church, described above in note 8.
His house was about three-quarters of a mile northeast of the Philipse Manor Hall (Robert
Bolton, History of Westchester County , 2 vols. [New York, 1881], II, 648). Babcock’s house is
shown in Ewald’s Plan of the Area of Philipses Hill or Philipses Heights.

36. Colonel Beverly Robinson’s Loyal American Regiment and Brigadier General
Oliver DeLancey’s New York Volunteers, which were posted near the mouth of Fly Brook
(Head of the Fly) on the northern shore of Long Island.

37. Lieutenant Colonel John Yorke.

38. The Americans and their prisoners crossed the river three days before the British
arrived on December 5, the last of their baggage having crossed the previous evening
(Robertson Diaries, ed. Lydenberg, p. 186; Sir Henry Clintons Narrative, ed. Willcox, pp.
114-15).

39. Brigadier General (later Major General) John Campbell, who had left New York
with a corps for Pensacola, West Florida, almost simultaneously with Lieutenant Colonel
Archibald Campbell, who captured Savannah on December 29, 1778.

40. Brigadier General Augustine Prevost, commanding British forces in East Florida.
He marched from St. Augustine with about three thousand men and joined Lieutenant
Colonel Campbell after the fall of Savannah.

407

NOTES TO PAGES 157-59

41. Lieutenant Colonel Campbell’s detailed dispatch to Germain may be found in The
Lord George Germain Papers, William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan, Ann
Arbor.

42. Lord George Germain, Secretary of State for the American Colonies; subsequently
first Viscount Sackville.

43. The line of 30° north latitude crosses Florida about six miles north of St. Augus-
tine.

44. Concerning this shortage of provisions, Clinton says that the army was ‘saved from
destruction” by the unexpected arrival of a fleet of victualers from Cork (Sir Henry
Clintons Narrative, ed. Willcox, p. 112n.).

45. Lieutenant Colonel Francis, Lord Rawdon; subsequently Earl of Moira, first Mar-
quis of Hastings. He was Clinton’s adjutant general in 1778. Before he left Philadelphia,
Clinton formed a corps of Irish emigrants under the title of the Volunteers of Ireland,
whose officers were all from that country. He placed Lord Rawdon in command, “whose
zeal I know would lead him to spare neither expense nor pains to complete its numbers
and render it useful and respectable” (ibid., pp. 110-11).

46. Maston’s Wharf is not listed among the one hundred wharves and slips in I. N.
Phelps Stokes, The Iconography of Manhattan Island, 1498-1909 , 6 vols. (New York 1915-
28).

47. McGowan’s Pass was located close to present 107th Street and Seventh Avenue in
the rocky northeast part of what is now Central Park.

48. Woodlawn, the home of Nicholas Jones, which stood a little west of the present
corner of 107th Street and Eleventh Avenue.

49. Now Washington Heights.

50. Probably an error for the 42d Regiment, since the 4th Regiment was sent to the
West Indies. Baurmeister lists the 42d at Newtown (Letters and Journals of Baurmeister,
trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, p. 229).

51. Hallefs Cove, later Astoria, and now part of Brooklyn. Regiment Prinz Carl is also
placed at Kings Bridge. Baurmeister puts it at Bushwick (ibid.).

52. Regiment Erb Prinz was named for the hereditary prince William (Georg
Wilhelm), the eldest son and heir apparent of Landgrave Frederick II of Hesse-Cassel.
During the Revolution, William governed the independent state of Hesse-Hanau. His
mother, Princess Mary, the fourth daughter of King George II of Great Britain, had
separated herself from the Landgrave on his conversion to Catholicism in 1749 and
retired to Hanau with her son.

53. Brigadier General Cortland Skinner’s brigade of West Jersey Volunteers, which
generally consisted of three battalions.

54. Stirling was a temporary brigadier general, subsequently major general.

55. This surprise attack, which occurred on February 25, 1779, was a failure.
Robertson states that the British lost about twenty men killed, wounded, and taken pris-
oner, while the Americans lost a few killed and twenty-seven captured. Maxwell com-
ments in a letter to Washington on February 25: “Our loss, I think, does not amount to
more than three or four men” (Robertson Diaries , ed. Lydenberg, p. 188; Barber and
Howe, Historical Collections ... of New Jersey , p. 165; Sir Henry Clintons Narrative , ed.
Willcox, p. 1 1 7).

56. Captain Gustavus Conyngham commanded the privateer Revenge, 10 guns. Since
July 1777 he had demoralized British shipping up and down the long, vital lane from
Portugal to the British Isles; his known prizes numbered sixty ships. In late 1778 Con-
yngham sailed to the West Indies and burned six British ships. He arrived at Phila-
delphia on February 21, 1779, where the Revenge was refitted and put to sea. After

408

NOTES TO PAGES 159-62

his capture Conyngham das sent to England and charged with piracy, but he escaped at
Portsmouth and went to Holland (Gardner W. Allen, A Naval History of the American
Revolution, 2 vols. [Boston and New York, 1913], 11, 337; Fletcher Pratt, The Navy— A
History: The Story of a Service in Action [Garden Gity, N.Y., 1941], pp. 23-24).

57. Colonel West Hyde, 1st Regiment of Foot Guards.

58. This futile raid on Middletown and Shrewsbury occurred on April 26, 1779. A
change of wind and weather delayed the passage of the ships up the Shrewsbury River,
which gave the alarm to the Americans and enabled them to escape. About thirty of the
American rear guard were captured, with a small amount of baggage. Hyde landed at
Shoal Harbor (west of Sandy Hook Bay) and marched to Middletown, detaching
Ferguson to Shrewsbury. The garrisons at both places fled; two magazines were burned
and the baggage was destroyed, with twenty-five Americans taken prisoner (Sir Henry
Clinton’s Narrative, ed. Willcox, p. 123; Letters and Journals of Baurmeister, trans. and ed.
Uhlendorf, p. 271).

59. For Clinton’s remarks on his officers’ resentment, see Willcox, Portrait of a General,

pp. 278-79.

60. Lawrence Point on Long Island above Flushing, now called College Point.

61. Later called Wilkens Point, and now Clasen Point in the Bronx, across the East
River from Lawrence Point.

62. Regiment von Bose, commanded by Major General (later Lieutenant General) Carl
Ernst Johann von Bose.

63. In the form of a T.

64. Officer of the Day.

65. On April 5, 1779, Collier was promoted to commodore and temporary commander
in chief of the naval forces in America upon the departure of Rear Admiral James
Gambier, R.N.

66. Tellar’s Point on Haverstraw Bay, on the east side of the river, about seven miles
below Verplanck’s Point.

67. Major General James Pattison.

68. The garrison consisted of one captain, three lieutenants, a surgeon, and seventy
men of the North Carolina Line under Captain Thomas Armstrong (Henry P. Johnston,
The Storming of Stony Point on the Hudson , Midnight, July 15, 1779: Its Importance in the Light
of Unpublished Documents [New York, 1900], p. 117).

69. Major General Alexander McDougall of New York. At that time, May 31, 1779,
McDougall was falling back through Continental Village, about five miles northeast of
Peekskill. A month later he was in command of the American center at West Point {ibid.,
pp. 49, 59).

70. Fort Lafayette was built by Major (later Lieutenant Colonel) Jean Baptiste de Gouv-
ion, one of four French engineers engaged by Silas Deane in Paris on February 15, 1777,
who had arrived in America in June. For a description of the fort and its capture see
Major General James Pattison to Viscount Charles Townshend, June 9, 1779, in
Johnston, The Storming of Stony Point, pp. 113-21.

7 1 . Ewald’s name for this creek cannot be explained beyond conjecture. Contemporary
maps of the area do not identify the creek. The Indians called it Meahagh. The present
name, Furnace Brook, was derived from the Cortlandt furnace, which existed near the
iron mines. Ewald may have meant “Cortlandt Creek, but he spells the name Cortlandt
almost correctly elsewhere. Perhaps the creek was once named for a large landholder,
Hercules Lent, whose name Ewald may have mispronounced “Herc-Lend” and mis-
spelled “Herecland.” No other local names resemble Ewald’s formulation, which is re-
tained in the text.

409

NOTES TO PAGES 162-75

72. Major, the Honorable Charles Cochrane of the British Legion. .

73. The Peekskill Hollow Brook, north of Peekskill, over which the Albany Post Road

ran to Continental Village. The editor thanks Mr. Colin T. Naylor, Jr., president of the {

Peekskill Historical Society, for his valuable assistance concerning persons, places, and ]

activities in the Peekskill area during the Revolution. (i

74. Crornpond in Westchester County; the name is Dutch for “Crooked Pond.” The {

village stood on the present site of Yorktown. /

75. The defenses are shown on Ewald’s Plan of the J tiger Post on Herecland's Creek , which
delineates the area just below Verplanck’s Point. Attached is an explanation of the troop
dispositions, roads, and ships, as well as a description of the mountainous terrain from
Philipse’s Manor to Fishkill and Albany, the area which Ewald calls “the seat of the
rebellion.”

76. Colonel John Butler, a Tory Indian leader, who commanded Fort Niagara on Lake

Ontario; and Joseph Brant, the war chief of the Mohawk tribe, who bore the Indian name j

of Thayendanegea.

77. The Wyoming Valley Massacre, July 1778.

78. No Major Adams is listed in the military rosters of the companies serving during j

the battle of Wyoming, but he may have been elsewhere in the Susquehanna River valley,

where many Indian incidents occurred at that time.

79. King's Ferry.

80. Washington remained at Smith’s Clove.

81. Lieutenant Colonel Henry Johnson, 1 7 th Regiment of Foot, who surrendered
Stony Point to Brigadier General Wayne on July 15, 1779.

82. The Loyal American Regiment.

83. The report of wanton killing was false. Major General Pattison wrote Lord
Townshend on July 26, 1779, “that no instance of Inhumanity was shown to any of the
unhappy Captives. No one was unnecessarily put to the sword or wantonly wounded.”

Commodore Sir George Collier said the Americans exhibited “a generosity and clemency”
without parallel during the war (Johnston, The Storming of Stony Point, pp. 131, 135).

84. Colonel (later Brigadier General) Elisha Sheldon, 2d Regiment of Continental
Dragoons; and Lieutenant Colonel Anthony Walton White of New Jersey.

85. Probably Drew Hills at present Carmel, Putnam County, New York (J. H. French,

Historical and Statistical Gazetteer of New York State [Syracuse, N.Y., 1860], p. 541).

86. Major Mansfield Bearmore, a loyalist born on Throgs Neck. He was a first major in
DeLancev’s Refugee Corps and afterward had an independent command (Hufeland,

Westchester County During the American Revolution, 111,312). '

87. Morrisania is now a part of the lower Bronx, New York City.

88. Captain Ernst Friedrich von Diemar.

89. The “Journal . . . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps” (p. 95) states that the Legion lost
two dead and seven wounded, and that “the rangers and jagers came too late.” See also
Simcoe's Military Journal , pp. 105-07.

90. Pell’s Bridge crossed the East Chester Creek about one-hall mile east of East Ches- j

ter. See Ewald’s Plan of the Ambuscade at East Chester. j

91. Yemelyan Ivanovich Pugachev, a Don Cossack who led the Russian peasant rebel-
lion of 1 773-75.

92. Lieutenant Colonel Abraham Van Buskirk, Skinner s Brigade of New Jersey Vol- i

unteers.

93. Major William Sutherland, commandant of the works at Paulus Hook and formerly i

an aide-de-camp to General Clinton.

94. Captain Henrich Sebastian von Schaller, Regiment Erb Prinz. j

410

NOTES TO PAGES 175-83

95. Major General William Alexander.

96. See Ewald’s Plan of Paulus Hook and Its Works. Lee’s report to Washington is con-
tained in Diary of the American Revolution: From Newspapers and Original Documents , ed.
Frank Moore, 2 vols. (New York, 1863), II, 207-12. See also Henry B. Dawson, Battles of
the United States by Sea and Land , 2 vols. (New York, 1858), I, 543-53; Freeman, George
Washington , V, 125-31; Ward, War of the Revolution, II, 604-10; Letters and Journals of
Baurmeister, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, pp. 295-96; and William H. Richardson,
Washington and the Enterprise Against Powles Hook (Jersey City, 1938), passim.

97. They were one and the same, of course.

98. On August 29, 1779, General Sullivan met and completely defeated a force of
British, Indians, and loyalists at Newton near present Elmira, New York, and later de-
stroyed the Indian settlements and crops in the area (Freeman, George Washington, V,
134-35).

99. Captain (later Major) George Beckwith, 37th Regiment of Foot Guards.

100. Ewald’s Plan of the Ambuscade at East Chester, which shows the roads mentioned, the
ambuscade, East Chester, and the approach and flight of the Americans.

101. Lieutenant Erasmus Gill.

102. For an American account see Heath’s Memoirs, ed. Wilson, pp. 231-32.

103. The transport Adamant went down, carrying the Leib Company and the von
Lossberg Company of Regiment von Lossberg. Half of the 44th Regiment, on board the
frigates Favorite and Crawford, died later from hardship and lack of food ( Letters and
Journals of Baurmeister, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, p. 308; German Allied Troops, trans.
Rosengarten, pp. 185-88).

104. Major General Robert Howe of the Continental army.

105. Simcoe was ambushed and captured near New Brunswick on October 27, 1779
(Simcoes Military Journal, pp. 109-18; Lundin, Cockpit of the Revolution, pp. 416-18).

106. Ewald’s Plan of the Post at Harlem shows his quarters and the hospital of the Jager
Corps in Harlem, the jager pickets, and the defenses along the Harlem River across from
Morrisania.

107. Ewald mentions the 37th Regiment twice, placing it both at Denys’s Ferry and
Newtown, no doubt an error in transcription. Major Baurmeister’s “Distribution for
Winter Quarters, 1779-1780” puts the 33d Regiment at Denys’s Ferry and the 76th
Regiment at Brooklyn; the 36th is not listed (Letters and Journals of Baurmeister, trans. and
ed. Uhlendorf, pp. 318-20).

108. The Fanning Corps was raised by Edmund Fanning in New York in 1776; it was
officially known as the Associated Refugees or the King’s American Regiment of Foot.

109. Grenadier Battalion Graff, formerly von Kohler’s, commanded by Major (later
Lieutenant Colonel) Karl Wilhelm Graff (hetrina, no. 3088). Baurmeister puts Regiment
Landgraf on Long Island.

110. Major General Francis Smith. As a lieutenant colonel, 10th Regiment, he com-
manded the British detachment which marched to Lexington and Concord on April 19,
1775 ( Diary of Frederick Mackenzie, I, 18-26).

111. Located on the north shore of Long Island. Baurmeister puts the 22d Regiment at
Yellow Hook, just north of Denys’s Ferry.

112. Major General Johann Christoph von Huvn, born 1718-20 at Niederbeisheim,
Hesse-Cassel; died of consumption at New York on July 25, 1780 (hetrina, nos. 4199-
4203; German Allied Troops , trans. Rosengarten, p. 326; Letters and Journals of Baurmeister,
trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, pp. 351, 366).

1 13. According to American accounts, Colonel Armand captured Major Bearmore, “a
notorious Tory marauder,” at his quarters at present Oak Point on the East River on

411

NOTES TO PAGES 183-90

November 7,i 1779. Ewald gives the date as December 7. Bearmore was soon exchanged,
but he was killed in November 1780 (Heath's Memoirs, ed. Wilson, p. 23(5; Huieland,
Westchester County During the American Revolution , III, 310; Lossing, Pictorial 1 le Id -Book of
the Rei*olution , II* (524 n.).

1 14. For Lieutenant Wiederhold’s account of his voyage and capture on the Triton off
Little Lgg Harbor, see Tagebuch des Capt . Wiederholdt, ed. Learned and Grosse, pp. 70-90.
See also Lowell, The Hessians , pp. 230-38.

1 15. The attack on Savannah, October 9, 1779. See Prevosts letter to Clinton, Nov. 2,
1779, in Sir Henry Clinton's N a native, ed. Willcox, pp. 432-34, and Ward, War of the
Revolution, II, (588-94.

116. Captain (later Major) James Moncrief of the Engineers.

1 17. General Lincoln, who had only 600 Continentals, 750 militia, and Pulaski’s 200
horse, realized that the twenty-four hours’ truce was fatal to the success of the besiegers,
since he knew that Colonel Maitland was en route to Savannah with 800 men. Brigadier
General Lachlin McIntosh urged Comte d’Estaing to make an immediate attack on
Savannah, but the count refused. See Ward, War of the Revolution, II, 688-94, and William
Moultrie, Memoirs of the American Revolution, So Far As It Related to the States of North and
South Carolina, and Georgia, 2 vols. (New York, 1802), II, 32-43. Ewald’s remarks follow a
transcription of General Prevost s “Relation of the attack of the French and rebels at
Savannah,” September 3 to November 2, 1779, which was omitted from this abridged
volume.

VOLUME III

CHAPTER 1

1. Major (later Lieutenant Colonel) Thomas Dundas.

2. Lieutenant Colonel Henry Hope.

3. Not identified earlier are Lieutenant Colonel Georg Emanuel von Lengerke, Gren-
adier Battalion von Lengerke; and Lieutenant Colonel Ferdinand Henrich von Schuler,
born at Wetzlar, Hesse-Cassel, Grenadier Battalion von Minnigerode, later von Loewen-
stein (hetrina, nos. 7124-25).

4. The Bucks County Volunteers, commanded by Captain Evan Thomas of Pennsyl-
vania.

5. Commanded by Captain John Althouse, New' York Volunteers.

6. Captain the Honorable George Hanger, later fourth and last Baron Coleraine, who
had resigned from the 1st Foot Guards and volunteered his services to the Hessian Court.
Appointed a staff captain in the Jager Corps in 1778, he served as major in the British
Legion with Cornwallis in the South in 1780 and subsequent^ became a major general in
the Hessian service (Eelking, Die deutschen Huljstruppen, II, 268). See The Life, Adventures,
and Opinions of Colonel George Hanger, Written by Himself, 2 vols. (London, 1801).

7. Major Peter Traille and Captain Robert Collins, Royal Artillery.

8. Clinton states: “As I had still full 6000 sick in my hospitals, many of whom could not
be fit for duty before spring, I had not above 7000 men to take with me to the southward”
(Sir Henry Clinton's Narrative, ed. Willcox, p. 152). But Major Baurmeister’s embarkation
list gives 8,708 in the expeditionary force ( The Siege oj Charleston . With an Account of the
Province of South Carolina: Dianes and Letters of Hessian Officers From the vonjungkenn Papers
in the William L. Clements Lib ran , trans. and ed. Bernard A. Uhlendorf [Ann Arbor, 1938],
pp. 108-09). Tarleton says Clinton had “about eight thousand five hundred men”
(Banastre Tarleton. A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781, in the Southern Provinces oj
North America [London, 1787], p. 3).

412

NOTES TO PAGES 191-99

9 Probably Hog’s Back, in the narrow channel of Hell Gate. Other dangerous spots
there were the Pot, the Frving Pan, Mill Rock, and Flood Rock (A New and Correct Chart of
the Coast of New England and New York by Captain Holland [London, 1794], hold.ngs of the
American Geographic Society, New York).

10. First Lieutenant Johann Ernst von Wintzingerode of the Jager Corps (Geiman
Allied Troops, trans. Rosengarten, p. 334).

11 Vice Admiral Marriot Arbuthnot, R.N. The Middle Ground was east of Sandy
Hook (A Chart of New York Harbour, 1779, reprinted in The Atlantic Neptune series, III, no.

SI fBarre, Mass., n.d.].

12 Captain the Honorable George Keith Elphinstone, R.N. The Perseus was a 20-gun
shipT Unless otherwise indicated, the names of the ships’ captains are taken from The
Royal Navy, ed. Clowes et al., IV, 48.

13 Captain Sir Andrew Snape Hamond, R.N.

14 Captain Thomas Tonken, R.N., who was aboard the admirals ship Europe 64
guns', commanded by Captain William Swiney, R.N. Ewald has omitted the name of the

Shl 15. h Captain George Gayton, R.N. (Robertson Dianes, ed. Lydenberg, p. 221).

16. Captain Henry Chads, commanding the troop transports (ibid., pp. 208-11).

17. Captain Phillips Cosby, R.N.

18. Captain Max Jacobs, R.N.

19. Not listed in The Royal Navy, ed. Clowes et al.

20. Captain George Dawson, R.N.

21. Captain Henry Francis Evans, R.N. (Robertson Dianes, ed. Lydenberg, p. 218).

22. Commodore Francis Samuel Drake, R.N.

23 Captain Charles Hudson, R.N.

24 In 1783, after the British occupation, the city of Charlestown was renamed
Charleston and incorporated. The old name, used in the diary, is retained m the text.

25. Trench Island is now Hilton Head Island.

26. Simmons Island is now Seabrook Island.

27 Lieutenant Colonel (later Brigadier General) Alured Clarke

28. Clinton states that this was not Arbuthnot’s idea. The admiral had first proposed to
land on John’s Island by Stono Inlet, but Elphinstone persuaded him to land at North

Edisto Inlet (Sir Henry Clinton’s Narrative, ed. Willcox, p. 160).

29 Ewald uses the common English name for the Cardinal: “It is a hardy and familiar
Bird' They are frequently brought from Virginia and other parts of North America for
their Beauty and agreable Singing, they having some notes not unlike our Nightingale,
which in England seems to have caused its Name of the Virgima-Nightingale, though in
those Counties they call it the Red-Bird" (Mark Catesby, The Natural History of Carolina,

Florida and the Bahama Islands, 2 vols. [London, 1731-43], I. 38). charleston

30. Probably the “Gullah,” the low-country language of the Negro (The Charleston

Gateway 12, no. 5 [May 1967]: 10). . r .

3 1 . The Plan of Stono Ferry and other plans in this volume are pen-and-ink copies oft le
original plans from the lost Volume III, made in 1831 by Second Lieutenant W. Tha -
bitzer, Oldenburg Infantry Regiment.

32. See Lowell, The Hessians, p. 246. ,

33. William Gibbes’s house on John’s Island (Moultrie, Memoirs oj the American Revolu-
tion, II, 5). There were two other Gibbes houses, one on Simmons Island and one on t te

' N 34 . °Major Pierre-F rangois Vernier, 1st Cavalry, Pulaski Legion, whom Heitman (Ofji-
cers of the Continental Army, p. 560) lists as Major Peter J. F. Vernie.

413

NOTTS K) PACTS 'JO L> 13

35. Brigadier General (later Major General) William Moultrie, who became governor
of South Carolina alter the war.

36. Lincoln had ordered Moultrie to Bacon's Bridge on February 19 to “form a camp
of militia of that part of the neighborhood.” Moultrie was to “keep hanging on the
enemy’s flanks.” protect the bridge, and place small guards at the Dorchester and Slann’s
bridges. Lincoln remained at his headquarters in Charleston (Moultrie. Memoirs of the
American Revolution , II. 45-46).

37. For Hinrichs account see The Siege of Charleston , trails, and ed. Uhlendorf, pp.
193-95. The incident is not mentioned bv Ramsay. McCradv. or Simms in their histories
of the Revolution in South Carolina.

38. Fort Sullivan had been renamed Fort Moultrie shortly after the unsuccessful attack
on the fort on June 28, 1776, bv a British fleet under Commodore Sir Petef Parker, with
2,500 troops under General Clinton. General Moultrie ( Memoirs of the Amencan Revolution,
I. 183) states, “After this, the legislature did me the honor to call the fort, fort

MOU LTRIL.”

39. The yucca plant, familiarly called Adam’s needle.

40. Dr. John Linning (or Lining), a pharmacist, performed the First scientific weather
observations in America. His house at 106 Broad Street in Charleston was built in about
1715; it was restored in 1962.

41. Fenwick’s Point is now Albemarle Point, just south of the present Ashley River
Memorial Bridge commemorating the First World War.

42. I.e., “in flight” or “in the air.”

43. Hinrichs does not mention this incident in his diary entry for March 17, 1780 (The
Siege oj Charleston, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, p. 209).

44. Major Thomas Mecan. 23d Regiment ( Robertson Dianes, ed. Lvdenberg, p. 217).

45. Captain Charles Boyd.

46. Dravton Hall on the Ashley River, “very probably the finest untouched example of
Georgian architecture still standing in America” (Samuel and Narcissa Chamberlain,
Southern Interiors of Charleston, South Carolina [New York, 1956J, p. 1 10). Drayton Hall was
built by the Hon. John Dravton, whose son William Henry Drayton (1742-79) became a
patriot, president of the Provincial Congress of South Carolina (1775), chief justice of the
state (1776), president, or governor, of South Carolina (1// /). and a delegate to the
Continental Congress (1778-79). He died at Philadelphia in 1/79.

47. Mrs. William Henrv Dravton, nee Dorothy Golightly ( The South Carolina Histoncal
and Genealogical Magazine 20, no. 4 [Oct. 1919]: 257). Fwald saw the area of the present
Magnolia Gardens, owned by the Drayton family since 1671.

48. A safeguard or protection: A safe-guard [sentry] left any where, is always looked
upon, bv all parties, as a sacred person, and never should be molested (Moultrie. Memoirs
of the Amencan Revolution, 1, 455n.).

49. In late March, Lincoln had about 2.650 Continentals and 2.500 militia in the
garrison. For a detailed estimate see Fdward McCradv, 7 he History of South Carolina in the
Revolution . 177 5 -l 7 SO (New York, 1901), pp. 453. 507-08.

50. Lieutenant Colonel William Augustine Washington, 3d Regiment of Continental
Dragoons, who had the remains of Bland’s Light Horse. He was a distant relative of
General George Washington.

51. Hinrichs savs. “The wounded man was Sergeant von \\ ai k [?], a native of Boston,
serving in the 1st Battalion of Virginians. He died during the night” (The Siege of Charles-
ton, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, pp. 221-23).

52. Clinton states that he had called Paterson’s corps in Georgia to join him and “to
create a diversion in favor of the besieging armv. Patersons tones consisted of the

414

NOTES TO PAGES 215-20

cavalry and about fourteen hundred infantry (Sir Henry Clintons Narrative , ed. Willcox,

pp. 160 ; 162 ).

53. Lieutenant Colonel John Hamilton, North Carolina loyalist, and probably Ludwig
Schmidt, a hospital purveyor (German Allied Troops , trans. Rosengarten, p. 286). Tarleton
says, “Washington’s and Bland’s light horse, and Pulaski’s hussars, carried off
Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton” (A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781 , p. 8).

54. Clinton does not mention his presence, but Hinrichs says he was there, and a
French engineer in the city, M. De Brahm, notes: “If they had come twenty minutes
sooner, they would have catched Sir Henry Clinton” (The Siege of Charleston , trans. and ed.
Uhlendorf, p. 221; Eelking, Die deutschen Hiilfstruppen, II, 67-68; Lowell, The Hessians, p.
246; W. Gilmore Simms, South-Car olina in the Revolutionary War; Being a Reply to Certain
Misrepresentations and Mistakes of Recent Writers, in Relation to the Course and Conduct of This
State [Charleston, S.C., 1853], p. 103).

55. Two of Ewald’s letters and a diary covering the period March 28 to June 19, 1780,
and attributed to him are contained in The Siege of Charleston. Uhlendorf states that the
diary consists of “thirty rather small quarto pages,” not in Ewald’s hand and unbound and
unsigned. This diary may have been part of the present Volume III, but the two diaries
are dissimilar in sentence structure, spelling, and style. Many of Ewald’s experiences and
personal remarks are missing in the Siege of Charleston diary. Since Ewaid later says he
carried his diary around with him, perhaps someone may have copied and revised various
parts and sent an abridged, less personal version to Baron von Jungkenn, among whose
papers the diary and letters were found. They are now in the William L. Clements
Library.

56. The Horrys were a prominent and wealthy family of Huguenot origin. Very likely
Ewaid met Elias Horry II (1707-83) and his wife, nee Margaret Lynch, They had three
sons: Elias III, James, and Thomas. At the time, Thomas Horry was supervising work on
the city’s fortifications, where he was slightly wounded a week later. He served succes-
sively in the Legislature, the First and the Second Congress, and the Convention which
ratified the United States Constitution, and later became a representative and a senator.
His father’s plantation on Charleston Neck was in the area of the present Charleston Air
Force Base (extracts from Thomas Horry’s Bible of 1773, in the South Carolina Historical
Society, Charleston; McCrady, History of South Carolina in the Revolution, p. 457).

57. Since Elias Horry II was seventy-three years old, the children in the house may
have been his grandchildren from the plantations of his sons, Thomas and Elias III, on
the right bank of the Ashley River, which the British had overrun.

58. The Quarter House was a tavern or inn about six miles from Charleston which
existed as early as 1720. No satisfactory explanation can be given for the name. One
tradition states that the house was one-quarter of the way to Dorchester, another has it
that troops were once quartered there (The South Carolina Historical and Genealogical
Magazine 19, no. 1 [Jan. 1918]: 43; 11, no. 4 [Oct. 1939]: 124).

59. It will be remembered that Ewaid often measures distances in hours marched; one
hour’s marching equaled about two and a half miles.

60. It was his thirty-sixth birthday.

61. This was the house of John Gibbes, whose plantation called The Grove had exten-
sive gardens with greenhouses and a pinery. In May 1779 Major General Augustine
Prevost advanced down the Neck to Gibbes’s Grove and destroyed the terraces and
greenhouses, which distressed Mr. Gibbes so much that he died shortly afterward (Har-
riette K. Leiding, Historic Houses of South Carolina [Philadelphia and London, 1921], pp.
190-91). Ewaid says on April 1 that a greenhouse was still standing, and that it was used as
a laboratory.

415

NOTES TO PAGES 221 -36

Chapter 2

1 . Hinrichs states that the mantelets were made in New York and assembled at Gibb • '

plantation (The Siege of Charleston, traits, and ed. Uhlendorf, it. 231). ' ' '

2. “Be mindful of death.’’

3. Brigadier General William Woodford of Virginia, who arrived in Charleston
April b after marching five hundred miles in twenty-eight davs from the north MoukrT
states there were “about seven hundred” troops (Moultrie, Memoirs of the American

tion , II. 67). ^oiu-

4. Official reports and contemporary accounts do not agree on the exact date the fleet
passed the fort (The Siege of Charleston, trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, pp. 5 In., 241 383)

5. Admiral Arbuthnot was aboard the Roebuck , which led the column (ibid, n 940 n\

6. The Aeolus or Eolus, a storeship.

7. Spencers Inlet is now Dewees Inlet, between the Isle of Palms and Dewees Island

8*_ For Lincoln’s letter to Clinton, see Moultrie, Memoirs of the American Revolution , II
69— /0. ’ ’

9. A vessel with three masts, which were usually of one piece, so that they had neither
tops, caps, crosstrees, nor horses added to their upper yards.

10. Clinton states that Moncrief planned the siege. The shortage of supplies, particu-
larly ammunition, greatly handicapped the regular approaches. An ordnance ship had
been lost shortly after the British fleet sailed on December 26, and replacements had not
yet arrived from New York.

11. Havana was besieged from June 7 to August 13, 1762, when the Spaniards surren-

d< red. Ensign Moncrief was wounded there on July 3 ( Robertson Diaries, ed Lvdenbertr
pp. 52-63, 256-57). s '

12. French fortification term for a ditch covered by a parapet, serving as communica-
tion between two trenches.

13. The Prince of Wales's Loyal American Volunteers.

14. Clinton gives the total as “amounting to 2566 rank and file effectives, of which
1863 were fit for duty” (Sir Henry Clintons Narrative, ed. Willcox, p. 167, n. 14).

15. Captain William McIntosh, who was Indian agent for the Southern Department.
The McIntosh family in Scotland had supported the Stuarts, but William McIntosh did
not fight with Prince Charles Edward, the Young Pretender, at Culloden in 1746 (E. J.
Harden, Life of George M. Troup [Savannah. Ga., 1859J, pp. 7-8).

16. For Lincoln’s proposal and Clinton’s reply see Moultrie, Memoirs of the American
Revolution , II, 73-77.

17. Lincoln did not have sufficient troops for repeated sorties (David Ramsay, History
of the Revolution of South-Caroliiui from a Bntish Province to an Independent State, 2 vols.
[Trenton. N.J., 1785], II, 54).

18. Bi igadier Geneial Louis le Beque de Presle, Chevalier du Portail, chief engineer of
the Continental armv.

I J. These words ( Advance, fire! ) came from a small I-rench cornpanv which oc-
cupied a part of the fortifications.

_0. Pondichery was the capital of the chief French possession of the same name in
India on the southeastern or Coromandel coast, south of Madras. The citv was founded
by the French in 1674 and was thrice captured and restored bv the British, but it re-
mained a French possession after 1816.

21. Marshal of France, Sebastian le Presire, Marquess de Vauban (1633-1707), French
militai v engineer; and Jean Baptiste de Gribeauval, french inspector general of artillery,
whose System of 1765 revolutionized artillery operations.

22. Captain Charles Hudson, R.N.

416

NOTES TO PAGES 236-44

23. On May 7 Lieutenant Colonel William Scott surrendered Fort Moultrie. Captain
Hudson reported 1 18 Continentals and 100 militia captured and 4 1 guns taken (Sir Henry
Clintons Narrative, ed. Willcox, p. 169; Tarleton, A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and
1781 , pp. 53-54).

24. The crucial fact that the dismantling and breach batteries were dismounted is
mentioned only by Ewald.

25. About 1,600 Continentals marched out on the morning of May 12, leaving some
500 sick and wounded in hospitals. The militia followed later. The Board of War reported
that 245 Continental officers and 2,326 noncommissioned officers and privates were
captured. McCrady gives 2,650 Continentals in the garrison. The British listed 5,677
prisoners, including civilian males and militia, in their “Return ol the rebel forces, com-
manded by Major General Lincoln, at the surrender of Charlestown” (Moultrie, Memoirs
of the American -j Revolution , II, 108, 1 14; McCrady, History of South Carolina in the Revolution ,
pp. 507-10; Freeman, George Washington , V, 168, n. 1).

26 Seven generals were captured: Major General Benjamin Lincoln and Brigadier
Generals Louis Duportail, James Hogun, Lachlan McIntosh, William Moultrie, Charles
Scott, and William Woodford.

27. Early estimates of American and British losses were greatly exaggerated. American
losses were 89 Continentals killed and 138 wounded, with a dozen militia casualties and 20
civilians killed in the city. The British reported 61 regulars and provincials killed and 120
wounded, with 15 Germans killed and 69 wounded, including 7 jagers killed and 14
wounded. But Ewald’s jager losses amount to 26 killed, 31 wounded, 2 captured, and
several injured (Tarleton, A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781, pp. 45-46; Ramsay,
History of the Revolution of South-Car olina, II, 62; Ward, War of the Revolution, II, 703).
Clinton’s autograph journal of the siege is in The Henry Clinton Papers, William L.
Clements Library.

28. For the British list of ships captured see Tarleton’s A History of the Campaigns of
1780 and 1781 , pp. 52-53, 65-67.

29. Captain (later Major) Georg Wilhelm von Biesenrodt, 4th Company, Grenadier
Battalion von Minnigerode, later von Loewenstein (1780); born 1738/39 at Cassel
(hetrina, nos. 523-27).

30. Probably a Lieutenant McLeod, called “M’Obbloce” by Ewald. Ford (British Officers ,
p. 121) lists three lieutenants named McLeod in the 42d Regiment: Alexander, John, and

Norman. . .

31. Moultrie also blames the British for the disaster. McCrady says, “The magazine was
on what is now Magazine Street between Archdale and Maryck streets” (Moultrie, Memoirs
of the American Revolution, II, 109; McCrady, History of South Carolina in the Revolution, p.

505).

32. The Old Powder Magazine, built in 1711-13 and located at 79 Cumberland Street.
It is the oldest building in Charleston.

33. The 274 officers sent to Haddrell’s Point were quartered in barracks, neighboring
houses, and newly built huts. Major General Lincoln and his suite were given a vessel and
sailed to Philadelphia (Moultrie, Memoirs of the American Revolution , II, 115-20).

34. Grenadier Regiment Marquis d’Angelelli, commanded by Lieutenant General
Louis d’Angelelli. This regiment originally was Rail’s, becoming von Woellwarth s, von
Trumbach’s, and then Angelelli’s (German Allied Troops, trails. Rosengarten, p. 321).

35. Clinton had planned to invade New Jersey and seize Washington’s depot at
Morristown as soon as he returned from Charleston. But von Knvphausen undertook the
expedition prematurely because prominent loyalists had informed him that the American
army was demoralized by the severe winter, desertion, scarcity of food, depreciated cur-
rency, absence of relief forces sent south, the loss of Charleston, and war weariness.

417

NO IKS ro PACKS 24-4-46

Clinton quickly found on his return that his plan was “no longer practicable” due to
Washington’s preparations, the unexpected resistance of the New Jersey militia, and the
news of the approach of a French Ileet and army (Sir Henry Clinton's Xarraiive, ed
Willcox, pp. 190-93).

36. American deserters coming to New York amounted to 1 00 on one dav: 'The
stream was a steady one — mostly Pennsylvanians and Jersevmen — who reported that they
and their comrades were ready to become loyal subjects again’’ {German Allied Troops,
trails. Rosengarten, p. 192).

37. Major General Stirling landed at De Hart’s Point with the 37th. 38th, Leib, and
Landgraf regiments during the night of June b; the main army could not disembark until
daybreak due to unfavorable winds. Stirling drove the Americans out of Elizabethtown,
where he was wounded; Lieutenant Colonel von Wurmb of the Jager Corps assumed the
command (Freeman, George Washington, V, 169; "Journal... Hessischen Feld-Jager
Corps, ’’ pp. 142-43).

38. The Presbyterian Church at Connecticut Farms, now Union (see Vol. I, Chap. 1,
note 74). The parsonage was occupied bv the wife and nine children of Reverend James
Caldwell, pastor of the First Presbyterian Church at Elizabethtown, to which place they
had removed for greater security (Barber and Howe, Historical Collections . . . of New Jersey
p. 196).

39. The church, parsonage, several dwellings, and surrounding buildings at Connec-
ticut Farms were looted and burned on June 7 by the British. Hannah Caldwell, the wife
of James Caldwell, was murdered by a marauding British soldier or a refugee, who Fired
at her through the w indow of the parsonage; her body was left exposed in the street in the
hot sun. Dr. Caldwell was absent; he w as chaplain of the New Jersey Brigade, and later the
commissary (ibid., pp. 168-69, 192, 196-98; Lundin, Cockpit of the Revolution, pp. 429-30;
Freeman, George Washington, V, 169, n. 12).

40. The wounded Anspach jager officers were Captain Moritz von Donop and Second
Lieutenants Maximillian Cornelius and Friedrich Francis Bohlen. Lieutenant Ebenauer
was reburied at Springfield with honors bv Washington ( German Allied Troops, trans.
Rosengarten, pp. 192-95, 334, 341-42). The “Journal . . . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps”
(p. 146) reports one officer, two noncommissioned officers, and two privates killed, and
three officers, three noncommissioned officers, and forty-four privates wounded.

41. At the northern end of the Arthur Kill, which separates Staten Island from New
Jersey.

42. Unknown to Ewalcl at the time, Clinton had ordered all his siege troops except the
Queen s Rangers reembarked, "to get up the North River, and bv landing on its western
bank, rapidly strike between the enemy and his object,’’ but embarkation delays caused
him to cancel the maneuver (Sir Henry Clintons Narrative, ed. Willcox, pp. 193-94).

43. This reason for Clinton’s attack on Springfield is confirmed by his own statement;
"One part of mv design was, however, answered, which was to impress the enemy with a
more respectable opinion of General knvphausen’s strength, and thereby ease his sub-
sequent retreat” (ibid., p. 194).

44. Not previously identified are Captain Friedrich Wilhelm von Roeder and First
Lieutenant Just von Diemar of the Anspach jagers. The "Journal . . . Hessischen Feld-
Jager Corps” (p. 152) reports two jagers killed and two officers and twenty men wounded.
General Greene reported his losses were fifteen killed, fortv-nine wounded, and nine
missing (The George Washington Papers, CXXXIX, 72).

45. The British crossed the pontoon bridge without opposition. The Jager Corps
("Journal . . . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps,” p. 154) had the rear guard and crossed the
bridge at 12:30 a.m., after which it was dismantled.

418

NOTES TO PAGES 246-50

46. Washington was greatly puzzled by the invasion of New Jersey, the hesitant British
advance, and the actions at Connecticut Farms and ! Springfield. He wrote Congress, “We
do not know what may be the ultimate designs of the enemy,” and on June 23 he wrote
Wayne, “It is certainly difficult if not impossible to ascertain their views.” But Freeman
notes, “The enemy’s move, in other words, was shrewdly confusing” (The George
Washington Papers, XVIII, 494, 510-11 and XIX, 58-59; Freeman, George Washington ,
V, 170, 173).

47. Admiral Charles Louis d’Arsac, Chevalier de Ternav.

48. Lieutenant General Jean Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur, Comte de Rochambeau,
Commander in Chief of the French forces which arrived at Newport, Rhode Island, on
July 1 L 1780.

49. Armand-Louis de Gontaut Biron, Due de Lauzun et de Biron.

50. The Fantasque, 64 guns, an old vessel used as a supply, commissary, and hospital

ship.

51. For “The First Attempt against Rhode Island, July to August, 1780,” see Sir Henry
Clintons Narrative , ed. Willcox, pp. 197-208, 446-48.

52. The Morris-Jumel Mansion, named “Mount Morris” by Lieutenant Colonel Roger
Morris, who built the house in 1765, stands on this hill. See also Vol. I, Chap. 1, note 46.

53. Washington met Rochambeau on September 20 at Hartford, Connecticut.

54. Snake Hill is now Mount Morris Park at 120th to 124th streets and Fifth Avenue,
New York City. It was so named because of the numerous snakes found there (Frank B.
Kelley, History of the City of New York [New York, 1913], p. 147).

55. By mid- August 1780 food was so scarce that Washington was forced to move from
one place to another to keep his army from starving (Freeman, George Washington , V,
184-86).

56. Andre was taken to North Castle and turned over to Lieutenant Colonel John
Jameson, who was so unsuspicious that he notified Arnold of Andre’s capture. This
startling news gave Arnold time to escape several hours before Washington reached West
Point. Andre was brought there and sent to the army at Tappan.

57. For details of the conspiracy, see Van Doren, Secret History of the American Revolu-
tion , pp. 439-95.

58. Andre was tried at Tappan on September 29 by a Board of General Officers. He
frankly admitted his guilt and possession of the incriminating papers. The Board had no
alternative but to find him guilty of being a spy, and sentenced him to death. On October
2 Andre was hanged on a hill outside Tappan (Freeman, George Washington , V, 221, n.
137). In 1821 Andre s remains were disinterred on “Andre Hill” near Tappan and rein-
terred in Westminster Abbey, where King George III had erected a monument to his
memory (Malcolm Decker, Ten Days of Infamy: An Illustrated Memoir of the Arnold-Andre
Conspiracy [New York, 1969], pp. 119-22).

59. In 1771 Andre joined the British army. He went to Germany in 1772 for nearly two
years, during which time, apparently, Ewald met him. Andre was proficient in German,
French, and Italian and accomplished in music, drawing, painting, literature, and verse,
with “the graceful manners and personal charm which all noticed” ( Major Andre s Journal,
pp. 17-18).

60. Cow Bay is present Manhasset Bay and Cow Neck is Manhasset Neck. Searmgtown
is about three miles south of Hempstead Harbor (R. Ryder, Map of Long Island [c.
1675], John Carter Brown Library, Brown University, Providence, R.I.).

61. The Queen’s Rangers remained at Oyster Bay from August 13 to September 23,
when they marched to Jamaica. The corps was held in reserve secretly for use against
West Point. But after the disclosure of the conspiracy it was transferred to Staten Island

NOTES TO PAGES 255-60

on October 8 on intelligence, which proved to be false, that Lafayette planned a surprise
attack on Richmond (Sim roe's Military Journal, pp. 149-52, 156-58).

VOLUME IV

CHAPTER 1

1. Clinton planned (1) to establish a post at Portsmouth, Virginia; (2) to destroy the

stores for Greene’s North Carolina armv at the head of the James River- and (3) to
prevent the formation of supply depots along the river ( Sir Henry Clinton's Narrative ed
Willcox, p. 235). ' ’

2. On December 14 Clinton gave Arnold his instructions: he was to attack enemv
magazines (“provided it may be done without much risk”), distribute proclamations to the
inhabitants of Princess Anne and Norfolk counties, and assemble and arm the loyalists
But Clinton did not tell Arnold that he gave Lieutenant Colonels Dundas and Simcoe a
blank dormant commission for command in case of Arnold’s death or incapacity (ibid
pp. 482-83; Van Doren, Secret History of the American Revolution, p. 419).

3. Clinton gives Arnold’s strength as about 1,800 and Baurmeister 1500
Washington’s spies informed him the force numbered 1,600 and not 2,000 as first re
ported (Sir Henry Clinton's Narrative, ed. Willcox, p. 235; Letters and Journals of Baurmeister
trans. and ed. Uhlendorf, p. 396; The George Washington Papers, XXI, 48, 50-51) But
Arnold states in a claim for prize-sharing “that there were fifteen hundred men besides
several Persons in the Quarter-Master’s Department,” and that the naval personnel “were
about three hundred short in Number of the said Troops.” Arnold’s deposition is signed
by him and addressed to the Court of Vice-Admiralty at New York, August 29, 1781 This
document, with other Arnold papers, was found in 1960 by the editor among the un-
sorted letters in the High Court of the Admiralty Prize Papers in the Public Record
Office, London.

4. Captain Thomas Symonds, R.N., the commodore of the fleet.

5. Arnold states in his deposition that the warships of the fleet were the Charon, Hope,
Thames Amphitnte, Swift, Fowey, Charlestown, Bonetta, the brigantines Independence and
Cornwallis, "8c several other vessels.” For Mackenzie’s somewhat similar list of “Ships of
War with General Arnold’s Expedition,” see Diary of Frederick Mackenzie, II, 459

6. Arnold’s first landing and skirmish in Virginia, on December 31,1780, appears to be
unknown. Though the unmounted Queen’s Rangers were present in the boats, Simcoe
does not mention the incident; his first reference to a landing in Virginia is dated January
3 at Hood’s Point (Simcoe 's Military Journal, p. 159). No mention of the earlier landing is
made by others or in Francis Rives Lassiter, "Arnold’s Invasion of Virginia, 1781,”
Sewanee Review 9 (Jan. 1901): 78-93 and (April 1901): 185-203.

7. See Arnold s letter to “1 he Officer Commanding The Party on Shore, ” Jan. 1, 1781
(illustrated). Arnold received a reply, dated Jan. 2, 1781, that the ship’s captain had
scuttled the brig, "which you are at liberty to take off, without the Molestation of Your M"
Ob. ser‘, G. Willson, Cap'” (High Court of the Admiralty Prize Papers, Public Record
Office, London).

8. Major General von Steuben wrote Washington and Greene that Governor Thomas
Jefferson had informed him on January 2 that Arnold's expedition was moving up the
James River (Rapp, Life of von Steuben, p. 372).

9. Four miles from Williamsburg (Diary of Frederick Mackenzie, II, 457).

1 0. A copy of another Arnold letter "To the Officer Commanding the Party on Shore,”
Jan. 2, 1781, is in the Arnold Papers, New-York Historical Society. The naval officer
mentioned was a Lieutenant White.

420

NOTES TO PAGES 260-67

11 Possibly General Thomas Nelson, Jr., of Virginia, who had collected about 150
Virginia state troops. Steuben says Nelson received Arnold's letter of January 2, and had
replied verbally that he would defend Williamsburg (Kapp, Life of von Steuben, pp. 372-
Y3 380)

12 Jefferson had offered a reward of five thousand guineas for Arnold’s capture.
Washington ordered Lafayette, who was sent to Virginia to oppose Arnold, to put him
summarily to death if he should be captured (The George Washington Papers, XXI, 255;
Van Doren, Secret History of the American Revolution, p. 420; Freeman, George Washington,

V ’l3 5 Hood’s Point is now Old Fort Powhatan, and the Ward Farm (1619) is now the

Willow Hill Farm. „ . ,

14. For Simcoe’s account see his Military Journal, pp. 159-60; for Steuben s see Kapp,

Life of von Steuben, p. 373.

15. Steuben had urged Jefferson to construct a little fort at Hood’s Point to block the
water route to the upcountry. The governor was not greatly impressed, and did not
believe that hostile transports would ever ascend the James River. After Arnold had taken
the weak works at Hood’s and captured Richmond, Steuben again urged Jefferson to
build the fort, but the construction was constantly delayed and the work was never
completed (Palmer, General von Steuben, pp. 243-44, 246, 251-53, 263-64).

16 William Byrd III, who had served as colonel of a Virginia regiment in the French
and Indian War; he died in 1777. Mr. Byrd inherited Westover and a vast acreage from
his father, William Byrd II (1674-1744), one of the most important colonial figures in
Virginia, who built Westover in 1726-30. The house is one of the finest examples of
Georgian architecture in America. William Byrd Ill’s first wife was Elizabeth Hill Carter,
daughter of John Carter of Shirley; after her death he married Mary, daughter of
Charles and Anne Shippen Willing of Philadelphia (Emmie F. Farrar, Old Virginia Houses
Along the James [New York, 1957], p. 102).

17. Mr. Byrd’s eldest son by his first marriage served as a British captain in England,
but died young in France. Mrs. Mary Byrd’s three sons were too young for service, but she
states in a letter of August 10, 1781, to Governor Thomas Nelson that “I have sent my
soldier [a substitute] who has lost his life in the service of my Country.” Mrs. Byrd was
charged with being a loyalist sympathizer and having social intercourse with Arnold and
Cornwallis, but no proof of this has ever been found. In her letter of August 10 to
Governor Nelson, Mrs. Byrd says: “I am as innocent of the charges made against me as
you are yourself. I owe too much to my honor to betray my Country. No person breathes

whose reputation is dearer to them than mine to me My property is taken from me

and I have no redress” ("Letter from Mrs. Maria Willing Byrd to Governor Thomas
Nelson,” ed. Robert B. Munford, Jr., Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 31 [Oct.
1923]: 345-46; "Letters of the Byrd Family” [ed. William G. Stanard], Virginia Magazine oj
History and Biography 37 [Oct. 1929]: 312; Chastellux, Travels in North-Arnenca, p. 280).

18. Arnold hesitated whether he should march to Richmond, since his instructions
were not to undertake any risky enterprises. But Dundas and Simcoe thought there was
little danger in a one-day march, and the corps proceeded to Richmond with fewer than
eight hundred men ( Simcoe’s Military Journal, pp. 160-61).

19. This hill and the surrounding area was originally known as Indian Town Hill, and
afterward Richmond Hill. Since the erection of St. John’s Episcopal Church in 174 1 it has
been called Church Hill. The hill is 150 feet high, with a grade of forty-five degrees It is
shown on a contemporary map. Skirmish at Richmond Jan. 5. th 178 1, in Simcoe s Military

Journal , p. 162. . c

20. Ewald’s remarks would indicate that the Virginia militia may have withdrawn from
Church Hill through the ravine to the right to present Libby Hill Terrace in Richmond.

421

NOTES TO PACTS 267-0(1

approximately the same level, about one hundred vards

a part.

I he two hilltops are on
separated by the ravine.

d,le flat arca ato P Church Hill is now called Chimborazo Park (named f
mountain in the Andes), and is located at Thirty -second and Broad streets <>f 3

22. Despite previous reports to the com ran. the Virginia militia did nut t
resistance at Church Hill. Steuben and Virginia Colonel Everard Meade, who u,.,', 1 "" 6
there, as well as Simcoe, w ho did take part, state that the V irginians did not lire a shn!'
But Simcoe s map shows he climbed the hill to the left of the jagers. where annaremk h

374 7HTT7 Mili f r yJ° um l al ’ P- <« and map; Kapp, Life of J Lz^/pp

3/4, 38j, The orks of Alexander Hamilton, ed. John C. Hamilton, 7 vols I New v ! r’

1830-oIJ, I, 208; Dawson. Battles of the United States. I, 643; and Ward, War 4 the Rn, ^
non. II. 869, which cites Simcoe and Dawson). ’

23. The cannon foundry was the Westham Foundry, located six miles west of old
thmond near the James River, just east of the downstream end of present Williams

Island. Hie village of Westham and the ford were situated a mile upriver just west of rh
upstream end of the island. Some of the military supplies at the foundry were saved h
being carried upstream to the village and across the ford to Chesterfield Countv 1

grateful for the help of William M. E. Rachal of the Virginia Historical Society in verifying
this information. > in 6

24. Possibly Lieutenant Colonel Frederick Warneck, or Warnick, who is listed as serv
mg in a Virginia State Regiment in 1780 (Gains M. Brumbaugh, Revolutionary War Records
[Washington 1936], pp. 119, 28o-86; Heitman , Officers of the Continental Army p 569 )

2o. Arnold reported to Clinton that at Westham he had destroyed 26 cannon 310
barrels of gunpowder, a magazine of oats, various other stores, and “a very fine foundry
for cannon (Arnold to Clinton, Jan. 21, 1781, in "Correspondence with Brigr General
Arnold, The Henry Clinton Papers, William L. Clements Library)

/c 2b - Sm > 1 “ e StateS that he destroved the foundry; he does not mention Ewald's presence
(Simcoe s Military Journal, p. 163). Ewald indicates that Simcoe was not there.

2/. Before Arnold left New York he issued an order which strongly prohibited depre-
dations of private property in Virginia. But Steuben reports that many of the houses at
Richmond were plundered, and Ewald mentions plundering at Hood s Point (Simcoe' s
Military Journal, p. 159; Kapp, Life of von Steuben , pp. 374-75).

28 Arnold states in his deposition (see note 3, above) that "The Deponent understood
that the Quantity of Tobacco taken on the said Expedition, in the said Prizes and bv the
Army on Shore amounted to upwards of seven hundred hogsheads." The tobacco was
worth £39,000 at New York (Diary of Frederick Mackenzie. II. 466, 470n.).

29. Simcoe says, "Nine men of the Rangers either deserted or were taken bv the
country people on this march.”

30. Ewald s estimate of the distance marched seems to be excessive, using his own scale
of one German mile to seven English miles. Fourteen German miles would have
amounted to ninety-eight English miles for the march to Richmond, Westham, and re-
turn. The distance from Westover to Richmond was about twenty-five statute miles.

31. Charles Citv Court House, built about 1730.

32. For Simcoe’s account see his Military Journal, pp. 165-68.

33. On January 9 Steuben ordered the few militia assembled at Petersburg to march to
Prince George Court House. The next morning he observed the embarkation of Arnold's
corps at Westover from Coggins's Point across the river. Steuben proceeded to Hood's
and ordered Colonel George Rogers Clark to lie in ambush there with three hundred
infantry and about thirty horse, since he expected the British would land and examine the
works before attempting to pass Hood's Point (Kapp. Life of von Steuben, pp. 376-77).

34. Arnold states in his deposition that the major was "Beverly Robinson Esquire, the

422

NOTES TO PAGES 270-74

younger, Lieutenant Colonel of his majesty’s American Regiment named the Loyal
American.” He was the son of Colonel Beverly Robinson, who had commissioned his son
lieutenant colonel when he organized the Loyal American Regiment.

35. Colonel Beverly Robinson the elder was in New York helping to reorganize the
British secret service. He was born in Virginia, where he had been a friend of George
Washington, but he remained a devout loyalist (Van Doren, Secret History of the American
Revolution , pp. 3-4, 406, 429).

36. James Rivington’s Royal Gazette at New York, or the Gazette at London, in which
military dispatches were published.

37. In Simcoe’s account of the incident he praises Ewald as “that gallant and able
officer” but fails to mention Robinson’s bad judgment and his disorganized men (Simcoes
Military Journal , pp. 168-69). For Steuben’s brief account, see Kapp, Life of von Steuben , p.

377.

38. Now Cobham Wharf in Cobham Bay, Surry County, across the James River from
Jamestown.

39. Hardy’s Ferry was located about ten miles northwest of Smithfield, probably near
Hardy’s Bluff on the upper arm of Burwell’s Bay, and below the mouth of Lawne’s Creek,
which is the dividing line between Surry and Isle of Wight counties. It was sometimes
mistakenly known as Harding’s Ferry. The Hardy family had owned land in this area
since the seventeenth century.

40. Probably Major Thomas Pierce, who is listed as a captain in the Revolutionary
records of Isle of Wight County. He was one of the outstanding citizens of Smithfield, a
member of the Committee of Safety, and a member of the Virginia Convention of 1788.
His plantation adjoined Smithfield.

41. A watch that strikes the hours by the compression of a spring.

42. At that time all personal effects and possessions taken from a military person were
regarded as lawful booty; but these same things if taken from a civilian were illegal
plunder or loot.

43. After Arnold landed at Hardy’s Ferry, Steuben detailed Major John Willis with
three hundred infantry and fifty horse to harass the British rear. But, Steuben says, “My
orders were badly executed and the enemy entered Smithfield on the 15th without
opposition” (Kapp, Life of von Steuben, p. 378).

44. Major (later Colonel) James Gordon, 80th Regiment.

45. Originally known by its Indian name, Meta, this place was established as Old Town
in 1680. Later it was called Patesfield, and now Battery Park.

46. Mackie’s Mill was located on the present Cypress Creek, which flows into Pagan
Creek at Smithfield.

47. Steuben had posted Brigadier General Robert Lawson at “McMay’s” (Mackie’s) Mill
with nine hundred infantry and a troop of Virginia State horse. The mill was close to old
Smithfield; the terrain along the Cypress Creek is still as described by Ewald below.

48. For Simcoe’s account see his Military Journal , pp. 169-70.

49. Both Chuckatuck Creek and the Nansemond River flow into Hampton Roads.

50. Arnold crossed the Nansemond River at Sleepy Hole Ferry, lour miles northwest
of Driver in Nansemond County. Both Simcoe and Ewald state that the crossing took
place early on January 19, not January 16, as mentioned in Lassiter, “Arnold’s Invasion ol
Virginia, 1781,” p. 16.

51. Arnold established his headquarters at the home of Patrick Robinson, located at
the northwest corner of High and Middle streets in Portsmouth. He used the old sugar
house at the south end of Crawford Street as a barracks and prison (Rogers D. Whichard,
The History of Lower Tidewater Virginia, 2 vols. [New York, 1959], II, 4).

52. Norfolk had been one of the principal seaports in Virginia, with six thousand

423

NO I ts It) RACKS 27ti -84

inhabitants. The city was bombarded and burned on New War's Dav. 1771 ; h

lovalUtT e ’ laSt R>Val ° <>vernor of Vir S inia; the Virginia militia burned the houses.,/, he

CHAPTER 2

I Major General \\ ilham Phillips, who arrived at Portsmouth on March ‘>7 e\n> i
mucl, the same opinion (Phillips to Clinton, April 3, 1781, The Henrv Clinton j> d
William L. Clements Library). c.iinton apers,

2. Queen’s Rangers' cavalry.

3. Edmunds Bridge was southwest of Great Bridge. This bridge and some of the places
identified later are shown m ' Sketch of Part of Prince Ann, Norfolk and Nani

vlrgmia 5 ^ °‘ 178K ” Vir 8 inia Histori «l Society. Richmond,

4. Brigadier General Isaac Gregory, commanding North Carolina militia- he was
wanmded at Camden on August 16, 1780 (Heitman. Officers of the Continental Army, p

5. Usually spelled Kemp's Landing, but also Kempe’s Landing, after fames Retime I.

became Kempsville in 1783. jainesNtmpe.lt

6 . The length of the Great Bridge given by Ewald, 223 paces, would include the

approaches over the marshes, or a total length of about 186 yards (1 pace = 2 ‘A feet)
Lossing, who visited the bridge in 1848, says, “The Great Bridge proper is about forty
yards in length (Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution, II, 327). •

7. Captain Amos Weeks a V.rginia militia officer who lived in Princess Anne Countv.

' Br r ^ adier GeneraI Robert Lawson, Virginia militia; he was earlier in the 4 th Rem-

V'rgima Continentals (Heitman, Officers of the Continental Army, p 343 )

J. Dr. Thomas Hall, who owned a plantation and mill located about midwav alone the
road between Portsmouth and Suffolk, now called Jolliff Road,

10 . London Bridge was south of Kemp's Landing, Dauge's was northeast of Brock’s
Bridge, and Brocks was east of James’s plantation.

11 . The ships were the Eveille, 64 guns, the frigates Gentille and Surveillante. and the
cutter Cuepe. under Commodore Arnaud Ie Gardeur de Tilly. Admiral de Ternav had

ted the previous December. Arnold withdrew his ships up the Elizabeth River where the
larger French ships were unable to follow. After de Tiliv had captured the Romulus 44
guns, he returned to Newport on February 25 (Sir Henry Clinton s Narrative, ed. Willcox
pp. 250-53; Freeman, George Washington, V. 258, 261-63).

12 . Neil and George Jamison owned a plantation of six hundred acres in Princess Anne
County (The Lower Norfolk County Virginia Antiquary, ed. Edward Wilson fames [New York
1951], p. 126).

13. Lwald s Plan oj the Skirmish with the Rebels at James's Plantation in Princess Anne County
in Virginia. 1 his plan shows the deployment of Kwald's detachment through the swamp
and crossroad and his attack on the American position at James’s plantation.

14. James's plantation is shown in the "Sketch of . . . 1781" (note 3) to the west of
Brocks Bridge. Ldward James owned 5194 acres in Princess Anne County ( The Lower
A orj oik C aunty Virginia Antiquary , ed. James, p. 126).

15. Queen's Rangers' cavalry.

16. I could find no account of this skirmish other than Simcoes brief statement that he
"advanced on the 16th up the country, by the main road towards the north-west landing,
while Capt. Ewald, by almost impassable wavs and bye paths proceeded to the same point;

he fortunately surprised and totally dispersed Weeks's party " (SimcoeS Military Journal, p.
174).

St‘

i i

424

NOTES TO PAGES 284-91

17. Pungo Chapel was located to the east of Great fridge; it no longer exists. It was the
third and last Pungo Chapel, and stood about two ahd a half miles south of the present
town of Pungo, which was named for an Indian chief. The chapel was built of brick; it was
seventy-five feet long and thirty feet wide, and was completed in 1773 (“Plan des Environs
de Williamsburg, York, Hampton et Portsmouth,” The Papers of Rochambeau, Map
Division, Library of Congress; George C. Mason, Colonial Churches of Tidewater Virginia
[Richmond, Va., 1945], pp. 146-48, 170).

18. William Ackiss and Colonel John Ackiss lived in the Upper Precinct of the Eastern
Shore in Princess Anne County in 1778 ( The Lower Norfolk County Virginia Antiquary , ed.
James, pp. 2, 28). An Ackiss plantation is shown in this area in the “Sketch of . . . 1781,”
Virginia Historical Society.

19. Probably the plantation of John or Lemuel Cornick, shown in the “Sketch
of . . . 1781.” The land was patented by William Cornick in 1657 {The Lower Norfolk County
Virginia Antiquary , ed. James, p. 64; Mason, Colonial Churches of Tidewater Virginia, p. 143).

20. Probably Thomas Reynolds Walker, County Lieutenant of Princess Anne County,
a wealthy and influential citizen.

21. On January 20 Washington wrote Steuben from New Windsor that he had de-
tached a corps of twelve hundred light infantry under Lafayette, who was marching to
Virginia to act in conjunction with Steuben and Muhlenberg (The Writings of George
Washington , ed. Sparks, VII, 421).

22. A path to a salt lick for cattle.

23. Rear Admiral Chevalier Charles Rene Dominique Sochet Destouches commanded
the French fleet.

24. Arnold’s words are recorded in English in the diary.

25. The informant told the truth, had Ewald and Arnold but realized it. In general,
Washington and Rochambeau had devised a plan for Destouches’s fleet and troops to
cooperate with Lafayette and Steuben, take Portsmouth, and seize Arnold. The plan
failed because of the setback suffered by the French fleet, described below. Lafayette had
arrived at Yorktown on March 14, met Steuben, and reached Muhlenberg’s camp near
Suffolk on March 19 (Freeman, George Washington, V, 268-73; Kapp, Life of von Steuben,
pp. 413-14; Palmer, General von Steuben, p. 258; Louis R. Gottschalk, Lafayette and the Close
of the American Revolution [Chicago, 1942], pp. 190-97).

26. See Ewald’s Plan of the Area of Scott’s Creek, Two Short Miles from Portsmouth Up To the
Causeway.

27. Probably Lieutenant John Robinson, Loyal American Regiment, one of the four
sons of Colonel Beverly Robinson.

28. The “Journal . . . Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps” (pp. 177-78) reports: “Capt. Ewald
was attacked on March 19th by a reconnaissance group of 500 men under Major General
Muhlenberg, which he repulsed with great courage.” See also Simcoe’s Military Journal, pp.
185-86.

29. Admiral Arbuthnot raised the French flag to decoy and capture an American
vessel which had expected to meet the French fleet in Chesapeake Bay (Diary of Frederick
Mackenzie, II, 495).

30. The French and British fleets fought an indecisive action off the Virginia Capes on
March 16. This setback dealt a severe blow to Washington’s hopes for the first joint
operations to take Portsmouth and aid Steuben’s forces in Virginia. Arnold was safe (ibid.,
II, 494, 504-05; Sir Henry Clintons Narrative , ed. Willcox, p. 255; Kapp, Life of von Steuben,
p. 413; Freeman, George Washington, V, 272).

31. The American reconnaissance of Ewald’s post on March 19 was made preparatory
to a close investment of Portsmouth, but when word came of the French naval failure the

NO I KS I () PAGES 2D 1 DU

Americans withdrew and Lafavette returned to his troops at Annapolis (Henry P
Johnston. The Yorktown Campaign and the Suirender of Cornwallis. 1781 [New York, 1881]
p. 33).

32. After the skirmish at Scott's Creek, Muhlenberg wrote Steuben from Suffolk that
‘‘the troops are all returned without the loss of a man" (Henrv A. Muhlenberg, Life of
Major-General Peter Muhlenberg oj the Revolutionary Army [Philadelphia, 1849], pp. 227 - 29 )

33. Surgeon Robert Smyth, who was assigned to the hospital in 1780 (Ford, British
Officers , p. 104).

34. Clinton states that the strength of this detachment was “something exceeding 2000
men.” For his instructions to Phillips, see Clinton to Phillips, March 10, 1781, in Sir Henry
Clinton's Xarrative, ed. YVillcox, pp. 254, 495-97.

35. Margaret (Peggy) Shippen was the youngest of three daughters of Judge Edward
Shippen. Like other noted Philadelphia families, the Shippens were divided in their
loyalties. Peggy became Arnold's second wife at the age of eighteen on April 8, 1779,
when he was the military governor of Philadelphia. She had seven children, f ive boys and
two girls, and died in 1804. Peggy lies in the crypt of St. Mary's Parish Church in Bat-
tersea, London, where Arnold preceded her by three years. The Register Book of Burials,
1778 to 1804, reads simply, “14 June 1801 — Bendick Arnold, 59.”

36. Arnold had published an “Address to the Inhabitants of America” on October 1 1,
1780. It met with ridicule for its inclusion of arguments he had never used before: that
Congress represented “the tyranny of the usurpers in the revolted provinces” and that the
promises of the British Commission of 1778 were better than the “insidious offers of
France.” He had also published a broadside in Rivington's Royal Gazette on October 25
entitled “Proclamation to the Officers and Soldiers of the Continental Army” (Van Doren,
Secret History of the American Revolution, pp. 372-80; Isaac N. Arnold, Life of Benedict
Arnold: His Patriotism and His Treason [Chicago, 1880], pp. 330-34; Freeman, George
Washington , V, 225).

37. Lieutenant Colonel Matthias von Fuchs.

38. Phillips wrote Clinton: “I am free to declare Portsmouth to be a bad post, its locality
not calculated for defense” (Phillips to Clinton, April 15, 1781, in The Campaign in
Virginia , 1781 : An Exact Reprint of Six Rare Pamphlets on the Clinton-Cornwallis Controversy ,
ed. Benjamin F. Stevens, 2 vols. [London, 1888], I, 407).

39. Cornwallis defeated Greene at Guilford Court House on March 15, 1781, but the
heavy British losses caused Cornwallis to retire to Wilmington.

40. Simcoe notes, “Capt. Ewald being disabled by his wound from accompanying the
expedition, the Yagers were divided between the Queen's Rangers and light infantry”
{Simcoe 's Military Journal , p. 190).

41. The poem is transcribed in French in the diary: “L'honneur est comme une Isle
escarpee et sans holds: On n'y peut plus rentier, des qu'on en est dehors.”

42. The Borough Church of Norfolk, built in 1739. The roof and interior were de-
stroyed bv Lord Dunmore's bombardment of Norfolk and by the fire which followed on
January 1. 1776. The church was rebuilt using the original walls in about 1785. It was
repaired and consecrated in 1832 as St. Paul's Episcopal Church (Mason, Colonial
Churches of Tidewater Virginia , pp. 162-65; Guidebook, St. Paul's Church 1832, The Borough
Church 1739 [Norfolk, 1934]). See Evvald's Plan of Suffolk.

43. Simcoe notes: “Lt. Col. Simcoe, to whom the Yagers had been attached, felt this a
proper opportunity to represent Captain Ewald’s conduct and gallantry to Gen.
Knvphausen” {Simcoe's Military Journal , p. 186).

44. This letter appears also in Carl von Ewald's Generalheutenant Johann von Ewalds
Levnetslob , pp. 37-38.

426

NOTES TO PAGES 299 -30(5

45 . Mackenzie says the cause of death was “a fever” (Diary of Frederick Mackenzie , II,
531). Lossing states: “His disease was bilious fever” (Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution , II,

340n.).

46. Phillips commanded the British artillery in Germany from 1758 to 1763. The battle
of Minden occurred in Westphalia on August 1, 1759; in it the Allied (British German)
army of 40,000 men and 181 guns under Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick defeated the
French armv of 50,000 men and 162 guns under the Due de Broglie (Has, Geschichte des 1.
Kurhessischen F eldartillene -Regiments Nr. 11, pp. 103-06).

47 Fort Ninety-Six was located in western South Carolina, about eight miles east of
Greenwood. It was so called because the fort was believed to be ninety-six miles from the
frontier fort of Prince George on the Keowee River.

48. During the Seven Years’ War, in 1757, a French army marched from the lower
Rhine to Westphalia to occupy the Electorate of Hanover. Following victories at Hasten-
beck and Sandershausen and defeat at Krefeld, the French were back on the Rhine by
November 1758, but far from destroyed (Has, Geschichte des 1 Kurhessischen F eldartillene -
Regiments Nr. 11, pp. 89-97). For Tarleton’s reference to Lafayette’s prophetic letter see
his History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781, p. 294.

49. Clinton had recalled Arnold to New York: “General Leslie commands at
Portsmouth. Arnold is come here: the love of money, his ruling passion, has been very
conspicuous in Virginia” ( Diary of Frederick Mackenzie, II, 540).

50. Cornwallis reached Petersburg on May 20 and crossed the James River to Westover
between the 24th and 27th. His army crossed the Chickahominy River on the 28th, halted
near New Castle on the 29th, and marched to Hanover Court House the next day. On
June 1 the Queen’s Rangers crossed the North Anna River seeking news of the where-
abouts of Lafayette and Steuben (Simcoe’s Military Journal , pp. 210-11).

51. Lieutenant Colonel Waldegrave George, Lord Chewton, one of Cornwallis’s
aides-de-camp at Yorktown.

52. Malvern Hill is shown in Ewald’s Plan of a Part of Southern Virginia. The hill is
located about sixteen miles southwest of Richmond. Beneath the underscored words on
the map at “Malbon Hill,” Ewald wrote in his very Fine hand, “ein sehr guter Posten.”

53. Lafayette was at Colonel Dandridge’s plantation on the South Anna River, about
twenty-two miles northwest of Richmond. Steuben reported there on June 19 with 450
Virginia militia, raising Lafayette’s strength to 2,000 Continentals and 3,200 militia.
Wayne had arrived on June 10. Morgan had gone home after Cowpens because of illness,
but took the field later. The junction of Lafayette and Steuben induced Cornwallis to
evacuate Richmond and retire to the low country (Johnston, The Yorktown Campaign, pp.
53-54; Kapp, Life of von Steuben, p. 452; Tarleton, A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and
1781, p. 300).

54. Probably Sally Bland Goode (1750-1807), who married Colonel Robert Goode
(1743-1809) of Whitby, Chesterfield County, Virginia. He was a wealthy planter, ^col-
onel in the Continental Line, and served as a member of the Council for Virginia, 1790-
97 (G. Brown Goode, Virginia Cousins : A Study of the Ancestry and Posterity of John Goode oj
Whitby, A Virginia Colonist of the Seventeenth Century [Bridgewater, Va., 1967], p. 55; H. J.
Eckenrode, Lists of the Revolutionary Soldiers of Virginia, in Eighth Annual Report of the Library
Board of the Virginia State Library, 1910-1911 [Richmond, Va., 1912], p. 184).

55. Diascund Creek is a branch of the Chickahominy Rivei . The Bottoms Biidge,
which crosses the latter, is fifteen miles east of Richmond on Route 60 in New Kent
County.

56. Captain James Maxwell, a master mariner, shipowner, and superintendent of the
shipyard on the Chickahominy River. He resided in Norfolk and married Helen Calvert,

427

NOTES m PAGES 306-13

who moved to a fhrm in New Kent County after the British burned the shipyard. There
Mrs. Maxwell met and conversed with Ewald when he stopped at her plantation: “So I
went at once to the door where they were all drawn up before me in the yard. They were a
foraging party. Every horseman had a soldier behind him. The captain was a genteel
looking man, with a form as fine as a well-drawn pair of stays could make it (mv sister
Peggy told me afterwards that she knew him, and that he certainly wore stays). His name
was Captain Ewall” (Memoirs of Helen Calvert Maxwell Read , ed. Charles B. Cross, Jr.
[Chesapeake, Va., 1970], p. 65).

57. Soane’s Bridge spanned the Chickahominy River at Providence Forge in New Kent
County.

58. The bridge was located at the present Diascund Creek Bridge in New Kent County,
seven and a quarter miles east of Providence Forge.

59. Cooper's Mill was a half mile north up Diascund Creek. All the flour at the mill w as
taken away in Cornwallis’s wagons on June 24 (Simcoe's Military Journal, p. 226).

60. Simcoe took the credit for destroying the bridge (ibid . ).

61. Bird’s Ordinary, formerly Doncastle’s, was about sixteen miles from Williamsburg.

62. Simcoe records this praise of Ewald: “Nor had he [Simcoe] less reliance on the
acknowledged military talents of his friend Ewald, and the cool and tried courage of his
Yagers: the event fully justified the expression which he used in the beginning of the
action, ‘I will take care of the left; while Ewald lives, the right flank will never be turned’”
(Simcoe's Military Journal, p. 232). This compliment is also contained in Simcoe’s open
letter to The Geiitleman's Magazine, described at length in note 65, below.

63. See Ewald’s Plan of the Action at Spencer s House, Seven Miles from Williamsburg and
Simcoe’s Action at Spencers Ordinary. June 26th 1781 (Simcoe's Military Journal, between pp.
236-37). Spencer’s Ordinary was located at the junction of the roads to Jamestown and
Williamsburg, a quarter of a mile southeast of present Lightfoot in James City County.
The place is sometimes called the “Hot Water Plantation.”

64. Colonel Richard Butler’s “Return of the Killed, Wounded, and Missing” gives the
American loss as 9 killed, 14 wounded, and 13 missing, with one man captured. Cornwal-
lis reports 3 officers and 28 privates captured. Lafayette claims that the British had 60
killed and 100 wounded, but Simcoe says he had only 10 killed and 23 wounded. Lieuten-
ant Feltman writes: “We had a severe skirmish with their Horse and Infantry ... and
killed forty of their Infantry” (Johnston, The Yorktown Campaign, p. 190; Lafayette to
Greene, June 27, 1781, and Cornwallis to Clinton, June 30, 1781, in Tarleton, A His-
tory of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781, pp. 347, 350; Simcoe's Military Journal, p. 234; The
Journal of Lieut. William Feltman, of the First Pennsylvania Regiment, 1781 -82 [Philadelphia,

1853], p. 6).

65. In 1787 Simcoe wrote an open letter “To the Marquis de Chastellux, Major Gen-
eral in the French Army,” addressed to Svlvanus Urban, editor of The Gentleman's
Magazine: and Historical Chronicle (57 [Jan. 1787]: 36-39). Simcoe objected to a derogatory
remark concerning the conduct of his men at Spencer’s Ordinary which appeared in
Chastellux’s Travels in North- America. Simcoe’s letter is recorded in English in the back of
Volume IV of the diary.

66. The order is transcribed in English in the diary; it also appears in Simcoe's Military
Journal, p. 237.

67. Major William McPherson of Pennsylvania, who commanded the 1st Regiment of
Dragoons. Colonel Butler commanded the advanced Light Corps of Lafayette’s force.

68. For American accounts of the action at Spencer's Ordinary see Lee, Memoirs of the
War in the Southern Department , pp. 429-30; Journal of Lieut. William Feltman, p. 6;
Johnston, The Yorktown Campaign, p. 56.

69. The capital was removed to Richmond in 1779, after eighty years at Williamsburg.

428

NOTES TO PAGES 31 4 -20

70. Simcoe does not mention Ewald at Yorktown; he says that Cornwallis disapproved
of it as a post. A month later Cornwallis wrote Clinton that “Williamsburg, having no
harbor and requiring an army to occupy the position, would not have suited us” ( Simcoe's
Military Journal, pp. 237-38; Cornwallis to Clinton, July 27, 1781, in The Campaign in
Virginia, 1781, ed. Stevens, II, 106-08).

7 1 . Cornwallis has been blamed solely for the fateful decision to occupy and fortify
Yorktown, but he was influenced by Clinton’s directives, which he either misunderstood >
or used to excuse his colossal blunder. Clinton disclaimed any responsibility for the
selection of Yorktown, but his instructions appear vague. This misunderstanding, or
Cornwallis’s poor judgment, led to the celebrated Clinton-Cornwallis controversy after

the war. .

72. Cornwallis disliked the post at Portsmouth, but he went there "as it was already
fortified” (Cornwallis to Clinton, June 30, 1781, in The Campaign in Virginia, 1781, ed.
Stevens, II, 33-37).

73. This action was the Battle of Green Spring, July 6, 1781. The Americans lost 28
killed, 99 wounded, and 14 missing; the British had 75 killed and wounded. For further
details, see Cornwallis to Clinton, July 8, 1781, ibid., II, 57-59; Johnston, The Yorktoxun
Campaign, pp. 60-68; Lee, Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department, pp. 432-36;
Journal of Lieut. William Feltman, pp. 6-7; Tarleton, A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and
1781, pp. 353-55; Ward, War of the Revolution, II, 876-77; Gottschalk, Lafayette and the
Close of the American Revolution, pp. 263-68; R. Lamb, An Original and Authentic J oumal of
Occurrences During the Late American War, From Its Commencement to the Year 1783 (Dublin,
1809), p. 373.

74. Lawnes Creek flows north into the James River and separates Surry County from
Isle of Wight County.

75. “Foot of a goose” or crossroad.

76. Both Cooper’s Mill and Riddick's or Redduck’s Mill and plantation are shown in
the “Sketch of . . . 1781,” Virginia Historical Society.

77. Edenton, North Carolina, was formerly a colonial capital dating from 1658; it is

located on Albemarle Sound.

78. Chiggers, no doubt. This insect enters the skin and multiplies incredibly, causing a
painful itching. It is also called chegre, chigoe, and jigger, from the Spanish chiquito,
meaning small.

79. Major Richard England, Deputy Quartermaster General (Johnston, The Yorktown
Campaign, p. 118).

80. The Allied army had not crossed the Hudson River at that time, but remained
encamped near White Plains. Clinton said he realized the demonstration made against
New York was a feint, but he did not know the reason for it. Later he wrote, “I never
could have the most distant idea that Mr. Washington had the least hopes of a superior
French fleet in the Chesapeake; and I consequently never could suppose that he would
venture to go there” ( Narrative of Lieutenant-General Sir Henry Clinton, K.B., Relative to His
Conduct During Part of His Command of the King's Troops in North America [London, 1783],
reprinted as Narrative of the Campaign in 1781 in North America. By Sir Henry Clinton, K.B.
[Philadelphia, 1865], p. 11).

81. Clinton states in his Narrative, “I could not have prevented his passing the Hud-
son Nor could I, when informed of his march toward the Delaware, have passed an

army in time to have made any impression upon him before he crossed that river” (pp.

13-14).

82. Old Point Comfort, the present site of Fort Monroe, begun in 1819 and completed

in 1847. Previous forts there dated back to 1609.

83. 1 was unable to identify Colonel Whiting fully, beyond the fact that he was a

429

NOTES ro PA(,F.S .120-25

■nemher of a prominent and wealthy family of Gloucester Gountv Seven! VVI
owned property near Gloucester Point; they were parishioners of Abingdon Chu hT
relationship could he established between the Whiting and Washington families ,1,^' \°
locally it was said the families were ‘‘kin.’’ e ’ a * t ^ loll gh

84. This was Gloucester Point, known as Tyndalls Point when the colonists bi.il, r
there in 100,. The York River is about a half mile wide here. a ,ort

Gum i j

. Abingdon Episcopal Church is located six miles north of Gloucester Point on ,h
nght side of the George Washington Memorial Highway. See also note 1 7 below

;■ c bl " k 111 1 /b6 - 1S th,rtcen miles north of Gloucester Point

3. Since Old Point Comfort was found to be unsuitable for a fortified station C ,
hs m formed Clinton that “This being the case. I shall, in obedience to the spnit of y '
Excellency s orders, take measures with as much dispatch as possible to seize and fo o '

Td &T mZ* '° Ju, > * n - <***

4. Seawell’s Ordinary is located at Ordinary Post Office, five miles north of ri
Po,„, The house was hud, in , 7,2 and the ordinary, now dosed. "t ZS&SZSZ

ocal records state that Lafayette once slept there. Ewaid's Plan of the Siege of York To „
Virgtrna indicates that Seawell’s Ordinary was the headquarters of the \lfmuis dt r
o. Probably Warner Lewis. The Lewis family wJe among the SS'S
Gloucester Gountv. John Lewis settled there in ia;v* 0 , , • ... settlers of

r of h,s

Wmbsrono the ws . led Warner Hall erne, cry. looared in a field a, Robins' Heck Warner

6. See Simcoe s Military Journal, p. 249.

/. The words quoted are recorded in English in the diary.

_ Washington s army crossed the Hudson River at King’s Ferry on August 20 and
the French army crossed on August 25. Meanwhile. Rodney had sailed for England on

to head ’ ff n h' n | w A n dm,ral SamUd H °° d ' OJ ° in Rear Admiral Graves at New York
ead off the French fleet (Freeman, George Washington, V. 313-16- fohnston The
Yorktovn Campaign, p. 99; Journal of von Closer,, trans. and ed. Acomb. pp J 109-0)'

9 ro y sta " dard of King Louis XVI : the Bourbon fleurs-de-lis on a white banner
In his Plan of the Siege of York Town in Virginia Ewald indicates the spot at Sarah Creek with

tit! IX Where 1 St °° d d - French fleet arrived before the mlth of

10. The three French ships in the action which Ewald witnessed in the distance were

e j y, neL ' X a ( °ppered seventy-four, and the Diligente and Aigrette frigates ' (Tarle-
ton. A History oj the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781. p. 364). M

j 1 i R p ' Ad,7 ' i ' | al i Lieutenant General) Francois Joseph Paul. Comte de Grasse, Mar-
quis de Grasse- Tilly.

‘f <J ; > .r nWalliS had aSked for 500 S I Xldt S a,ul sl,,, vels in his engineer s report of August
H,t ■ ll . n ' , ; n " e P lR ' d that d, e r ep«»t showed 992 entrenching tools on hand and that
others could be found on the neighboring plantations (,S7r Henry Clinton's Sanative, ed.
Willcox, p. .349).

• u 3 . C '° r,U ! all,S WaS to nsidering escape on August 31 . asking Simcoe if he could escape

with h,s cavalry. Simcoe replied: ’ Without the smallest doubt. ’ Simcoe remarked also that

Capt. Ewald saw him one day looking over Xenophon, and immediately said. Mv Col-

430

NOTES TO PAGES 325-29

onel, you are going to retreat; tor God s sake do not leave the \ agers behind you
(Sirncoe's Military Journal, ppl 250-306).

14. The French squadron of eight ships which sailed from Newport was commanded
by Admiral Jaques Melchoir Saint-Laurent, Comte de Barras. Ternay had died.

15. Hood sailed from the West Indies, reconnoitered the empty bay area on August 25,
and sailed to join Graves at New York. They left on the 28th to intercept de Grasse and de
Barras or to block the entrance to Chesapeake Bay. They arrived too late (Johnston, The
Yorktown Campaign, p. 99).

16. Claude Anne, Marquis de Saint-Simon Montblern, often called Claude Anne de
Rouvroy. In America he was usually styled simply General Saint-Simon. He stated that he
had about 3,100 infantry and a detachment of Royal Artillery Corps (Freeman, George
Washington, V, 330n.).

17. Abingdon Episcopal Church was erected in 1751. It stands near the site of the first
church, built about 1655, and is constructed of Flemish-bond brickwork of surpassing
quality, with walls almost thirty inches thick. The wall surrounding the church is about
two feet thick at the base and almost five feet high.

18. Brigadier General George Weedon, who commanded a brigade of about 1,500

Virginia militia.

19. Washington had specifically enjoined Weedon to hamper the collection of forage
“without precipitating your troops into too great danger" (The George Washington Pa-
pers, XXIII, 126).

20. Washington and the American army reached Head of Elk on September 6, having
covered the two hundred miles from their starting point in fifteen days. The French army
arrived on September 7 and 8 (Freeman, George Washington , V, 323-24; Journal of von
Closen, trans. and ed. Acomb, p. 124).

21. Major William Maxwell, 80th Regiment.

22. The Battle of the Virginia Capes occurred on September 5, 1781. De Grasse had 24
ships carrying 1,700 guns and 19,000 seamen, while Graves, Hood, and Drake had 19
ships with 1,400 guns and 13,000 seamen. British losses were 90 killed and 246 wounded;
the French had 220 killed and wounded. Five British ships were damaged, and the Isis
and Richmond captured. Tactically the battle was a draw, but it was decisive because it
made the surrender of Cornwallis inevitable by ending all hopes for rescue (Clinton,
Narrative of the Campaign in 1781, pp. 34-35; Diary of Frederick Mackenzie, II, 643-46;
Freeman, George Washington, V, 511-13; Stephen Bonsai, When The French Were Here: A
Narrative of the Sojourn of the French Forces in America, and Their Contribution to the Yorktown
Campaign [Garden City, N.Y., 1945], pp. 134-37; Harold A. Larrabee, Decision at the
Chesapeake [New York, 1964], passim).

23. Washington and Rochambeau with entourage had arrived overland at Williams-
burg from Head of Elk on September 14. All the troops were ashore and concentrated
in and around Williamsburg by September 26 (Johnston, The Yorktown Campaign,
pp. 101-02; Journal of von Closen, trans. and ed. Acomb, p. 138; Freeman, George
Washington, V, 323-40; James Thacher, Military Journal of the American Revolution, From the
Commencement to the Disbanding of the American Army [Hartford, Conn., 1862], p. 278).

24. The army left Williamsburg early on September 28, arrived at its outposts around
noon, and began to invest Yorktown. In round figures, the army totaled 7,890 Continen-
tals, 3,153 militia, and 8,800 French troops, marines, and sailors, not including de
Grasse’s 14,000 personnel (Freeman, George Washington, V, 514).

25. The redoubts lay between the ravine at York Creek and the marsh above Wor-
meley’s Pond; I have been unable to verify the burning of them. Washington and
Rochambeau were surprised by the sudden abandonment.

NOTES TO PAGES 329 -35

26. Captain Charles Apthorpe, 23d Regiment of Foot (Royal Welch Fusiliers) (Ford
Bntish Officers , p. 18).

27. This work was the Fusiliers’ Redoubt.

28. The hussars were Saint-Simon’s, from the West Indies. Washington sent Lauzun to
Gloucester to strengthen Weedon’s Virginia militia, and to prevent am breakthrough to
the north (Freeman, George Washington , V, 341-42; Journal of von Closen , trails, and ed.
Acomb, p. 138; Memoirs oj the Due de Lauzun , trans. C. K. Scott Moncrieff and ed. G.
Rutherford [London, 1928], p. 205).

29. See Journal of von Closen, trans. and ed. Acomb, p. 140.

30. Brigadier General Claude Gabriel, Marquis de Choisv, who was senior to Lauzun
and to Weedon; he had arrived with de Barras from Newport and assumed command at
Gloucester on October 1 with eight hundred French marines (The George Washington
Papers, XXIII, 169).

31. The guard boat brought word that Clinton would embark ‘above five thousand
men" on a fleet consisting of twenty-three ships of the line and hoped to sail on October 5
or a few days later (Clinton to Cornwallis, Sept. 24-25, 1781, The Henry Clinton Papers,
William L. Clements Library).

32. Robert Guillaume, Baron de Dillon, Second Colonel in Lauzun’s Legion.

33. This small action occurred on October 3, 1781. Lee credits Lieutenant Colonel
John Francis Mercer’s Virginia militia grenadiers with helping stop the British. Contrary
to Ewald’s remarks on the slowness of the French cavalry, Lauzun states, “I charged them
without drawing rein.” Tarleton was accidentally unhorsed but escaped. The small losses
on both sides are reported somewhat similarly (Memoirs of the Due de Lauzun, trans.
Moncrieff and ed. Rutherford, pp. 207-08; Lee, Memoirs of the War in the Southern Depart-
ment, pp. 497-98; Journal of von Closen, trans. and ed. Acomb, p. 142; Tarleton, A History
of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781, pp. 376-78; Johnston, The Yorktown Campaign pp
128-29).

34. The besiegers’ batteries opened on the afternoon of October 9, the French at about
three o’clock, and the American at five o’clock (Washington’s Journal, Oct. 9, 1781,
quoted in Johnston, The Yorktown Campaign, p. 167).

35. Commissary General Perkins was killed by the first shot from an American battery
while attending a dinner with a party of officers of the 76th Regiment. Thacher says
Washington fired the first American shot (Military Journal, p. 283).

36. Lieutenant Charles Robertson, the quartermaster and adjutant of the 76th Regi-
ment.

37. The Charon was set on fire by a French battery (Thacher, Military Journal, p. 283).

38. The Honorable Major Charles Cochrane of Tarleton’s Legion, acting aide-de-
camp to Cornwallis.

39. Lieutenant Colonel Duncan McPherson, 71st Regiment.

40. Redoubt Number 9, garrisoned by 120 British and Hessians.

41. Major James Campbell and sixty men occupied Redoubt Number 10, which was
located on the extreme left of the fortifications near the river bank (Lee, Memoirs of the
War in the Southern Department, p. 500).

42. Major General Charles Joseph Hyacinthe du Houx, Vicomte de Viomenil, who
directed the French attack on Redoubt Number 9. The French lost fifteen killed and
seventy-seven wounded; the British and Hessians, eighteen killed and about fifty taken
prisoner (Journal of von Closen , trans. and ed. Acomb, pp. 148-50; Johnston, The Yorktown
Campaign, pp. 142-43; My Campaigns in America: A Journal Kept by Count William de Deux-
Ponts, 1780-81, trans. and ed. Samuel A. Green [Boston, 1868], pp. 142-47).

432

NOTES TO PAGES 335-38

43. Lafayette directed the American attack on Redoubt Number 10, led by Lieutenant
Colonel Alexander Hamilton with four hundred light infantry. His losses were eight
killed and twenty-five wounded. A few British were killed and wounded, with about
twenty captured; the rest of the garrison escaped (Lee, Memoirs of the War in the Southern
Department , pp. 500-02; Johnston, The Yorktown Campaign, pp. 145-47, 168, 193).

44. Second Lieutenant Ernst Wilhelm Andersohn, Erb Prinz Regiment (German Allied
Troops, trans. Rosengarten, p. 301).

45. Probably a privy or a necessary house.

46. American accounts report that up to twelve hundred horses were destroyed
(Richard Butler, “Colonel Richard Butler’s Diary,” American Magazine 8 [March 1864]:
102-12; Freeman, George Washington, V, 363; Thacher, Military Journal, p. 280).

47. “The reason for war is but little reason.” This slightly ungrammatical French
phrase, ascribed to Francois Marie Arouet de Voltaire (1694-1778), could not be verified.

48. Washington states that four French and two American guns were spiked. The
French had one officer and twelve men killed, with ten officers captured; the Americans,
one man wounded; and the British, ten killed and three taken prisoner (Johnston, The
Yorktown Campaign, p. 169).

49. The reason Ewald gives for the improper spiking of the guns is found in no other
source. Both sides believed the spiking to have been done in haste (Lee, Memoirs of the War
in the Southern Department, p. 503; Tarleton, A History of the Campaigns of 1 780 and 1781, p.
387).

50. The words quoted are recorded in English in the diary.

51. For Cornwallis’s account of his attempt to escape, see his letter to Clinton, October
20, 1781, in The Campaign in Virginia, 1781, ed. Stevens, II, 205-16. See also Tarleton, A
History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781, pp. 387-88.

52. Ewald probably held Redoubts 3 and 4 and the battery between them, which are
shown on his Plan of the Siege of York Town in Virginia. Redoubt Number 1 was occupied by
the Queen’s Rangers, Number 2 by Tarleton’s Legion, and Number 3 by a part of the
80th Regiment. Some traces of the Gloucester fortifications still exist, but the sites of the
redoubts Ewald commanded can no longer be identified, the approximate area is now
partially wooded and residential.

53. Thacher states, “The prevalent diseases are intermittent and remittent fevers,
which are very prevalent in this climate during the autumnal months” ( Military Journal, p.
286).

54. Probably gunpowder. Such a “remedy” was used by an American soldier at the
Battle of Long Island in August 1776. He took a draught of gunpowder mixed with rum
to fortify his courage, but he did not need the stimulant at the Battle of Princeton (“Battle

of Princeton, by Sergeant R ,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 20, no. 4

[1896]: 515-19; ms in the Princeton University Library).

55. In colonial times the church was known variously as Yorktown Church, the York-
Hampton Church, and the York Church. It was built about 1697, and was used as a
powder magazine during the siege.

56. Major General Heath commanded the army in the New York Highlands and kept
watch on Clinton in New York City. His army was short of flour at the time, but Lee states,
“The American army under Heath would have followed Clinton” ( Heath's Memoirs, ed.
Wilson, p. 331; Lee, Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department, p. 505).

57. Tarleton and Lee later wrote that escape would have been possible, but their
opinions first appeared in 1787 and in 1827, respectively. They do not explain how the
army would have crossed the rivers, or consider the deterioration of the troops which

433

NOTES TO PAGES 339-4]

Ewald points out at the time (Tarleton, A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781, pp .
380-84; Lee, Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department, pp. 504-06). Thacher savs “A
mcn-e preposterous and desperate attempt can scarcely be imagined” {Military Journal, p.

58. Cornwallis beat a parley on the morning of the 17th and submitted his terms for
capitulation, which were rejected. On the 1 8th Washington sent Cornwallis his conditions
with a two-hour ultimatum, specifying the same honors as were granted to Lincoln at
Charleston. In the afternoon the British, French, and American commissioners met at the
Moore House and formulated the Articles of Capitulation, which were signed on the
morning of the 19th by Cornwallis and by Washington, Rochambeau, and de Barras
(Freeman, George Washington, V, 376-85; Johnston, The Yorktown Campaign, pp 151-55)
59 The surrender ceremonies at Yorktown are well documented, but little is known of
the formalities at Gloucester. Of the 900 officers and men (153 were sick) who surren-
dered at Gloucester, the Queen’s Rangers numbered 320, Tarleton's British Legion 241
and Ewald’s jagers, 74, the latter consisting of one captain, three lieutenants, one surgeon
one hornblower, and 68 rank and file (Lee, Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department ,’
p. 513; Tarleton, A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781, p. 439; Johnston The
Yorktown Campaign, pp. 164-65, 195).

60. The army prisoners totaled 7,24 1 , with 80 camp followers. The 840 naval prisoners

were turned over to Comte de Grasse (Freeman, George Washington, V, 391 515-

Johnston, The Yorktown Campaign, pp. 158, 164-65; Tarleton, A History of the Campaigns of
1780 and 1781, pp. 451-58). 5 7

61. British army losses were reported as 156 killed, 326 wounded, and 70 missing,
totaling 552, with 42 naval casualties. The losses of the Queen’s Rangers, British Legion
and Ewald’s jagers were not reported, which may account for the higher total of 653 given
by Ewald. Washington reported that American losses from the opening of the siege on
September 28 to the storming of the redoubts on October 14 were 23 killed and 65
wounded; the subsequent casualties were negligible. The French army losses were re-
ported as 60 killed and 193 wounded ( Sir Henry Clinton’s Narrative, ed. Willcox, p. 587, n.
93; Tarleton, A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781, pp. 445-47; Johnston The
Yorktown Campaign, pp. 168, 193-94; Freeman, George Washington, V, 515).

62. Rascals, these Americans,” or “ American scoundrels.”

63. Steuben had introduced his system of training into the American army at Valiev
Forge in March 1778. It was essentially an adaptation of the Prussian drill system (Palmer,
General von Steuben, pp. 140-47).

64. The Rhode Island Regiment was stationed on the right wing during the siege It
consisted of 450 men under Lieutenant Colonel Commandant Jeremiah OInev (Johnston,
The Yorktown Campaign, p. 115).

65. Clinton relates that the old open formation failed at the Battle of Cowpens when

Tarleton charged “in that loose, flimsy order which had eyer been too much the practice
in America, whereby his whole corps was thrown into a shameful confusion from which
they could neyer afterward be recovered” (Sir Henry Clinton’s Narrative, ed Willcox P 95
n. 16; p. 247). ‘

66. The Rhenish or Lower Palatine, usually called the Palatinate. Thousands of Ger-
man Protestants left this area for America in the eighteenth century either for religious
freedom or to escape the wars and devastation of Catholic France. Many settled on the
frontier facing the Indians. The troops of which Ewald speaks were Virginia militia In
general, the Germans were from the Valley of Virginia, and the Scotch-Irish from the
Valley and the Appalachian Mountains.

67. Major General Johann von Mayr commanded a Free Corps, one of the special

434

NOTES TO PAGES 342-49

independent commands of the Prussian army in the Seven Years’ War. Steuben served as
a lieutenant and adjutant in von Mayr’s corps in 1758 (Rapp, Life of von Steuben, pp.
52-54; Palmer, General von Steuben, pp. 35-36).

68. The officers were Baron Louis Eberhard d’Esebeck; Lieutenant Colonel Hans
Axel, Comte de Fersen, the favorite of Queen Marie Antoinette; Colonel Baron Frangois
Marie d’Angely; and Major Bernard Antoine de Klocker. Lieutenant Colonel Hugo
served in Lieutenant Colonel Mercer’s Virginia legion, which supported Lauzun’s hus-
sars. I could not identify Major Broderesky.

69. Washington had invited Brigadier General Charles O’Hara to dinner, since
Cornwallis was indisposed. Ewald’s comment seems to be the only record of Washington’s
displeasure.

70. Ewald’s remarks on the siege, provided in translation by the editor, appear in two
important Historic Resource Studies published in 1976 by the National Park Service for
the Colonial National Historical Park, Virginia: Erwin N. Thompson, The British Defenses
at Yorktoum, 1781, and Jerome A. Greene, The Allies at Yorktown: A Bicentennial History of the
Siege of 1781.

71. Probably Second Lieutenant Friedrich von Foetor, Anspach Regiment Voit ( Ger-
man Allied Troops, trans. Rosengarten, p. 336).

72. Baron Friedrich von Jungkenn-Miintzer, now a lieutenant general, minister ot

state, and minister of war.

73. The news of the surrender reached the King and his ministers on November 25.
Two days later Parliament assembled and furious debates ensued. Lord Frederick North,
the Prime Minister, continued to justify the war on the grounds of British rights in
America. He was violently assailed by Charles Fox, Edwin Burke, and the younger
William Pitt. Lord North resigned on March 20, 1782.

SUPPLEMENT

1. First Lieutenant Johann Heinrich Wolff (Eelking, Die deutschen Hiilfstruppen, II,
266).

2. Probably Matinecock Point, north of Glen Cove on Long Island.

3. Clinton wrote Germain on September 7, 1781, that he desired to resign, his resigna-
tion was accepted on February 6, 1782. He was succeeded by General Sir Guy Carleton,
governor of Quebec, who arrived at New York on May 5. On May 13 Clinton and von
Knyphausen sailed for England on the frigate Pearl. Cornwallis and Arnold had departed
on December 15, 1781 (Sir Henry Clinton’s Narrative, ed. Willcox, p. 362).

4. Deputy Adjutant General John Stapleton; he was a captain of the 17th Regiment in
1780 (Ford, British Officers, p. 166).

5. The Brunswick prisoners had been captured at the battles of Bennington and
Saratoga in 1777. Many German prisoners, all of them indiscriminately called Hessians,
were hired out by Congress to work on farms and in ironworks. In Pennsylvania, twenty-
two “Hessian” prisoners were employed at Elizabeth Furnace on Middle Creek in Lancas-
ter County, thirty-four at Charming Forge on Tulpehocken Creek in Berks County, and
others at Marv Ann Furnace on Furnace Creek in York County, at Durham Iron Works
on the Delaware River in Bucks County, and at other ironworks. The Continental Con-
gress received thirty-two to forty-five shillings per month for each man, the amount being
paid in iron (Arthur C. Bining, Pennsylvania Iron Manufacture in the Eighteenth Century,
Pennsylvania Historical Commission, vol. IV [Harrisburg, Pa., 1938], pp. 112, 187-89).

6. John Jacob Faesch erected the Mount Hope Furnace in 1/72 in Rockaway Town-
ship, New Jersey. During the war he produced shot, shells, and cannon, as well as refined
bar iron, shovels, axes, and other implements. In March 1/77 Faesch secured thirty

435

NOTES TO PAGES 350-54

Hessian prisoners who were used as wood-choppers and furnace men (Boyer, Early Forges
and Furnaces in New Jersey , pp. 136-38).

7. In July, Hessian Adjutant General Major Baurmeister was sent to Pennsylvania and
New Jersey to seek out German prisoners and deserters and induce them to return to
New York. He carried a general pardon for all deserters if they returned by August 1,

1783, but was not very successful (Letters and Journals oj Baurmeister , trans. and ed. Uhlen-
dorf, pp. 572-76, 580).

8. Captain Theodor Hart[mannJ Hartert, who died on August 7 and was buried in St.
Paul’s churchyard at New York (Gaines New -York Gazette , August 13, 1783).

9. General Carleton received instructions on August 7 to evacuate New York City, but
a lack of ships prevented the removal of the loyalists and the evacuation of the British
troops until late November 1783 (Lorenzo F. Sabine, The American Loyalists [Boston
1847], pp. 58-60).

10. The only other contemporary account of a visit to West Point is that of Sebastian
Francisco de Miranda (1750-1816), a Spanish officer who visited the Point in February

1784. His published diary corroborates many of Ewald’s observations. Miranda became
the liberator of Venezuela. I am indebted to Mrs. Marie T. Capps, Map and Manuscript
Librarian, and to Colonel Merle Sheffield, U.S. Army, United States Military Academy,
West Point, for the data on West Point used in these notes.

1 1. Second Lieutenant Wilhelm (or Ludwig) von Gerresheiin of the Jager Corps (Ger-
man Allied Troops , trans. Rosengarten, p. 334).

12. Possibly Mrs. Daniel (Hannah) Birdsall, whose home close to the Mandeville
Tavern was often the meeting place of American officers. Here Washington gave Arnold
the commission to command West Point. Local historians believe Mrs. Birdsall accommo-
dated guests referred from Mandeville’s Tavern.

13. Ewald set fire to the barracks at Continental Village. See Vol. II, entry for [une 3
1779.

14. Nelson’s Ferry Landing was located at the mouth of Philip’s Brook across from
West Point, about a half mile north of present Garrison, New York.

15. Caleb Nelson’s house is shown on the “Map of West Point” drawn in 1780 by
Chevalier J. L. Villefranche, Major of Engineers. Washington sent this French engineer to
West Point to superintend the reconstruction of the works which Arnold commanded.
The map originally belonged to General Washington (United States Military Academy
Library Collections).

16. Major General Alexander McDougall, who probably resided at the Beverly Robin-
son House at the time. According to Villefranche’s map, the distance by road from
Nelson’s house was about two and a quarter miles. Benedict Arnold used Robinson’s
house as his headquarters when he commanded West Point. The Beverly Robinson
House, built in 1758, was confiscated in 1777; it was destroyed in 1892.

17. Major General Henry Knox was a man of imposing physical proportions. It was
reported on August 19, 1783, that he weighed 280 pounds, Lincoln 224, and Washington,
209 (Freeman, George Washington, V, 453, n. 105).

18. Captain John Lillie of Massachusetts, who was aide-de-camp to General Knox from
October 1778 until the end of the war (Heitman, Officers of the Continental Army, p. 350).

19. Fort Clinton, shown as Fort Arnold on Villefranche’s map, was renamed after
Arnold’s desertion.

20. At the outbreak of the war American artillery was an accumulation of guns,
mortars, and howitzers of every sort and of thirteen different calibers, but little field
artillery. By 1775 the foundries at Philadelphia were casting both bronze and iron guns,
since the source of importation was soon cut off. For further data see Albert Manucv,

436

NOTES TO PAGES 354-57

Artillery Through the Ages , National Park Service Interpretive Series^ History No. 3
(Washington, 1949), p. 10.

21. Major General James Grant declared in the House of Commons on February 2,
1775 “that the Americans could not Fight and that he would undertake to march from one
end of the continent to the other with 5,000 men” (William A. Duer, The Life of William
Alexander , Earl of Stirling [New York, 1847], p. 162).

22. Mrs. Lucy Knox, nee Flucker, the daughter of the Royal Secretary of Mas-
sachusetts Bay.

23. Probably Colonel Joseph Vose, commanding the 2d Massachusetts Regiment, who
led his regiment from West Point in the parade of American troops into New York City
on Evacuation Day, November 25, 1783. The maiden name of Captain John Lillie’s wile
was also Vose (Heitman, Officers of the Continental Army, p. 561; Freeman, George
Washington, V, 562, n. 27).

24. Knox was the commandant at West Point from 1782 to 1784, and became senior
officer of the army upon Washington’s withdrawal. See Ward, War of the Revolution, I,
122-23.

25. I could find little evidence of Steuben’s presence and activities at West Point in
October 1783 (Kapp, Life of von Steuben, pp. 523-24).

26. This tavern may have stood at the south end of the West Point property near the
present Headquarters Building, where such a structure is known to have existed from
1795 to 1808. The tavern was run by a man named North.

27. Secretary H. Motz of the Hessian headquarters staff, 1778 to 1783 ( German Allied
Troops, trans. Rosengarten, p. 284).

28. Dr. Michaelis, given name unknown, a physician of the Hessian forces from August
1779 to 1783 {ibid., p. 287).

29. Probably Wallkill. The Wallkill River flows from northern New Jersey into New
York State. Lake Wallkill lies about two miles east of the river and three miles from the
state line.

30. Georges Louis Leclerc, Comte de Buffon (1707-88), a French naturalist who is best
known for his monumental Histoire naturelle, generale et particuliere.

31. Probably Captain Joshua Benson (brevet-major) of Massachusetts (Heitman, Offi-
cers of the Continental Army, p. 100).

32. In December 1782 misgivings arose in the army over the great arrears of pay.
Congress promised half-pay for disabled and retired officers, which was later modified to
five years’ pay. The soldiers were to receive a gratuity of eighty dollars each. Unfortu-
nately the promises were not redeemed, because the coffers were empty, and the officers
and men were discharged without pay (Thacher, Military Journal, pp. 329-43, 350-51;
Freeman, George Washington, V, 430-31, 441-43).

33. Fort Wyllys was named for Colonel Samuel Wyllys, commander of the 3d Regiment
of the Continental Line, which constructed the redoubt. Fort Clinton was named for its
builder James Clinton and Fort Putnam for Colonel Rufus Putnam, who built the fort
with his 5th Massachusetts Regiment.

34. The great chain was forged by Peter Townsend at the Stirling Iron Works at
Chester, about twenty miles west of West Point. It was completed in April 1778 and
stretched across the river on May 1. The chain was 450 yards long, weighed 180 tons, and
was fastened to very large logs. The links were made of iron bars two and a half inches
square. Each link weighed about 140 pounds, the average length being a little over two
feet. Each autumn until 1783 the chain was dragged back to shore, and the ice blocked the
river during the winter (Thacher, Military Journal, p. 216; Lossing, Pictorial Field-Book of
the Revolution, I, 700, 704-06).

437

NOTES TO PAGES 358-lil

3a. Major Sebastian Bauman, 2d Continental Artillery, who had been born in Ger-
many. A copy of his artillery orders and a return of ordnance for West Point were
discovered in Major Andre's stockings. Bauman was postmaster of New York City from
1/90 until his death in 1803 (Heilman, Officers of the Continental Army. p. 92; l ossintr
Pictorial Field-Book if the Revolution, I. 721-22, Tati). 8 ’

3b. Mrs. Elizabeth Lawrance, the only daughter of General McDougall. She was mar
ried to Colonel John Lawrance (sometimes spelled Laurance), who served on McDougall’s
staf f. He was judge advocate general of the army from 1777 to 1782, and presided at
Major Andre’s trial. Lawrance became a member of Congress, a judge, and a U.S. senator
(Harper's Encyclopaedia of United States History, s.v. “Lawrance, John").

37. Probably Maria Elizabeth Bauman, the eldest of Major Bauman’s nine daughters
Maria was born in 1767 and died of consumption in 1784 at the age of seventeen The
family name was later changed to Beauman (Memoirs of Colonel Sebastian Beauman and His
Descendants, ed. Mary C. Doll Fairchild [privately printed, 1900], p. 14).

38. Major General McDougall was born in 1731 in the Inner Hebrides, Scotland and
brought to America in 1738. He commanded the privateers Tyger and Barrington in the
French and Indian War, the American counterpart of the Seven Years’ War McDougall
was conspicuous at the Battle of White Plains, participated in the Battle of Germantown
and took command in the Hudson Highlands in 1778. He succeeded Benedict Arnold as
commandant at West Point. In 1781-82, he represented New York in the Continental
Congress and was temporarily Minister of Marine. He was a member of Congress in
1 /84-8 5 and a state senator from 1783 to his death in 1786 (Harper's Encyclopaedia and
The Columbia Encyclopedia, s.v. “McDougall, Alexander”). No mention of Ewald’s visit is to
be found in the McDougall Papers at the New-York Historical Society.

39. On November 21 the posts at Kings Bridge and McGowan’s Pass were surrendered
to the Americans. Colonel von Wurmb, commander of the Jager Corps, delivered up the
posts as soon as the Americans appeared. At seven o’clock in the morning an American
corps of about eight hundred men marched to McGowan’s Pass, where the jagers were
drawn up under arms. The post was turned over to the Americans and the jagers
225^26)^ t0 NCW Y ° rk f ° r embarkation n° urnal • • • Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps,” pp.

40. The New York Committee issued the following item; “The 25th day of November,
1783, being the time fixed for the British to evacuate the city,— a cold, frostv but clear
and brilliant morning— the troops, under General Knox, encamped at Harlem, marched
to the Bowery lane, and halted at the present junction of Third avenue and the Bowery
There they remained until about one o’clock in the afternoon, when the British left their
posts in the vicinity and marched to Whitehall. The American troops followed, and before
three o clock General Knox took formal possession of Fort George, amid the acclamations
of thousands of emancipated freemen” (Manual of the New York Common Council [New

y- k ’„ I8fil l’ P; 549) - See also Henry P. Johnston, “Evacuation of New York by the British,
1783, Harper's New Monthly Magazine 67, no. 420 [Nov. 1883]: 903-23).

41 ,^ he u J ournal • • ■ Hessischen Feld-Jager Corps" (pp. 237-38) states in its final en-
try: "All the natives were furloughed, and those foreigners who did not want to serve
were discharged with three payments. The entire Jager Corps, however, was placed partly
in the regiments.” r

42. Landgrave Frederick II, the Elector of Hesse-Cassel, who ruled from 1760 until his
death in 1785.

43. The monetary subsidies provided the Landgrave by the treaty between Great Brit-
ain and Hesse-Cassel in 1776 for the services of his troops sent to America.

438

Index

Abercromby, Robert, 1 1, 16, 18, 169; in Char-
lestown expedition, 189, 190, 199, 208,221;
end of Fifth campaign, 248; in New Jersey
campaign, 48, 51, 56, 63; at New York, 156;
at Philadelphia, 117-18; in Virginia, 336,

338

Abhandlung iiber den kleinen Krieg (Ewald), xxvii
Abingdon Church, 322, 323, 324, 325-26,

43 On 1

Abington Hill, 109, 130
Abington Township, 1 10
Ackiss, John, 425nl8
Ackiss, William, 425nl8
Ackiss’s plantation, 285
Acquackanonck, N.J.. 20
Act of 1763, 123
Adamant, 41 In 103
Adams, Major, 167

Agnew, James, 13, 71, 74, 78, 86-87, 88, 93
Aiken’s Tavern (Del.), 77, 78
Alarms, 27, 65, 76, 77, 96, 104, 105, 109, 150,
287, 298, 327, 328
Allentown, N.J., 44, 135
Allied army, 319, 324, 325, 326, 348; artillery
at York and Gloucester, 334, 335-36; after
Cornwallis’s surrender, 347; joined
Lafayette, 327; siege of Gloucester, 330-39;
siege of York, 329, 330-39
Altenbockum, Ernst Eber von, 45
Althouse, John, 412n5
Amazone (frigate), 247
Amborn, Md., 77
Amboy, N.J., 65, 68, 69, 179
Ambuscades, xxi, 215; American, 81, 108, 109,
127, 128, 141, 143, 144, 175, 271, 278, 323,
327; British, 21, 57, 123, 129, 141, 163-66,
178-79, 204, 208, 209, 210-1 1, 285, 287-88,
290, 306, 314, 317, 323, 324, 326, 334
American army, 10, 12-13, 14, 27; Armand
Corps, 153; Baker Corps, 316-17, 318; Con-
tinental regiments, 340; Lee Corps, 22, 26,
27, 44; Morgan Corps, 23, 126, 218; Pulaski
Corps, 153, 198-99, 209; Rhode Island Reg-
iment, 340, 434n64; Virginia volunteers,
330; Wild Irish Riflemen, 309; abandoned
Mud Island, 105; action at New York, 141,
143-45, 149, 150-51, 156-59, 163, 166,
167-69, 172-75, 178-79, 183; alliance with

France, 123, 401 n 17; artillery, 354, 436n20;
attack on Philadelphia, 93; attempts to burn
New York. City, 141-43, 376«6; at Basking
Ridge, 62; battle at Bound Brook, 56-57; be-
sieged at Charleston, 221-42; at Brandy-
wine, 77, 82-87, 88; in British invasion of
New Jersey, 17-25; in British retreat from
Philadelphia, 132, 134-35, 136, 137; during
British southern campaign, 196-98, 202-03,
208, 209, 21 1-16, 219; cantonment quarters
in New York, 152; at Chestnut Hill, 109; at
Connecticut Farms Meeting House, 244-46;
after Cornwallis’s surrender, 345; at Darby,

110, 111; encamped at Morristown, 52,
64-65; Ewald on, 339^2, 355; at Fort
Lafayette, 161-62; joined French army at
White Plains, 315; at Fort Red Bank, 98-
104; militia, 341; mountaineers, 341; at New
Brunswick, 17; in New Jersey campaign, 30,
38-39, 44-45, 49, 245-46; officers, 108,
340-41, 354-55; at Philadelphia, 120, 121,
122, 126, 129-30; recruiting, 122; retreated
across Schuylkill River, 89; surrender of Fort
Washington, 16-17; troops, 34, 382n82,
383n93, 395n89, 401 n 13; at Valley Forge,

111, 117, 123; in Virginia, 259, 260-61, 267,
268, 269, 270-71, 273-74, 277, 278-79, 281,
284, 285, 287-88, 290-91, 296-97, 308-12,
313-16, 323, 325, 326, 328; at Windsor, 255

American navy, 30-31, 34-35, 96, 105, 210,
218, 383n97; in siege of Charlestown, 226,
237, 238

Anderson, Ernst Wilhelm, 335
Andre, John, 246, 295, 4 19n59; captured, 249,
419n56; hanged, 250, 251, 419n58
Andrew, 343

Angely, Frangois Marie d’, 342
Anhalt-Zerbst, xix

Anspach troops, 403ri36, 418n40; Brigade,
111, 251, 255, 302, 315, 318, 322; Jager
Company, 64, 158; regiments, 64, 122, 132,
143, 182, 247, 250, 350
Apollo, 190

Apthorpe, Charles, 329, 335
Arbuthnot, Marriot, 192, 210, 291, 413«28; in
siege of Charlestown, 226, 230, 236
Archer’s Hope Creek, 313
Ardent, 247

INDEX

Armand, Charles Teffin, 77, 144, 145, 150,
391m37, 41 1 « 1 13; and Ewald, 152
Arminius, 145, 406m 19
Armstrong, Major, 308, 309, 316
Arnold, Benedict, xxiii, 251, 358, 426m36;
Ewald on, 294-96; treason of, 249, 4 19m 56,
42 In 12; Virginia campaign, 255, 258-61,
266, 267-74, 277-80, 286, 289, 290-91, 297,
299, 420mm2-3, 426«35
Ashley Ferry, Va., 202, 205, 21 1
Ashley River, 202, 205, 208, 210, 214, 216,

22 T, 225, 230, 236, 240, 241
Ashley’s plantation, 203
Assiscunk Creek (N.J.), 35
Assunpink Bridge (N.J.), 387 nn 149-50
Assunpink Creek (N.J.), 49
Augereau, Pierre, xxx
Augusta , 72, 103

Babcock, Luke, 407 m35
Babcock’s Hill, N.Y., 149, 153, 174
Bacon’s Bridge (S.C.), 211, 214, 215
Baggage train, British, xxiii, 12, 43, 48, 91,
130, 137, 305-06, 404m62
Bailey’s Creek (Va.), 267
Baker, John, 315, 316
Ballybridge Creek. See Bellv-Bridge Creek
(N.J.)

Barker, John, 72
Barker’s plantation, 24
Basking Ridge, N.J., 52, 57, 64
Battle of Green Spring, 429m73
“Battle of the Clouds, The,” 394m87
Battles, 49, 89; Brandywine Creek, 81-87;
Chestnut Hill, 109; Fort Red Bank, 98-104;
Germantown, xxiii, 93, 108, 109, 111, 117;
Iron Hill, 77-78; Philadelphia, 93
Bauer (jager), 63

Bauman, Maria Elizabeth, 358, 438m37
Bauman, Sebastian, 438m35
Baurmaster, John, 74, 39 1 «24
Bay of Fundy, 351
Beach, Abraham, 24, 381 -82m 79
Bearmore, Mansfield, 173, 183, 410m86, 411 —
1 2 m 1 1 3

Beckwith, George, 178-79
Bedford, Conn., 152, 158
Bedford, N.Y., 182, 249, 251, 348
Beggarstown, Pa., 109, 117
Belle-Isle, Charles Louis Auguste Fouquet de,
338, 404m70

Belly-Bridge Creek (N.J.), 133
Benezet, Anthony, 127, 401 til 9
Benson, Joshua, 356
Bergen op Zoom, 103, 399m 146
Bergen Point, N.J., 19

Berner, Hieronymus, 102. 399 « 1 4(2
Bickell, Alexander Wilhelm, 86, 150, 284, 285,
290, 309, 314, 322, 323. 394m73
Biesenrodt, Georg Wilhelm von, 239, 4 17 m 29
Billop’s Ferry, Staten Island, N.Y.. 69
Bird, John. 93, 396m 1 1 1
Birdsall, Hannah, 436m 12
Bird’s Ordinary, Va., 308, 428m61
Black Creek (Va.), 304
Blacker’s copper mine, 27
Black Horse, N.J., 3 1, 34, 38. 43. 134, 383m 102
Black Horse Tavern, 122
Black’s Creek (S.C.), 219
Black’s plantation, 304
Blackwater, Va., 318
Blackwater River, 316
Blackwater River Bridge, 317
Bloomingdale, N.Y., 158, 182
Bliicher, Gebhard Lebrecht von, xxviii-xxix
Bodungen, Franz Christian von, 129, 189, 190,
219, 230, 231, 232, 235, 236
Bogatsky, Wilhelm Erdman von, 99
Bohicket Creek (S.C.), 199
Bohlen, Friedrich Francis, 245, 418m40
Bonetta (sloop of war), 258, 319, 324
Bonhamtown, N.J., 51, 65
Boot Tavern (Pa.), 88, 89
Booty, 24, 268, 273, 423m42
Bordentown, N.J., 31, 34, 134. 135
Borre, Philippe Hubert de Prudhomine de,
393n7l

Bose, Charles August, Baron von, 407m32

Boston (frigate), 238

Bottoms Bridge (Va.), 304, 305

Bound Brook, N.J., 24, 52, 62, 65, 179, 365;

attack on, 55, 56-57
Bounty, 76

Bourges, Madam, 352
Boyd, Charles, 2 1 1
Brandywine, Pa., xxiii

Brandywine Creek (Pa.), 73, 77, 391 m2 1 ; battle
at, 80, 81-87

Brant, Joseph, 166, 175, 410m76
Breithaupt, Ernst, xxiv

Breithaupt, Katharina Elisabeth. See Ewald,
Katharina Elisabeth (Breithaupt)

Bremen, 360-61
Bremerlehe, 360

British army, 10, 289, 325; Bucks County Vol-
unteers, 190, 412 m 4; Burgoyne army, 156;
Caledonian volunteers, 406 m 13; Campbell
provincials, 1 1; Clarke Brigade, 199, 202,
203, 205, 218; DeLancey provincials, 156,
182, 246, 251, 351, 407 m 36; Divisions 1-6,
72; English brigade, 1st: 12, 14, 51, 72, 75,
81, 82, 87, 90, 91, 108, 130, 2d: 12, 14, 16,

452

INDEX

52, 72, 75, 81, 82, 87, 90, 91, 108, 130, 3d,
72, 90, 91, 4th, 72, 90, 91, 5th, 72; Fanning
Corps, 182, 41 In 108; Ferguson’s sharp-
shooters, 71, 72, 74, 75, 79, 81, 82, 161,

163, 169, 215; Grant: Brigade, 31, 44,
Corps, 48, provincials, 12; grenadiers, 14,
16, 17, 31, 48, 51, 74, 79, 86, 90, 91, 108,

110, 111, 130, 136, 156, 158, 160, 161, 169,
182, 190, 195, 205, 215, 218, 225, 237, 242,
243, 247, 251, 255; Guards Brigade, 11, 14,
15, 51, 56, 69, 71, 72, 74, 75, 79, 86, 88, 91,
136, 158, 169, 182, 245, 247, 319, 328; In-
dependent Dragoons of Pennsylvania, 120;
Legion, 144, 153, 158, 160, 169, 173, 182,
190, 215, 225, 305, 330, 406nI3; Leslie
Corps, 135, 245, 246; Leslie Brigade, 196;
light infantry, 9, 10, 13, 27, 31, 48, 74, 75,
76, 79, 86, 104, 108, 110, 111, 129-30, 132,
136, 137, 156, 158, 159-60, 161, 163, 182,
190, 195, 205, 211, 215-16, 218, 219, 225,
242, 247, 251, 255, 294, 297, 315, 316, 318,
322, 1st Battalion, 1 1, 14, 15, 18, 27, 77, 117,
199, 203, 2d Battalion, 11, 14, 15,22,27,90,
117, 199, 3d Battalion, 12, 14; New England
loyalists, 182, 251; New York provincials, 14;
Paterson Corps, 215, 414-15n52; Pennsyl-
vania Volunteers of Foot, 120, 121; Phillips
Corps, 305; Queen’s Rangers, 65, 71, 72, 74,
75, 76, 77, 79, 81, 82, 91, 96, 105, 108, 109,

111, 117, 132, 133, 136, 158, 159, 160, 174,
182, 231, 242, 243, 250, 255, 258, 259, 266,
312, 315, 324, 419-20n61; Refugee Corps,
183; regiments: 4th, 74, 81, 82, 158, 351,
5th, 74, 81, 82, 7th, 158, 182, 190, 196, 237,
360, 10th , 74, 15th, 74, 16th, 1 1, 22, 25, 48,
51, 79, 90, 174, 17th , 11-12, 49, 64, 74, 158,
169, 182, 190, 251, 302, 335, 351, 22d, 182,
247, 251, 360, 23d, 74, 82, 158, 182, 190,
196, 328, 329, 335, 360, 26th, 158, 27th, 74,
82, 130, 28th, 10, 74, 82, 251, 33d, 16, 74,
158, 169, 182, 190, 196, 197, 199, 204, 205,
208, 209, 21 1, 214, 215, 218, 328, 36th, 182,
37th, 74, 158, 182, 247, 251, 351, 41U107,
38th, 182, 247, 348, 351, 40th, 74, 79, 93,
130, 360, 42d, 16, 25, 31, 38, 45, 51, 74, 83,
158, 172, 182, 231, 237, 242, 243, 247, 251,
43d, 247, 251, 315, 316, 318, 322, 328, 44th,
74, 87, 158, 183, 41 U103, 46th, 74, 49th,
74, 54th, 158, 182, 241, 348, 351, 55th, 74,
63d, 158, 169, 172, 182, 190, 196, 57th, 247,
251, 63d, 158, 169, 172, 182, 190, 196, 204,
215, 237, 64th, 74, 87, 158, 169, 172, 182,
190, 196, 71st, 12,65,68,71,75,79, 82,92,
149, 203, 204, 215, 322, 328, 76th, 251, 294,
297, 315, 316, 318, 322, 41 In 107, 80th, 182,
251, 255, 258, 266, 267, 269, 270, 272, 273,

277, 278, 279, 297, 316, 319-20, 326, 329,
335, 360; Robinson’s Loyal Americans, 156,
160, 161, 169, 182,231. 251,255,258, 266,
269, 270-71, 278-79, 297, 348; Rogers’
Corps. 10; Simcoe’s Corps, 322, 323; Skin-
ner’s provincials, 158, 175, 182, 183, 251;
South and North Carolina volunteers, 215,
233, 242; Volunteers of Ireland, 158, 163,
169, 231, 233, 408«45; Webster Brigade,
196, 203, 204, 225, 233; York volunteers,
215; artillery, 1 1, 12, 30, 91, 218, 225, 227,
228-29, 230, 233-37, 294, 335, 336; attack at
White Plains, 1 1-14; attitude toward Ameri-
can army, 44, 50, 183-86; campaign in New
Jersey, 25-70; campaign, Turkey Point to
Philadelphia, 74-1 13; condition of troops,
51; conduct of war (see Ewald, Johann, on
British conduct of war); after Cornwallis’s
surrender, 342-49; end of Fifth campaign,
246-52; expedition from New York to Sim-
mons Island, 189-96; invasion of New Jer-
sey, 17-25, 419n46; march from James Is-
land, 205-20; medical care, 96, 225, 339,
342; at New York, 140-86; at Philadelphia,
111,1 17-32; provincial regiments after war,
349; retreat from Philadelphia, 130-39;
siege of Charlestown, 221-46; Simmons Is-
land to James Island, 196-205; Virginia
(6th) campaign, 255-339; voyage from Stat-
en Island to Turkey Point, 71-74; winter
quarters, New York, 156, 158-60, 182-83
British navy, 72, 78, 140, 179, 192, 210, 215,
247, 425w30; at Charlestown, 226-27, 228,
231, 243; after Cornwallis’s surrender, 343;
row galleys, 72, 202; sailors, 97, 344; trans-
port ships, 137, 205, 215-16; in Virginia
(6th) campaign, 258-61, 272, 274, 289, 291,
294, 319-20, 335, 420n5; voyage from New
York to Simmons Island, 193-95; in West
Indies, 347

Brock’s Bridge (Va.), 279, 280, 424nl0
Broderesky, Major, 342, 435n68
Bronx River (N.Y.), 10, 153, 178, 246
Brooklyn, N.Y., 182, 251, 348
Brunswick, N.J., 179

Brunswick troops, xix, xx, 435«5; return from
captivity, 349
Buchwald (jager), 56
Biickeburg, Count of, xxv
Buckingham, 267
Bucks County, Pa., 120

Buffon, Louis Leclerc, Comte de, 355, 437 w30
Bunting House (N.J.), 35-38
Burgoyne, John, xx, 123, 156; captured, 295
Burlington, N.J., 30, 34, 39
Burwell Bay, 317

453

INDEX

Burwell's Ferry, Va., 260, 272

Burwell’s Mill, 328, 329, 337

Bushwick, N.Y., 158, 182

Buskirk, Abraham Van, 175

Bustleton, N.J., 30, 35

Butler, John, 166, 167,410x76

Butler, Richard, 175, 313, 406x26, 428x67

Butler’s Ferry, N.Y., 160

Butler’s Island, 347

Byram River, 174

Byrd, Mary, 42 1 n 17

Byrd, William, III, 261, 42 In 16

Byrd’s Court House, 269

Byrd’s plantation, 261, 266, 268, 269

Cadwalader, John, 386x131, 403x39
Cahoon Mill (Va.), 317
Caldwell, Hannah, 418x39
Caldwell, James, 418xx38-39
Camden, S.C., 242, 299
Campbell, James, 335
Campbell, John, 157
Canada, 350
Cape Hatteras, 193
Cape Henlopen, 73
Cape Henry, 73, 258
Cape St. James, 73
Cappahosack, Va., 323
Carleton, Sir Guy, 295, 348
Cathcart, Sir William Schaw, Earl, 131-32, 144,
151, 406 xn 13, 16
Catherine II, xix
Chads, Henry, 192
Chad’s Ford, Pa., 81, 82
Chance: role in war, 274
Charles, Prince of Hesse, xxvii, xxviii
Charlestown, S.C., 172, 202, 208, 214, 216,
302, 339, 347, 413x24; evacuated by British,
349; Ewald on, 240-41; harbor, 195, 210;
siege of, xxiii, 221^12
Charlestown Neck, 218
Charlestown Township, 90
Charon (sloop of war), 258, 259, 289, 334
Chatham, N.J., 245, 360
Chatterton’s Hill, N.Y., 378x31
Chesapeake Bay, 73, 258, 278, 288, 291, 299,
315, 319, 324, 325, 343
Chester, Pa., 88
Chestnut Hill, Pa., 109
Chew, Benjamin, 396x106
Chew country house, 93, 96, 396x106
Chewton, Waldegrave George, Lord, 303
Chickahominv River (Va.), 272, 297, 304, 306
Chisholm’s plantation village, 197
Choisv, Claude Gabriel, Marquis de, 329, 330,
337, 342, 432x30

Christiana Bridge (Del.), 76, 77, 80
Chuckatuck Creek (Va.), 274, 317
Chuckatuck Mill (Va.), 317
Church Hill (Va.), 421x20, 422x22
City Point, Va., 297, 299
Clarke, Alured, 196, 216
Cleaveland, Samuel, 82

Climate; effect on troops, 48, 69, 75, 132, 135,
156, 169, 248, 260, 314, 318, 328
Clinton, [Gayton], Captain, 192
Clinton, Sir Henry, 11. 152, 153, 189, 190, 195,
199, 205, 214, 219, 220, 245, 246, 249, 315,
319, 324, 329, 358, 378x30, 408x45, 417-
18x35, 418xx42-^f3, 420xxl-2; admired
Ewald, xxiv, 133 ; in attack on White Plains,
12, 14; attempt to rescue Burgoyne army,
156-57; made commanding general, 123;
after Cornwallis’s surrender, 343, 347; end
of fifth campaign, 247, 252; at Fort
Lafayette, 161; at New York, 163, 166, 168,
172; officers’ resentment against, 159-60; at
Philadelphia, 129, 130; promised relief to
army in Virginia, 329, 335, 337, 338; re-
lieved by Carleton, 348; retreat from
Philadelphia, xxiii, 136; in siege of Charles-
town, 227, 229, 236, 237
Cliveden, 396x 1 13
Cobham, Va., 272, 315, 316, 423x38
Cochrane, Charles, 162, 334-35
Coles Ferry, Staten Island, N.Y., 71, 244, 245
College of New Jersey, 386 x 135
Collier, Sir George, 161, 409x65, 410x83
Collins, Robert, 190, 226, 239
Congress, xx, 123, 152, 261, 295, 302, 348,
349, 356, 402-03x35; levies by, 341; paper
money, 131

Connecticut Farms Meeting House, 244-45,
381x70, 418x38
Conquerant, 247
Continental Village, N.Y., 163
“Convivial Hill,’’ 365
Conyngham, Gustavus, 159, 408 -09 n 56
Cooch’s Creek (Md.), 78
Cooch’s Mill, 78
Cooper Creek, 132

Cooper River (S.C.), 105, 210, 225, 226. 227,
228, 233, 238, 240, 241, 243
Cooper’s Bridge, 97
Cooper’s Ferry, N.J., 97, 130
Cooper’s Mill (Va.), 306, 307, 313,318, 428x59
Cooper’s plantation, 308
Cornelius, Maximillian, 245, 418x40
Cornick’s plantation, 286, 425x19
Cornwallis (sloop), 261

Cornwallis, Charles, Earl, xxii, 4, 71, 74, 123,
137-38, 151. 192, 195, 199, 202, 204, 246,

454

INDEX

297. 349, 400nl51, 426n39, 429*71; ad-
mires Ewald, xxiii-xxiv; in capture of Fort
Washington, 16; Ewald’s admirauon of,
xxiii 306; expedition from New York, to
Simmons Island, 190; failure to capture
American troops, 380n61; invasion ot New
Jersey, 17-25; march from James Island
205-20; New lersev campaign, 25 2b,

3 1 45, 48, 49, 50, 53, 56, 62, 63, 69; permits
Washington to cross Delaware, 30; praises
Ewald and jagers, 55; recalled to England,

1 10- retreat from Fort Lee, xxn; retreat
from Philadelphia, 83-91, 136; at siege of
Charlestown, 233, 234, 238, 242; surrender,
339, 342-43; Turkey Point to Philadelphia,

79 80 81, 82, 83, 109; Virginia (6th) cam-
paign 299, 303, 304, 305, 306, 308, 312-16,
322 323 329, 334, 336-37; visits jager posts,
52; winter quarters, New York, 158, 182
Cortlandt’s Manor, 156
Cortlandt’s plantation, 140
Cortlandt’s woods, 145

Coster (army chaplain), 73

Cow Bay, Long Island, N.Y., 250 251
Cow Neck, Long Island, N.Y., 250

Cox Swamp, S.C., 199, 202

Cramon, Christoph Gustav von, 122, 135, 143

Cranbury, N.J., 135

Crawford (frigate), 4 1 1 n 1 03

Crawford’s Mill (Va.), 316

Cresheim, Pa., 109

Crewe, Richard, 121

Crosswicks, N.J., 30, 43, 134-35

Crosswicks Creek, 134

Crosswicks Pass, 42-43

Croton River (N.Y.), 14, 351

Currituck Sound, Va., 277, 315

Custine, Adam Philippe, Comte de, 342

Danbury, Conn., 152
Darby, Pa., 88, 1 10, 1 1 1
Darby Township, 122

Dauge's Bridge (Va.), 279, 280, 281, 424*10
Dauge’s swamp, 280

Deal in the Downs, 360

Dechow, Friedrich Ludwig von, 15, 386nl36
Decker’s Ferry, Staten Island, N.Y., n
Defiance , 192

DeLancey, Oliver, 158, 378n37, 407*36
DeLancey’s Heights, 140
DeLancey’s plantation, 14
Delaware (frigate), 105
Delaware Bay, 73

Delaware River, 25. 27, 30-31. 96, 97, 103,
122, 130, 132, 338, 345
De Messy, Lt., 123

Denys's Ferry, Long Island, N.Y., 72, 182, 251, ^

255 !

Deserters: American, 25, 120, 153, \6S, .1^4,

209, 221, 225, 418n36; British, 405n74;

Hessian, xx, 405n74, 436n7
Destouches, Charles Rene, 425ri23
Detroit (Hessian recruit), 144
Deux-Ponts, Christian, 342
Deux-Ponts, Guillaume, 342
Devil’s Elbow Swamp, Va., 279, 280
Dewese’s Hill, 173
Dexter’s plantation, 306
Diascund Bridge, 306, 307, 42Sno8
Diascund Creek (Va.), 306, 307, 313
Dickinson, Philemon. 245, 384*105, 403*46
Dickinson’s house, 31, 44, 105
Dickson, William, 72

Diemar, Ernst Friedrich von, 173, 178, 17J
Diemar, Just von, 246
Digby, Robert, 335

Dillon, Robert Guillaume, Baron de, 330
Dilworthtown, Pa., 86
Discipline: Ewald on, 68, 324
Dismal Swamp, 277, 285
Dispatch, 72

Diwizow (deserter), 174

Dobbs Ferry, N.Y., 14, 149, 150, 246, 248

Doerinckel, Corporal, 56 . . 9 ,

Donop, Carl Emil Ulrich von, 8, 9-10 11, 24,
27 74 250, 41 8n40; in attack on White
Plains, 13; at Fort Red Bank, 99, 103-04; at
Fort Washington, 15; in New Jersey cam-
paign, 30, 31, 34, 35, 38, 39, 43, 44 48 50,
51 52 56, 68, 69; at New York, 144, 150,
Turkey Point to Philadelphia, 88 “ 89 ’^’ 9S '
wounded and killed, 99, 102, 245, 399*142
Dorchester, S.C., 215, 242
Drayton, Mrs. William Henry , 2 1 4
Drayton’s plantation, 211, 214, 215, 216
Due de Burgogne, 247
Dumouriez, Charles, xxiv, 4, 376*1
Duncan, Captain, 291
Dundas, Thomas, 190, 199, 208-09 343;
commandant of Gloucester 322, ‘^g 1 ™

(6th) campaign, 269, 270, 272 276-77, 279,

318,319-20,324,326,329,330

Duportail, Chevalier Louis le Beque de Presle,
233, 237, 4l6nl8
Du Puy, Johann Christian, 345
Du Puy, Konrad, 102, 316
Dutch Crompond, 163, 169, 410h74

SS'oLr. N.Y.. I«. H9. 156. ,72. 179.
178, 183

East Marlborough, Pa., 81

455

INDEX

East River (N.Y.), 8, 160, 251
Eavres, Richard, 403 «44
Eayrestown, N.J., 34, 133
Ebenauer, Lt., 245, 418n40
Edenton, N.C., 318, 429n77
Edge Hill, Pa.. 109

Edmunds Bridge (Va.), 277, 278, 287, 288
Eelking, Max von, xxiv
Egg Harbor, N.J., 153
Elizabeth Point, N.J., 158, 244, 246
Elizabeth River, 274, 276, 277-78, 287, 294,
318, 319

Elizabethtown, N.J., 22, 23, 62, 151, 244, 246
Elizabethtown River, 245
Elk River (Md.)> 74, 75, 77
Elktown, Md., 75, 76, 77
Elphinstone, George Keith, 192, 195, 215; in
siege of Charlestown, 225
Emmerich, Andreas, 140, 141, 143, 144, 145,
149, 151, 173, 405n3
England, Richard, 318-19
English Neighborhood, N.J., 18
Entrenching tools, lack of, 289, 325
Erskine, Sir William, 8, 11, 12, 27, 77, 90, 157
Eschen, Friedrich Wilhelm Waitz von, 102
Esebeck, Louis Eberhard d\ 342
Estaing, Charles Hector, Comte d\ 157, 186,
209, 238, 40U22, 412n 1 17
Eveille, 247

Everets’s Mill, 317, 318
Ewald (jager), 63
Ewald, Carl von, xxiv
Ewald, Georg Heinrich, xxiv
Ewald, Johann (later von): Abhandlung iiber den
kleinen Krieg , xxvii; on American army, 355;
on American officers, 108; annoyed with
General Arnold, 291; on General Arnold,
294-96; attack on Bound Brook, 55, 56-57;
attack on White Plains, 13-14; biographical
data, xxiv-xviii; birthday, 220; on baggage
train, 305-06; Brandywine Creek, 83-87; on
British conduct of the war, xxii, 18, 25, 30,
87, 89, 173, 179, 183-86, 189, 229-30, 235-
36, 259-60, 297, 299-302, 319, 325, 327,
338, 345-46, 348, 354; British retreat from
Philadelphia, 132-39; campaign in New Jer-
sey, 25-70; capture of Fort Washington,
15-17; captures American officers at New
Mills, 39^42; career after American Revolu-
tion, xxvii-xxxi; on Charlestown, 240-41;
commendation from Cornwallis, 312; on
Cornwallis, 306, 337-39; after Cornwallis’s
surrender, 342-46; death of, xxxi; descrip-
tion of, by son Carl, xxiv; detachments, xxi;
diary, xxi-xxii; discipline, 68, 324; duel,
xxv-xxvi, 375-76nl4; early action in

America, 8-10; embarked for America, 5;
end of fifth campaign, 246-52; exchanged,
348; expedition from New York to Simmons
Island, 189-90; “famous jager captain
xxi; fevers, 248, 252, 279, 328, 336. 337,

338, 343, 344, 348-49; foraging, 53-55;
Gedanken ernes hessischen Officers iiber das ... ,
xxvi; Fort Red Bank. 98-104; Fort Lafayette,
160-61; on French and Americans, 339-42;
on Great Bridge and Kemp’s Landing
passes, 277-78; on honor and duty, 22, 78,
96, 175, 248, 296, 298, 338; honors received
in Denmark, xxvii-xxxi; on incident at
Savannah, 183-86; injuries, xxv, 62-63. 70,
130, 290, 294, 297; Instructions on War, xxi;
invasion of New Jersey, 18-25; journey to
West Point, 351-59; letter from Cornwallis,

1 10; letter from Howe, 131; letter from
Knyphausen, 299; letter from Landgrave,
345; letters to Jeannette Van Horne, 365-
74; on luck, 313; as man and soldier, xxiii,
xxvi-xxvii, xxviii; march from James Island,
205-20; meets Armand, 152; military career,
xxv-xxxi; as military tactician, xxii, xxvi, 1 1,
102-04, 123, 273-74, 276, 307, 309, 312,
314; at New York, 140-86; obtains pardon
for Weyberg, 1 19; offered major’s berth in
Ranger Corps, 315-16; and partisan war-
fare, 10-1 1, 23; patrols, 11, 31, 34, 39, 42,
51, 62, 68, 75, 76, 90-91, 93, 104, 122-23,
126, 130, 133, 140^1, 143, 150, 178, 267-
68, 269-70; at Philadelphia, 111, 117-32;
praise of, xxiii-xxiv; praised by Cornwallis,
55; as prisoner of war, 344; on providence,
240, 243, 303, 337, 346; publicauons, xxi,
xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, 363-64; received order
pour la vertu militaire, 129, 316, 389nl80,

3 94 n 82, 402n24; return to Germany, xxiii;
in siege of Charlestown, 221-42; Staten Is-
land to James Island, 197-205; Turkey Point
to Philadelphia campaign, 74, 76, 77-113;
Virginia (6th) campaign, 255-339; visit to
Elizabethtown, 245; visit to Quaker Church,
118-19; visit to Quaker Library, 127; visit to
Philadelphia College Library, 128; voyage
home, 360-61; warned by Professor Smith,
92; on Williamsburg, 313
Ewald, Katharina Elisabeth (Breithaupt), xxiv
Ewens [Ewing], General, 259
Ewing, James, 386nl31

Eyb, Friedrich Ludwig Albrecht von, 64, 343

Faesch, John Jacob, 349, 435-36^6
Falls Ferrv, N.J., 27, 30, 31
Falls of Schuylkill, Pa., 104, 130
Fanning, Edmund, 4 1 1 ti 108

456

INDEX

Fanny (frigate), 169 1

Fantasque, 419n50
Faucitt, William, 5, 376n4
Favorite (frigate), 4 1 1 n 1 03
Fenwick’s plantation village, 197
Fenwick’s Point, Va., 205, 208, 215, 225, 226,
228

Ferdinand (Duke) of Brunswick, xxv
Ferguson, Patrick, 81, 152-53, 159, 190, 242,
390n2, 407nw30-3 1 ; Rifle, 390n2
Fersen, Hans Axel, Comte de, 342
Fever: effect on troops, 328, 338
Fisher’s Mill, 77, 78
Fishkiil, N.Y., 152
Five Fathom Hole, S.C., 210, 243
Flower [Flowerdew] Hundred, Va., 302
Flushing, N.Y., 156, 160, 182, 248, 251, 347
Foeder, Friedrich von, 344
Foraging: American, 248; British, 52-55, 1 10,
111, 117-18, 151-52, 172, 208, 209, 278,
322, 323-24, 325-26, 327, 330
Formidable (frigate), 334
Forster, Lieutenant von, 87
Fort Clinton, 353-54, 357, 436nl9
Fort Johnson, 203, 204-05, 209
Fort Knyphausen, 17, 158, 182. See also Fort
Washington

Fort Lafayette, 161-62, 409 w 70
Fort Lee, xxii, 14, 17, 18, 25
Fort Mifflin, 96, 104-05, 396nll5
Fort Mobile, 195
Fort Moultrie, 226
Fort Ninety-Six, 302, 427n47
Fort Putnam, 357

Fort Red Bank, 97; battle of, 98-104

Fort Washington, 10, 13, 14-17, 378-79n39

Fort Wyllys, 357, 437n33

Foster, William, 403n42

Fostertown, N.J., 133

Four Mile Creek (Va.), 267, 268, 303, 318

Fowey, 289

Fox Chase Road, Pa., 122

France: alliance with America, 123, 401 n 17

Frankford, Pa., 117-18

Frederick II, xxv, xxvi, xxvii, 361, 438n42

Frederick VI (of Denmark), xxvii, xxviii, xxx

Frederick the Great, xix, xxvii

Freebooters, 269

Free Friends Apprentice Library, 401 n 18
French army, 315, 329, 345; Ewald on, 339-
42; Legion of the Due de Lauzun, 247; offi-
cers, 342; recaptures Saint Eustatius, 347;
Regiment Bourbonnais, 246; Regiment
Royal Deux-Ponts, 247; Regiment Sain-
tonge, 246; Regiment Soissonnais, 247; in
Virginia, 330, 334

French navy, 129, 131, 137, 140, 157, 186,
246-47, 280, 288, 289, 291, 319, 324-25,
327, 328, 345, 401n22, 405n2, 425n30
Frog’s [Throg’s] Neck, N.Y., 10, 247, 377n20
Fuchs, Matthias von, 296, 297, 298, 299, 326,
329

Fuller, Benjamin, plantation, 216

Gadder, Wilkson, plantation of [?], 317
Galatea (frigate), 159
Galloway, Joseph, 25, 382n83, 392^56
Gardiner, William, 136, 404rc61
Gates, Horatio, 140, 141, 149, 381 n 72
Gedanken eines hessischen Offtciers ixber
das. . . (Ewald), xxvi
George III, xix
Georgetown, S.C., 242
Germain, George, Lord, 408 «42
Germantown, Pa., xxiii, 91, 93, 108, 109, 111,
117

German troops. See Brunswick troops;

Hesse-Cassel forces; Hesse-Hanau troops
Gerresheim, Wilhelm von, 351, 357
Gibbes, John, 4 1 5n6 1
Gibbes’s Ferry, 221
Gibbes’s house, 199
Gibbes’s plantation, 219, 221
Gill, Erasmus, 179
Gill, John, 397 n 124
Gist, Nathaniel, 149, 153, 406n22
Gloucester, Va., 314, 320, 322, 325, 326, 329;
fortification of, 322, 326, 327; siege of,
330-39

Gloucester Court House, 322, 324, 329, 430n2

Gloucester Point, Pa., 126

Goode, Sally Bland, 304, 427 n54

Gordon, James, 273, 335

Goshen Meeting House (Pa.), 88

Gosport Point, Va., 289

Gottschall, Dietrich von, 102

Graff, Karl Wilhelm, 190, 4 1 1 109

Grand Duke , 247

Grant, James, 51, 53, 56, 57, 71, 87-89, 151,
157, 354, 402n27, 437«21; at Philadelphia,
129-30; Turkey Point to Philadelphia cam-
paign, 77, 78, 79

Grasse, Francois Joseph Paul, Comte de, 325,
343, 348

Gratien, Lieutenant General, xxx
Graves, Thomas, 325, 327, 329, 335
Gray’s Ferry, 96, 1 1 1

Great Bridge, Va., 276, 277-278, 279, 280,
287, 288

Green Brook, N.J., 56

“Greencoats,” xxi

Greene, Christopher, 98, 398nl33

457

INDEX

Greene, Nathanael, 297, 349, 426*39
Gregory, Isaac, 277, 287, 424*4
Grey, Charles, 71, 149, 390*5, 402*27
Gribeauval, Jean Baptiste de, 23b, 416*21
Griffauld, Captain, 312
Griffin, Samuel, 34, 35, 43, 44
Griffith, Walter, 73, 390*20
Groening, Johannes von, 102
Grothausen, Friedrich Wilhelm von 9 23 31
44-45, 49
Grunrocke, xxi

Guadaloupe (frigate), 289, 324, 334
Guides, 84, 87, 280, 281, 392n56
Guilford, N.C., 302
Guilford Court House, 297, 426*39
Gulph Mill, Pa., 123
Gurckel, (jager), 56

Hackensack, N.J., 19, 25, 151

Hackensack River, 18

Haddonfield, N.J., 97, 132

Haddrell’s Point, S.C., 242

Hagen, Wilhelm von or Carl E. von, 83, 85

Haldimand, Sir Frederick, 123, 401n 15

Halifax, Va., 297

Hall, Thomas, plantation of, 278 279 318
424*9

Hallets Cove, Long Island, N.Y., 158, 408*51

Hamilton, John, 215

Hamilton’s Ferry, S.C., 202

Hamilton’s landing, 204

Hammond’s plantation, 208

Hamond, Sir Andrew Snape, 192, 390*16

Hampton, Va., 313

Hampton Roads, Va., 258, 319

Hancock’s Bridge, 34

Hanger, George, 190, 412*6

Hanoverians, 361

Harcourt, William, 56, 57

Hardy’s Ferry, Va., 269, 272

Harlem, N.Y., 158, 182, 183

Harlem Creek, 15, 16

Harlem River, 183

Harris, William, 72

Hartert, Theodor Hartjmann], 350, 436*8

Harwich, 360

Haschell (jager), 56

Haussegger, Nicholas, 49, 387*148

Havana, Cuba, siege of, 230, 236

Haverstraw, N.Y., 172

Haverstraw Bay, 172

Head of Elk River, 75, 294, 302, 326, 327
Head of the Fly, Long Island, N.Y., 156
Heister, Leopold Philipp, Freiherr von, 8, 10,
64, 390*6; in attack on White Plains, 1 1-12^
13; recalled to Hesse, 71

Heligoland, 360
Hell Back (N.\f.), 191
Hell Gate (N.Y.), 191
Hempstead, Long Island, N.Y., 182, 251
Hempstead Harbor, Long Island, N.Y., 250
Hendorff, Captain, 102
Herecland’s Creek (N.Y.), 162, 163, 168 17‘>
409*71

Hesse-Cassel forces, xix-xx, 7, 11, 349, 361;
Althouse sharpshooters, 190, 255, 259, 260,
261, 266, 267, 274, 315, 316, 318, 319-20;
Combined Regiment, 74, 387*147; Diemar’s
hussars, 251; Divisions: 1st, 8, 9, 10; 2d, 5-7;
Donop Jager Company, 10, 11; Emmerich’
Corps, 140, 143, 153, 156. 158, 160, 173;
Grenadier Battalion Block, 1 1, 31, 38; Gren-
adier Battalion Graff, 209, 251, 411*109;
Grenadier Battalion Kohler, 5, 15, 48, 65,
158; Land Grenadier Battalion, 13, 31; Gren-
adier Battalion Lengerke, 71, 92, 97, 98
99, 169, 205, 251, 359, 360; Grenadier Bat-
talion Linsing, 11,31,38,52,91-92,98, 102,
205, 251, 359; Grenadier Battalion Min-
nigerode, 11, 31, 43, 49, 69, 71, 97, 102;
Grenadier Battalion Schuler, 209; Jagers’
(see Jager Corps, Jagers); Leib Company,
411*103; Loos Corps, 96, 1 33; Hanau Free
Battalion, 349; Heister Corps, 13; Hessian
grenadiers, 1 7, 25, 48, 5 1 , 69, 74, 75, 79, 86,
88,90,91, 108, 110, 111, 132, 158, 160, 169,
182, 190, 195, 196, 205, 215, 237, 242, 243,’
247, 255, 359; Huyn Brigade, 202, 204, 209,
215; Knyphausen Corps, 7-8, 10, 13, 14, 15,
16, 17, 81; Leibjager Corps, xxvi; Lossberg
Company, 12, 411*103; Mirbach Brigade,

12, 14, 74; Ottendorff Corps, 77; Rail Corps,
44; Regiment Alt Lossberg, 12, 31, 183; Reg-
iment Benning, 350; Regiment Bose, 160,

182, 316, 345, 349, 350; Regiment Bunau, 5,
15, 182, 251, 350; Regiment d’Angelelli,

243, 350, 417*34; Regiment von Dittfurth
xxvii, 182, 231, 243, 350; Regiment Donop,
74, 88, 108, 130, 182, 359, 360; Regiment
Erb Prinz, 16, 158, 175, 182, 251, 294, 297,
322, 323, 324, 329, 349, 350, 408*52; Regi-
ment Gilsa, xxv; Regiment Huyn, 5, 15, 182,
190, 191, 196, 243; Regiment Knoblauch,

350; Regiment Knyphausen, 12, 15,31, 158,

183, 350; Regiment Landgraf, 5, 8, 182, 247,
251, 359; Regiment Leib, 12, 16, 74, 88 108
130, 158, 182, 245, 247, 251, 359; Regiment
Lossberg, 15, 158, 349, 359, 360; Regiment
Loewenstein, 251, 359; Regiment Mirbach,

9/, 98, 99, 158, 182, 251; Regiment Platte,
359; Regiment Prinz Carl, 158, 163, 169,

182, 251, 359; Regiment Rail, 12, 15; Regi-

INDEX

ment Schlotheim, 64; Regiment Stein, 5, 15;
Regiment Triiinbach, 158; Regiment Va-
cant, 350; Regiment Waldeck, 15, 195, 349;
Regiment Wissenbach, 5, 15; Regiment
Wutgenau, 15; Regiment Zerbst, 349, Stirn
Brigade, 79, 81, 90, 91, 133; Wurmb Com-
pany, 251; artillery, 5; campaign in New Jer-
sey, 25-70; after Cornwallis’s surrender,
342-51; depart for America, 5; expedition
from New York to Simmons Island, 189-96;
feelings of Americans toward, xix-xx; march
from James Island to siege of Charlestown,
205-20; at New York, 140, 141, 143, 144,
145, 149; at Philadelphia, 117-32; reception
on return home, 361; recruits for, 63-64, 68,
105, 129, 144, 178, 250; remain in U.S. after
war, xx-xxi; retreat from Philadelphia,
132-39; Turkey Point to Philadelphia, 74-
1 13; Virginia (6th) campaign, 255-322; voy-
age home, 350, 360-61
Hesse-Hanau troops, xix, xx
Hessian Knight Order pour la vertu militaire,
129, 316, 389n 180, 402 m 24
Heymel, Philipp Wilhelm, 102
Highlands mountains, 352
Hille, Georg Wilhelm, 102
Hillsborough, N.J., 56, 64
Hinrichs, Johann, 15, 62, 90, 189, 190, 209,
214, 220, 250, 355-56, 358; at siege of Char-
lestown, 231, 233, 234
Hoffman (jager), 85
Hog Island, Va., 260
Holland, Lieutenant, 284
Honor in war, Ewald on, 22, 78, 96, 175, 248,
296, 298, 338

Hood, Sir Samuel, 325, 327, 335
Hood’s channel, 272
Hood’s Point, Va., 261, 269, 42 in 15
Hope (sloop of war), 261, 294, 319
Hope, Henry, 190
Hopkins’s plantation, 288
Horne’s plantation, 56
Horry, Thomas, 415n56
Hovendon, Richard, 120, 121, 400n5
Howe, Richard, xxii, 72, 73, 74, 335; belongs to
Opposition Party, 30
Howe, Robert, 179

Howe, Sir William, xxii, xxiii, 8, 9, 13, 14, 64,
65, 69, 71-74, 82, 1 19, 400n 151 ; belongs to
Opposition Party, 30; at Fort Washington,
16; a good general, 87; let Washington es-
cape, 89, 383 n94; opinion of Ewald, 10; at
Philadelphia, 92,93,96, 120, 121,396nll4;
recalled to England, 123, 129, 131, Turkey
Point to Philadelphia campaign, 78, 80, 81,
109, 111

Hudibres [?] Mill, 326, 337
Hudson, Charles, 192, 236, 4l7n23
Hudson River, 7, 14, 15, 17, 152, 153, 168,

245, 246, 251, 258, 319, 352, 353, 356; chain
defense at Fort Wyllys, 357, 437n34
Hudson’s house, 209-10
Hudson’s plantation, 204
Hugo, Lt. Colonel, 342, 435n68
Hunting Island, Ga., 195
Huntington, Long Island, N.Y., 158, 182
Huntington Bay, 247

Huyn, Johann Christoph von, 182, 190, 196,

41 1 n 1 12
Hyde, West, 159

Indians: with American army, 130, 145,
402n30; with British army, 157, 166-67,

175, 231-32
Insects, 137, 140, 143
Instructions on War (Ewald), xxi
Irish: in British army, 158, 408n45
Iron Hill, Md., 77
Isis (frigate), 72, 104, 327, 431n22
Isle of Sheppey, 360
Isle of Wight County, Va., 272

Jager Corps, xxi, xxvii, 63, 71, 75, 76, 79, 88,
89, 90, 97, 99, 104, 105-06, 108-11,
389nl79, 389nl, 418n45; after Cornwallis’s
surrender, 344, 347, 350; embarked for En-
gland, 359, 360; end of fifth campaign, 246,
250; New Jersey expedition, 244-46; at New
York, 140-41, 144-57, 159, 160, 172, 173-
75, 183; New York to Simmons Island ex-
pedition, 189-90; in Pennsylvania, 121-24;
received thanks from Howe, 78; recruits for,
63-64, 68, 105, 129; reduced on return
home, xxvii, 361; retreat through New Jer-
sey, 132, 134-38

Jagers, xix, xxi, 5, 11, 13, 16, 65, 84-85, 108,
169, 172, 173; First Jager Company, 8-9, 10,
13, 17, 18-19, 22, 27, 377m 15; Second Jager
Company, xxi, 10, 13, 17, 22, 27, 377nl5;
detachments, xxi, 15, 34, 76, 195-220, 221-
43, 261, 274, 303, 304, 305, 312, 313, 328,
349, 389nl79; Donop Jager Company, 18,
24, 48, 51, 64; campaign in New Jersey,
25-70; end of fifth campaign, 247-48;
feared by Americans, xxi; invasion of New
Jersey, 17-25; posts, 51-52, 92, 96, 105; re-
cruits, 63-64; rifles, xxi, 375n6, 394m88;
Schleswig Jager Corps, xxvii; in siege of
Charlestown, 221-25, 229, 230-31, 232-35,
242, 243; stricken with fever, 338; uniforms,
xxi; Virginia (6th) campaign, 255-339;
weapons, 394-95n88

459

INDEX

Jamaica. 156. 158. 174, 182. 251
Janie'S City Island, Ya., 313, 316. 325
James Island. S.C., 202. 203, 204, 215, 230
James River (Va.), 258, 259, 261, 268, 272.
277-78, 280, 296, 297, 299, 302, 303, 304,
313. 315, 327, 338
James’s plantation, 284, 424?/ 14
Jamestown, Va., 261, 272, 315
Jamison, George, 424?/ 12
Jamison, Neil, 424?? 12
Jamison’s plantation, 281, 284
Jason, 247

Jefferis’s Ford. Pa.. 81
Jefferson, Thomas, 420?/ 8, 421?/?? 12, 15
Jenkin’s fulling mill, 120
Jenny, 73

Jericho, Long Island, N.Y., 250
Jersey, Province of, 97, 244
Jerusalem. Long Island, N.Y., 183
John’s Island, S.C.. 196, 197, 203
Johnson, Henry, 169, 172, 335, 410?/8l
Jones’s house, 182

Juliat, Carl Wilhelm Joseph, 153, 407//34
Jungkenn-Miintzer, Frederick von, xxv,
435?/72

Kemp’s Landing, Va., 277-78, 279, 286, 288,
298, 424 ?/5

Kennett Square, Pa., 80, 81
Kensington, Pa., 91, 96, 111
King and Queen Court House (Va.), 322
Kings Bridge (N.Y.), 10, 13, 15, 140, 141, 156,
157, 251, 319, 348
Kings Bridge pass, 183
King’s Ferry, 17, 249
Kingston, N.J., 31, 44
Klocker, Bernard Antoine de, 342
Knox, Henry, xxiii, 360; commandant of West
Point, 353, 436r/17
Knox, Lucy, 354. 4377/22
Knyphausen, Wilhelm, Freiherr von, 5, 6, 74,
153, 189, 350, 417-187/35; admires Ewald,
xxiii, xxiv; after Cornwallis’s surrender, 344,
345; expedition to New Jersey, 244-46; at
Fort Washington, 15, 16, 17; letter to Ewald,
299; at Philadelphia, 129; receives command
of Hessian forces, 71; retreat from Philadel-
phia, 133, 135, 136, 137; Turkey Point to
Philadelphia campaign, 76-84, 87, 89, 91,
92, 109, 111; winter quarters at York Island,
158

Kohler, Johann Christoph von, 48
Kospoth, Heinrich Julius von, 132. 158, 161.

190, 195, 203, 204, 215, 242. 247, 350
Krug, Johann Georg, 98, 398?/ 131

Lafavette, Maria Joseph, Marquis de, 77, 129,
130, 135, 137, 326. 39l?/36. 402?/ 26; after
Cornwallis’s surrender, 342; joined In Allied
army, 327; in Virginia, 287, 288-89, 294,
297, 302. 304, 306, 313, 316, 318, 323, 325,
335, 433 ?/43

Laurel Hill, N.Y., 158, 182, 251
Lauzun, Armand Louis. Due de, 329, 330, 342
Lawnes Creek, 317, 429?/ 74
Lawrance, Elizabeth, 358, 438?? 36
Lawrance, John, 383?/ 100, 384?/ 1 1 1
Lawrence Neck, N.Y., 160, 409?z60
Lawson. Robert. 278, 423?/47, 424 ?i 8
Lee, Charles, 175

Lee, Henry, 21, 135, 136, 152, 403??47,

406?/ 26

Lee, Henry, Jr., 121. 401 ?/9
Lempriere’s Point, S.C.. 234
Lengerke, Georg Emanuel von, 190
Leonhard, Johann Ludwig, 129. 40 1 -02 ?/ 23
Leslie. Alexander, 14, 25, 31, 44, 49, 51, 52,
65-68, 195, 199. 202. 205, 244, 245, 247,
286; march from James Island, 205; retreat
from Philadelphia, 134; Virginia (6th) cam-
paign, 302; winter quarters at New York,
158

Levering’s Ford, Pa., 126, 130
Levering’s Tavern, 1 17
Lewis, Curtis, 392?/56
Lewis, Warner, 323, 430 no
Lewis, William, 135, 384?/ 103
Lewis Mill, N.J., 31, 383-84?/103
Lighthouse Island, S.C., 210
Liliencron, Andreas von, xxiv, xxix
Lillie, John, 353. 354. 355, 356. 436?/ 18
Lincoln, Benjamin, 44. 56, 157, 172, 21 1, 214,
217, 386?/ 134, 4 1 2 n 1 17; during British
Southern campaign. 202; captured, 57; in
siege of Charlestown, 227, 233, 237
Linning, John, 414??40
Linning’s Creek, 221
Linning’s Point, Va., 205
Linsing, Otto Christian Wilhelm von. 98, 190,
398?/ 136

Lippincott, John, 403 r?4 1

Little Egg Harbor, Massacre of, 407?/33

Little Sound, 160

Liverpool (frigate), 72

Livingston, William, 22, 381?z69

Lloyd’s Neck, Long Island, N.Y., 182, 251

London Bridge (Va.), 279, 280. 281, 424?/ 10

Long Bridge. N.J., 39

Long Island, N.Y., 8. 140, 250, 344, 350;

w inter quarters, British armv, 156. 158, 182
Loos. Johann August von, 65. 74

460

INDEX

Lorey, Friedrich Heinrich, 15, 62, 145, 161,
246; New Jersey campaign, 30, 34. 38, 42.
48, :>1; 1 urkev Point to Philadelphia cam-
paign, 88. 90. 97

Lossberg, Fridrich W ilhelm Freiherr von.
349-50, 359

Losses: American army, 13. 17, 69, 78-79, 87,
93, 103, 120, 130, 136, 145, 151, 221, 238,
312, 328, 378*33, 379*51, 387*153, 391 -
92*42, 394*81, 396*108, 399**144, 148.
400*150, 404*59, 408*55, 4 17*27, 428*64,
429*73, 434*61; British army, 13, 17, 69,
87, 91, 93, 109, 120, 136, 145, 173, 339.
378*33. 379*51. 387*153, 394*78,
396*109. 399*148, 400*150, 405*74,
408*55, 417*27, 428*64, 429*73, 434*61;
Hessian forces, 10. 24. 27, 38, 48, 49, 69, 76.
78, 93, 99, 102, 108-09, 122, 127-28. 134,
135, 137, 144, 150, 219, 227, 232-35, 242,
245, 246, 248, 274, 312, 378*33, 386*141,
399*143, 418**40, 44
Louisburg, siege of, 236
Lowell, Edward J., xxi
Lowndes plantation, 209
Loyalist (sloop), 325

Loyalists, 11,14, 19. 24-25, 141, 242, 244, 270,
277, 279, 280, 286-87, 297, 304, 350, 354,
365; British treatment of, 130, 303, 323;
corps formed of, 120; after independence,
349, 359; in Philadelphia, 120, 131
Lvnnhaven Bay, Va., 258, 289, 298, 325

McDougall, Alexander, xxiii, 161, 166, 353,
357, 358, 409*69, 436*16, 438*38
McGowan’s Pass, 158, 247, 251, 359
McGowan’s plantation, 182
McIntosh, W’illiam, 231-32, 4 1 2* 11 7, 4 16* 15
M’Kay, Captain, 288

Mackie’s Mill, Va., 273, 274, 317, 423*46

McLane, Allen, 402*30

McLeod, Lieutenant, 239

McPherson, Duncan, 335

McPherson, James, 83

McPherson, William, 313, 428*67

Magaw, Robert, 10

Maidenhead, N.J., 31, 45, 48

Maidenhead pass, 135

Maitland, John, 12, 22, 23-24, 56, 412*117

Malvern Hill, Va., 303, 427*52

Mamaroneck, N.Y., 10, 173

Manchester, 304

Manigauh. S.C., 242

Mars, 360

Marshall Road, Pa.. 122

Maston’s Wharf, New York City, 158, 250

Matadequin Creek (Va.), 306
Mathew, Edward, 16, 53. 65, 1 60, 182. 247
Mathews’s Fern , Va., 202, 204
Matinecock Point, Long Island. N.Y.. 347
Mauvillon, Jakob von, xxvi
Mawhood, Charles, 49, 387* 1 52
Maxwell, James, 427-28*56
Maxwell, William (American), 77, 326,
386*134, 391*33

Maxwell, William (British), 89, 158, 244, 245,
403*46

Maxwell’s plantation, 306, 427-28*56
Mavr, Johann von, 434*67
Meade, Everard, 422*22
Meadows, William, 56, 86
Mecan, Thomas, 209
Medway River, 360
Meister (jager), 56, 312
Mercer, General, 387*153
Mercer, John Francis, 432*33
Mergel (jager), 56

Merion Meeting House, Pa., 123, 128
Merlin (sloop), 103
Mertz, Balthaser. 122. 150-51
Metuchen Meeting House, N.J., 69
Michaelis, Dr., 355-56, 358, 437*28
Middlebrook, 365
Middlebush, N.J., 64
Middle Ferry. Pa., 110, 120
Middleton’s plantation, 214
Middletown, N.J., 136. 137
Mifflin, Thomas, 31-34
Mile Square, N.Y., 9, 141, 149, 160, 175,
377*14

Mile Square road, 151
Mill Point, Va., 276, 289
Mill Point Creek (Va.), 289
Millstone, N.J., 51, 64
Millstone River (N.J.), 48
Minden, battle of, 299, 427*46
Minnigerode, Friedrich Ludwig von, 69, 99,
102,385*127

Monckton, Henry, 51, 86, 136, 404*60
Moncrief, James, 186, 219; conducted siege of
Charlestown, 221, 228, 229-30. 235-36, 237,
4 16** 10-11
Monk (frigate), 294
Monmouth, N.J., xxiii, 136
Monmouth Court House, 135
Montgomery, General, 295
Moores Creek (N.J.), 133
Moorestown, N.J., 39, 133
Morgan. Daniel, 23, 109. 127. 128, 137, 304,
381*73. 403*46
Morris, Robert, 108, 396*1 16

INDEX

Morrisania. N.V., 173, 183, 410 m 87
Morris country house, 96, 396 nl 16
Morris Hill, 248

Morris House, 16,99, 110, 138, 182, 379»4b
Morris plantation, 108
Morristown, N.J., 44, 50, 64
Mosquito Cove. Long Island. N.Y.. 250
Nlotz, H.. 355-56

Moultrie. William, 202, 237, 414/m35-3b

Mountain Meeting House, 22

Mount Holly, N.J.. 31, 34, 39, 43, 133,

386 n 130; skirmish at, xxii
Movlan, Stephen, 403-04n54
Mud Island, Pa., 97, 103, 104-05
Muhlenberg, Peter, 287, 288, 289, 297
Muller (Ewald’s hornblovver), 56, 63
Miinden, 361

Murat, Joachim, xxviii-xxix

Murray, Francis. 120, 269, 290, 324, 401 n 7
Musgrave, Thomas, 93, 96

Nansemond River (Va.), 274, 31 / , 318
Napoleon I, xxix, xxx
Navesink, N.J., 137, 243
Neck, The, 111

Negroes, 186, 199, 200, 203, 214, 219, 278,
289, 298, 302, 305, 323; driven off bv British
during siege of York and Gloucester. 335-
36; role in American Revolution. 20; in siege
of Charlestown, 221, 225
Nelson, Caleb, 352. 358, 436nl5
Nelson, Thomas, Jr., 42 In 1 1
Nelson’s Ferry, N.Y., 352
Nelson’s Tavern, Va., 316
Neon’s (?] plantation, 304
Neptune, 247

Neuby’s Mill (Va.), 317, 318
Newark, N.J., 20, 22, 62, 78, 79
New Bridge, N.J., 17, 18, 19, 175
New Brunswick, N.J., 17. 24, 45,48, 50, 63. 64,
65

New Castle, Va., 305, 306
Newcomb, Silas, 397 n 126
New Englanders, 109. 250, 344. 347, 350
Newfoundland, 349. 350
New Jersey: British invasion of, 17-25; cam-
paign in, 25-70

New Kent Court House (Va.), 306
Newman, Colonel. 123
New Mills, N.J., 39
Newport News, Va., 258
New Rochelle, N.Y., 8, 10, 173
Newton, Staten Island, N.Y., 244
Newton Cut bridge, 204
Newton Township. N.J., 97

New Town. Va., 278
New York. N.Y., 7, 315, 319. 34^
i n 140-86; fires. 141-43, 37( :
after independence. 359-60
New York. Province of, 8
Nimham, Daniel. 145. 406/H6
Nonsuch, 72. 73

Norfolk. Va.. 274, 278. 279, 289
Norriton. Pa., 91 . 93
North Carolina. 277
North East River. 74, 75
North Edisto, 195
North Edisto River, 203
North River. See Hudson Rive
Northwest Landing Place, 277,
Northwest River (Va.), 277
Norwich. Long Island, N.Y.. 2
Notto plantation, 204
Nova Scotia, 349, 350

Oburn, James, 391n38
Odell’s house, 246
Offenbach, Karl von, 102
O’Hara, Charles, 319, 339. 43
Old Royal Work (Charlestown
Old Town, Va., 273. 423n45
Olmiitz, 103, 399nl46
Olney, Jeremiah, 398rcl34
Opposition Party, 30, 87, 286.
Osborn, Sir George, 51. 53, 5
Ottendorff, Nicholas Dietrich
57

Oyster Bay, N.Y., 156, 174. 1

Pagan Creek (Va.), 273, 317
Pagan Mill (Va.), 272
Pallet’s Mill (Va.), 2/8
Palmer, Captain. 328
Pan, 190, 191

Parrev, Anthony or Francis,
Partisan warfare, xxi, xxii, 10
117, 149; Ewald master of,
Ewald’s treatise on, xxii, x>
Paterson, James, 15, 190, 2L
Patterson, Lady. 80
Patterson, Samuel. 392n46
Pattison, James. 161-62,410
Pauli, Georg Henrich. 15. 9£
Paulins Ford. Pa., 91
Paulus Hook. N.J.. 151, 158
319

Pav: American army, 356; B
183

Payne, Ben. Charnock. 8
Peekskill, N.Y., 152, 351. 3.'

462

INDEX

Peekskill Bridge, 163
Peekskill Creek, 162. 163,410^73
Pell’s Bridge (N.Y.), 174
Pennington, N.J., 27, 31

Pennsylvania, 80; inhabitants. 91. 93. 1 19-20,
121

Pennsylvania Germans, \ix-\x

Perev, Lieutenant General Hugh, Lari, 16.

123, 401 n 16

Perkins, Commissary. 334, 432«35
Perseus , 192, 4 1 3 n 1 2
Petersburg, Va., 259, 269, 270, 297. 299
“Pettvcoat Bridge,’’ 384 n 1 12
Philadelphia, Pa., 27, 88; Arnold governor of,
295; British occupation of, xxiii, 92, 96, 99,
105, ill, 1 17-32, 402«32; residents. 120,
131, 400n4

Philipsburgh, N.Y., 17, 246, 379«55
Philipse, Frederick, 405 m 8
Philipse’s church, 141, 248
Philipse’s Bridge, 149, 153, 174
Philipse’s Hill, 149, 246
Philipse’s house, 140-41, 143-44, 160, 245,
405n6

Philipse’s Manor, 10, 144, 156
Philipse’s plantation, 149
Philipse’s wharf, 172
Phillips, William, 294. 296-97, 299
"Phil’s Hill,” 365
Phoenix (man-of-war), 73
Pickering Creek, Pa., 90
Pierce, Thomas, 273, 423 m 40
Pierce’s plantation, 273
Pikeland Township, Pa., 90
Piscataway, N.J., 51

Plunder, 18, 19, 22, 31, 39, 57, 121, 183, 261,
269, 422w27, 423^42
Point Comfort, 319
Point Constitution, N.Y., 353
Ponpon, S.C., 202
Port Roval River, 195

Portsmouth, Va., 274, 277, 279, 280, 286, 287,
288, 289, 294, 296, 297, 302, 303, 315, 318.
319, 360; abandoned by British, 323
Post’s Hill, 160

Post’s plantation, 145, 150, 406 w 14
Potomac River, 338
Potter, James, 93, 110, 395 n 103
Powder Point, Va., 276, 279, 280. 289
Powhatan Creek (Va.), 315
Prevost, Augustine, 157, 172, 186, 199, 205,
217, 407 ri40

Prices: clothing, 105; food, 92. 104, 117, 118
Prince’s Bay, Staten Island, N.Y.. 68, 69, 258
Princess Anne County, Va., 278, 279, 286, 297

Princetown, N.J., xxii. 27, 31. 42, 44, 45, 48,
49. 50, 51

Prisoners of war: American, 11, 16, 2 1 . 23, 45,
49, 57. 68, 78-79, 80, 120, 121, 126, 149,
153, 162. 169, 214. 237. 238, 241-42, 266.
267, 272, 273, 274, 277. 288, 298, 324, 349,

4 1 7 m 2f>; British, 228, 339. 349; exchange of,
140, 152; French, 312-13; Hessian, xx.
349-50; information from, 21, 23, 49, 6)8,
78-79, 80, 88. 122, 123. 126-27, 149, 166,
21 I, 284. 285, 289-90, 318, 322
Privateers: American, 138; British, 159
Provence, 247
Providence (frigate), 238
Providence (God), xxiii, 240. 243, 303, 337,
346

Province Island, Pa., 96, 104
Provisions: American army, 419n55; British,
55, 75, 92, 96-97, 104, 105, 1 17, 121. 132,
205, 303; fleet, 1 18, 157, 250, 336, 338.
408 n44

Prueschenck, Ernst Carl von, 64, 68, 69. 161,
174, 389rcl79, 406«22; at end of Fifth cam-
paign, 248, 250; at New York, 149, 162; at
Philadelphia, 122, 123, 128; wounded, 246
Pugachev. Yemelyan Ivanovich, 174, 4I0n91
Pulaski, Count Casimir, 135, 137, 153, 209,
240, 403 -04 n 54, 407»33
Pungo Church (Va.), 284, 285, 425nl7

Quakers, 81, 118-19; library of, 127
Quarter House (S.C.), 218, 415«58
Quebec, 295

Queen’s Creek (Va.), 312, 313
Quibbletown, N.J., 52, 53, 56, 62, 65

Rahway, N.J.. 22, 24, 69
Rahway River, 69
Rainbow (warship). 172
Raisonnable, 72, 192

Rail, Johann Gottlieb, 13, 31, 42, 44-45,
386^140

Rancocas Creek (N.J.), 38

Ranger (frigate), 238

Rantowle’s Creek (S.C.), 199, 214

Rappahannock River, 338

Raritan bridge (N.J.), 51

Raritan Landing (N.J.), 51

Raritan River (N.J.), 17. 19, 24, 25, 56, 137

Rations: American army, 356; British army,

1 18, 157, 387n 145, 405 « 72
Rattlesnake, 198
Rau, Carl von, 9, 10, 141
Ravening Wolf, 232

463

INDEX

Rawdon. Lieutenant Colonel Francis, Lord,

158, 347, 408n45
Reading, Pa., 90
Red Bank, Battle of, xxiii
Refugees, 349. See also Loyalists
Reichmeyer (jiiger), 56
Reisen’s Ferry, Staten Island, N.V., 71
Renoum , 192, 195
Revenge (privateer), 408-09w56
Reynolds, Mary Ritchey Brian, 385 m 124
Reynolds, Thomas, 39
Rhode Island, 247-48, 291; harbor, 246
Richland road, 149
Richmond (frigate), 192, 327, 431n22
Richmond, Staten Island, N.Y., 69, 182, 244,
251

Richmond, Va., 266, 267, 268, 303, 304, 306;

plunder of, 422«27
Riddick’s Mill (Va.), 318
Rieffer, Carl Friedrich, 102
Riemann, Johann Conrad, 99
Rittenhouse, David, 128, 401n21
Rivington, James, 423n36
Robertson, Charles, 334, 432 n36
Roberts’s plantation, 317
Robinson, Beverly, 269, 270, 407 m 36, 422-
23n34

Robinson, Beverly, Sr., 423 m35
Robinson, John, 291, 425 n27
Robinson, Patrick, 423 m51
Robust , 192

Rochambeau, Jean Baptiste Donatien de
Vimeur, Comte de, 246, 248, 249, 289, 315,
419 m 48; surrender of Cornwallis, 339, 342,
345; in Virginia, 324, 326
Rocky Hill, N.J., 48, 50
Rodemann, Johann Ludolf, 102
Rodney, Sir George, 324, 327
Roebuck , 104, 192, 195, 226, 390n 16
Roeder, Friedrich Wilhelm von, 246
Rogers, Robert, 377-78 m21
Roman Emperor, 74
Romulus, 192, 195
Rosebank, Staten Island, N.Y., 244
Rosengarten, Joseph C., xx-xxi, 375n4
Rose’s plantation, 205
Ross. Alexander, 84, 393 n 62
Ruppel (jager), 56
Russell, 192

Sack Point, Va., 274

Sailors (British), 190-91 , 325; in siege of Char-
lestown. 221, 225, 226, 228-29
Saint Andrew’s Church. 208. 209, 211,214
Saint Andrew’s Creek, 208, 209, 21 1
Saint Andrew’s Parish, 208

Saint Augustine, siege of. 236
Saint Kustatius, W.I., 347
Saint George’s Day, 128
Saint Lucia. W.I., 157

Saint-Simon Montblern, Claude Anne, Mai-
quis de, 325, 326, 345. 431 m 16
Samptown, N.J., 52, 62. 65
Sandwich, 347

Sandv Hook, N.J., 137, 140, 243, 258, 344,
Lighthouse, 138, 140, 404 m 69
Sarah Creek (Va.), 320, 330
Savage’s plantation, 208

Savannah, Ga.. 157; evacuated bv British, 349;

Fwald on, 183-86
Savannah River, 194

Saw Mill Creek (N.Y.), 150, 151, 173, 175
Saw Mill road, 152
Schaller, Henrich Sebastian von, 175
Schieck, Justus Henrich von, 97, 99
Schill, Ferdinand von, xxx
Schmidt, Ludwig, 215
Schmidt, Martin Conrad, 15
Schotten, Friedrich Andreas, 102
Schulenburg, 338

Schuler, Ferdinand Henrich von, 190
Schuylkill River (Pa.), 89, 91 , 93, 96, 1 1 1 , 1 17,
122, 126

Scott, Charles, 145, 149, 150-51, 152, 237
Scott, William, 83. 417n23
Scottish mountains, 65-68
Scott’s Creek (Va.), 276, 287, 289, 319
Scott’s Mill (Va.), 317
Scott’s plantation, 276, 287
Searingtown, Long Island, N.\., 250
Seawell’s Ordinary, Va., 323, 327, 329-30
Seawell’s plantation, 323, 329-30
Second River, 18, 20, 25
Servan Bay, S.C., 227
Setauket, Long Island, N.Y., 182
Seven Years’ War, xxv, 230, 236, 299, 427 n48
Severn River (Va.), 320, 321, 324, 325, 326
Sevmour, Thomas, 98
Shank, Captain. 277, 281. 284, 309-12, 330
Sheerness, 360
Sheldon, Elisha. 172-73
Shippen, Margaret, 295, 426 m 35
Shoal Harbor, N.J., 159
Shrewsbury, N.J., 159
Shrewsbury River, 137
Sieges: Charlestown, xxiii, 221-42; Fort
Mifflin, 104-05; Fort Washington, 14-17;
Gloucester, 330-39; Havana, 230, 236;
Louisburg, 236; St. Augustine, 236; York,
329, 330-39

Simcoe, John Graves, xxiv, 105, 117, 136, 149,
150, 151, 153, 173, 250, 252; at New York.

464

I N 1)1 X

Rawdon, Lieutenant Colonel Francis, Lord.

1 58. 347. 408 h 4 5
Reading, Pa., 90
Red Bank, Battle- of . wiii
Refugees, 349. Srr also Loyalists
Reic hniever (jager). 50
Reisen's Ferry, Staten Island, N.Y., 71
R entmm, 192. 195
Revenge (privateer). 408-09;/56
Reynolds. Mary Ritchev Brian, 385 n 1 24
Reynolds, Thomas. 39
Rhode Island. 247-48, 291; harbor, 246
Richland road, 149
Richmond (frigate). 192, 327, 431«22
Richmond, Staten Island, N.Y., 69, 182, 244,
251

Richmond, Va., 266, 267, 268, 303, 304. 306;

plunder of, 422?*27
Riddick's Mill (Va.). 318
Rieffer, Carl Friedrich, 102
Riemann, Johann Conrad, 99
Rittenhouse, David. 128, 401 «21
Rivington, James, 423«36
Robertson, Charles, 334, 432 n 36
Roberts’s plantation, 317
Robinson, Beverlv, 269, 270, 407^36, 422-
23n34

Robinson, Beverly, Sr., 423 ?j 35
Robinson, John, 291, 425n27
Robinson, Patrick, 423 « 5 1
Robust, 192

Rochambeau, Jean Baptiste Donatien de
Vimeur, Comte de, 246, 248, 249, 289, 315,
419n48; surrender of Cornwallis, 339, 342,
345; in Virginia, 324, 326
Rocky Hill, N.J., 48, 50
Rodemann, Johann Ludolf, 102
Rodney, Sir George, 324, 327
Roebuck, 104, 192, 195, 226, 390n 16
Roeder, Friedrich Wilhelm von, 246
Rogers, Robert, 377-78n21
Roman Emperor, 74
Romulus, 192, 195
Rosebank, Staten Island, N.Y., 244
Rosengarten, Joseph C., xx-xxi, 375w4
Rose's plantation, 205
Ross, Alexander. 84, 393 n62
Ruppel (jager), 56
Russell, 192

Sack Point, Va., 274

Sailors (British), 1 90-91 , 325; in siege of Char-
lestown, 221, 225, 226, 228-29
Saint Andrew’s Church. 208, 209, 211, 214
Saint Andrew’s Creek, 208, 209, 21 1
Saint Andrew’s Parish, 208

Saint Augustine, siege of. 236
Saint F.ustaiius, W.I., 347
Saint George’s Day, 128
Saint Lucia. W.I., 1 57

Saint-Simon Montblern, Claude Anne, Mar-
quis de, 325. 326, 345, 43 In 16
Samptown, X.J.. 52, 62. 65
Sandwich, 347

Sandy Hook. N.J., 137, 140, 243, 258. 344;

Lighthouse, 138, 140, 404 »69
Sarah Creek (Va.). 320, 330
Savage’s plantation, 208

Savannah, Ga., 157; evacuated bv British, 349;

Ewald on, 183-86
Savannah River. 194

Saw Mill Creek (N.Y.), 150, 151, 173, 175
Saw Mill road. 152
Schaller, Henrich Sebastian von, 175
Schieck, Justus Henrich von, 97, 99
Schill, Ferdinand von, xxx
Schmidt, Ludwig, 215
Schmidt, Martin Conrad, 15
Schotten, Friedrich Andreas, 102
Schulenburg, 338

Schuler, Ferdinand Henrich von, 190
Schuylkill River (Pa.), 89, 9 1 , 93, 96, 1 1 1 , 1 1 7,
122, 126

Scott, Charles, 145, 149, 150-51, 152,237
Scott, William, 83. 417^23
Scottish mountains, 65-68
Scott’s Creek (Va.), 276, 287, 289, 319
Scott’s Mill (Va.), 317
Scott’s plantation, 276. 287
Searingtown, Long Island, N.Y., 250
Seawell’s Ordinary, Va., 323, 327, 329-30
Seawell’s plantation, 323, 329-30
Second River, 18, 20, 25
Servan Bay, S.C., 227
Setauket, Long Island, N.Y., 182
Seven Years’ War, xxv, 230, 236, 299, 427n48
Severn River (Va.), 320, 321, 324, 325, 326
Sevmour, Thomas, 98
Shank, Captain, 277, 281, 284, 309-12, 330
Sheerness, 360
Sheldon, Elisha, 172-73
Shippen, Margaret, 295, 426n35
Shoal Harbor, N.J., 159
Shrewsbury, N.J., 159
Shrewsbury River. 137
Sieges: Charlestown, xxiii, 221-42; Fort
Mifflin, 104-05; Fort Washington, 14-17;
Gloucester. 330-39; Havana, 230, 236;
Louisburg, 236; St. Augustine, 236; York,
329, 330-39

Simcoe.John Graves, xxiv, 105, 117, 136, 149,
150, 151, 153, 173, 250, 252; at New York,

464

140, 141, 144, 145; Virginia (6th) campaign,
261, 266, 267-76, 278-80. 284-88, 296, 299,
303, 304. 306, 308, 309. 312, 315-18, 323,
324, 325, 326, 327. 328, 338, 426;<43;
wounded/captured, 1 79-82, 4 1 1 n 105
Simmons Island, 195, 4137/26; Ewald on, 197
Simonsen’s Ferry, Staten Island, N.V., 71
Sinclair, Arthur E., 1 17
Sing Sing, N.Y., 152, 173
Sipple, Corporal, 290, 291, 312
Skinner. Cortland, 182

Skirmishes, xxii, 13, 18, 20, 38, 49, 52, 55, 65,
68,76,78-79,83,88,97, 105, 1 10, 123, 128,
132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 141, 145, 153, 163,
208, 209, 21 1,218. 220, 245, 248, 259, 260,
267, 284, 285, 314-15, 323-24, 328, 329,
330, 424 n 16
Slabtovvn, N.J., 31, 38
Smith, Francis, 182, 41 \n 110
Smith [Smyth], Robert, 294
Smith, William [?], 92, 128, 395n«97-98; plan-
tation, 104

Smithfield, Va., 272, 273, 274, 315, 316, 317
Snake Hill, N.Y., 248, 4I9//54
Sneading Hill, N.V., 149, 150
Soane’s Bridge (Va.), 306
Soldiering: as trade, xx
Solmann, Captain, 72
Somerset, 72, 104
Soult, Nicholas, xxviii
Southampton, Va., 315
South Carolina, 172, 347
Southold, Long Island, N.Y., 158
Spencer’s Inlet, S.C., 227, 416n7
Spencer’s Ordinary, Va., 341
Spencer’s plantation, 308, 313
Spies, 117, 126, 143, 280, 285; American, 130
Spring (brigantine), 191
Springfield, N.Y., 22, 244, 246
Stamford, Ludwig Friedrich von, 98, 99, 102,
129, 365

Stapleton, John, 349

Staten Island, N.Y., 69, 71, 140, 244, 251;

winter quarters, British army, 156, 158, 182
Steuben, Friedrich Wilhelm von, 77, 259, 266,
269, 287, 289, 297, 3917/35, 421nl5,
4257/21; at West Point, 355
Stillwater affair, 295

Stirling, Thomas, 31, 34, 38, 158-59, 172,
408n54

Stirling, William Alexander, 175, 418w37

Stirn, Johann Daniel von, 71, 72, 74, 82, 3907/5

Stockbridge tribe, 130

Stono Ferry, S.C., 196, 197, 198, 199

Stono Inlet, 203, 231

Stono Island, 204

Stono River, 197, 198, 199,202,203.204,205,
208, 210

Stony Point, N.Y., 161, 162, 168, 169, 172. 175,
179

Storm, Abraham, 406»27

Storm’s Bridge, 151, 173

Strawberry. S.C., 242

Strawberry Bank, N.J., 97

Stuart, Charles, 98, 397 n 129

Suffolk, Va., 277, 278, 288, 289, 290, 317, 318

Sullivan, John, 78, 79-80, 175, 386wI34,

4 1 1 7*98

Sullivan’s Island, 202, 217, 227, 228, 243;

Americans surrender fort on, 236
Surueillante (frigate), 247
Susquehanna River (Pa.), 73, 338
Sutherland, Alexander, 327
Sutherland, Andrew, 72
Sutherland, William, 175, 327, 410//93
Sutherland’s plantation, 279
Swan, 194
Swede’s Ford, 90
Swift (sloop), 72
Symonds, Thomas, 258

Tailor, Captain, 335
Tale’s plantation, 285
Tappan, N.Y., 19, 149, 248
Tarleton, Banastre, 190, 305, 306, 308, 329,
330, 4067in 13, 16

Tarrytown, N.Y., 141, 149. 151, 152, 157, 183,
246, 351, 358
Techsel, 360

Tellar’s Point, N.Y., 161, 172
Tenafly, N.J., 17

Ternay, Charles Louis d’Arsac, Chevalier de,
246, 280, 288, 291, 319, 325, 424nll
Thayer, Simeon, 398nl39
Thomas, Evan, 120
Ticonderoga, N.Y., 295
Timber Creek, 97, 99, 326
Tonken, Thomas, 192, 215, 4 1 3n 14
Townsend, Joseph, 393t265
Townsend, Peter, 437n34
Traille, Peter, 190

Trautvetter, Johann Friedrich, 9, 56, 57, 87

Tredyffrin, Pa., 89

Trench Island, S.C., 195, 4 1 3 n 2 5

Trent Ferry, N.J., 27, 30, 31

Trenton, N.J., xxii, 27, 31, 42, 44, 49

Trenton Creek, 44

Tulpehocken Area, Pa., 1 19, 130-31, 400r/3

Tupper, Benjamin, 380 n 65

Turas [?] plantation, 323

Turkey Island Creek (Va.), 266, 268

Turkey Point, Md., 71, 74, 75

465

INDEX

Turk’s Head, Pa., 88
Tivo Brothers , 5, 247, 376n5
Tybee lighthouse, 194
Tyler, John, 380;/65

Uchritz, Louis Augustus. Baron de, 77
Ungewitter, Susanne, xxvii
United States: declared independent, 349
Upper Ferry, 132

Valentine’s Hill, N.Y., 140, 149, 160

Valentine’s house, 141, 143

Valentine’s plantation, 145

Valley Creek (Pa.), 90

Valley Forge, Pa„ 88. 90, 111. 117, 123

Valley Kill, 355

Van Cortland t Manor, 14

Vanderen’s Mill (Pa.), 93. 104, 117

Van Horne, Anne, 365

Van Horne, Jeannette: letters from Ewald to,
365-74, 388rj 1 67
Van Horne, Philip, 365, 388^167
Van Veghten Bridge, 25, 56
Van Veghten’s plantation, 26
Vauban, Sebastien le Prestre, Marquis de, 236
Vaughan, John, 161, 163
Vernier, Pierre-Fran^ois, 199, 202-03, 204,
214, 215, 217

Verplanck’s Point, N.Y., 156-57, 161, 162,
168, 169, 172, 179
Vigilant, 72, 104, 105

Viomenil, Charles Joseph Hyacinthe du Houx,
Vicomte de, 335

Virginia: campaign in, xxiii, 258-332
Voltaire, 336

Vose, Joseph, 354, 356, 437r?23
Vulcan (fire ship), 72, 289, 327

Wachs, Heinrich Friedrich, 102
Wagner, Johann Emanuel, 99, 102
Waite's plantation, 199
Walcott, William, 93, 3 96 n 1 1 1
Waldeck, xix

Waldenfels, Christoph Friedrich Joseph von,
143-44,153,250

Walker, Thomas Reynolds, 286-87, 425^20

Wallace’s Creek (S.C.), 199

Wallkill, N.J., 437n29

Wando River (S.C.), 238

Wangenheim, Friedrich A. J. von, 63

Wappoo Cut [Canal], 203, 205, 210, 230

Wappoo River, 208

Ward’s Creek (Va.), 261

Ward’s plantation, 10

Warwick, Va., 259

Washington, George, xxii-xxiii, 10, 13, 25, 34,
84,87,88, 104, 123, 126, 128, 140, 151, 157,
163, 183, 248, 249, 315, 320, 389^182,

394 nn 8 1-82, 395 nn 89-90; assumed com-
mand over Southern and Allied armies, 327;
attack on Philadelphia, 93; attack on Tren-
ton, 42-43; at Brandywine Creek, 73, 77, 80,
81, 391n21; during British New Jersey cam-
paign, 43, 44, 49; during British retreat
from Philadelphia, 134, 136, 137; at
Chestnut Hill, 109; at the Clove, 245, 248;
coup at Princeton, 49-50; crosses Delaware,
134, 403n47 ; at Darby, 111; encampment in
Jerseys, 168-69, 379n54; encampment at
Morristown/Basking Ridge, 64-65; head-
quarters in Morristown, 52; on Hessians, xx;
joins Gates, 141; meets w-ith Rochambeau,
249; occupies Fort Lee, 1 7; puzzled by
British invasion of New Jersey, 419^46;
quarters in New York, 149, 152; ruse of ex-
change of prisoners of war, 39; at Stony
Point, 172; surrender of Cornwallis, 339,
342, 345; at Valley Forge, 111, 1 17; in
Virginia, 324, 326; at West Point, 175; at
Windsor, 255

Washington, William Augustine, 214, 215,

217, 414n50
Watering Place, 251
Watt’s Ford, 104
Watts’s house, 151

Wayne, Anthony, 56, 287, 288, 349, 403n47;
in Virginia, 304

Webster, James, 51, 169, 195, 196, 197, 198,
199, 203, 204, 205-20, 221
Weedon, George, 326, 329, 394n74
Weeks, Amos, 278, 279, 281, 284, 285, 287,
288, 297-98, 323

Weitershausen, Friedrich Karl von, 24
Welch’s Tavern (Pa.), 81
Wemyss, James, 77
Werneck, Frederick, 268, 422rz24
Weser, 260
Westbury, N.Y., 250
West Chester, N.Y., 173, 183
Westfield, N.J., 68, 69
W'estfield Meeting House, 69
Westham, Va., 267, 268, 304
Westham Foundry (Va.), 422 n 23
West Indies, 157, 347
Westover, Va.. 261, 268, 302
West Point, 168, 175, 295; Arnold promises to
surrender to Clinton, 249; Ewald’s postwar
visit to, xxiii

Weyberg, Caspar Dietrich, 1 19, 400n2
Whitall, Sarah, 397 wl 24

466

1 IN Ur.A

White, Anthony Walton, 173, 174-75
White Clay Creek (Del.), 79
White Horse Tavern (Pa.), 88. 90
White Marsh, Pa., 129

White Plains, N.Y., 11, 141. 149, 153, 172. 173,
315; attack of American army at, 1 1-14
White’s plantation, 51
Whitestone, Long Island, N.Y., 248
Whiting, Colonel, 320, 429-30n83
Whiting’s plantation, 322, 323, 327, 330
Wiederhold, Andreas, 4o, 386?il38
Willets Point, N.Y., 160
William IX, xxvii
Williams Bridge (N.Y.), 178
Williamsburg, 297, 306, 308, 313, 314, 315,
327

Willis, John, 423n43

Wilmington, Del., 76, 302

Wilmington, N.C., 315, 347

Wilson’s plantation, 196, 197, 199, 304, 315

Windsor, 255

Winter, Captain, 192

Winter, Lieutenant, 191

Wintzingerode, Johann Ernst von, 191, 198,
238-39

Wissahickon Creek (Pa.), 91, 93, 104, 117

Wolff, Johann Heinrich, 347

Women: with Jager Corps, 68, 389nl86

Wood, Andrew, 401nll

Woodbridge, N.J., 22

Woodford, William, 226, 237, 416n3

Wreden, Carl August von, 4, 9, 10, 18; letter
from Howe, 131; in New Jersey, 20-22, 24,
31, 43, 48, 51, 55, 64, 65, 68; at New York,
149, 153; at Philadelphia, 122, 126, 219; re-
ceived order pour la vertu militaire, 389» 180,
394 n82; at Turkey Point, 74; Turkey Point
to Philadelphia, 78, 88, 98
Wurinb, Ludwig Johann Adolph von, 64, 68,
215, 438n39; end of fifth campaign,

246, 248, 250, 252; New Jersey ex-
pedition, 244-45; at New York, 141, 144,
149, 150, 153, 173. 174, 183; at
Philadelphia, 121-22, 126, 129; Turkey
Point to Philadelphia campaign, 75, 77-78,
86, 92

Yeadon Meeting House (Pa.), 123
Yellow Springs, Pa., 90
York, Va., 297, 314, 320-21, 322, 325, 329,
fru-fifiratinn of. 322, 327; siege of,

330-39

York Church, 338, 433n55
Yorke, John, 156, 190, 303
York Island, 138, 140, 156. 182, 251, 359,
winter quarters, British army, 156, 158
York River, 313, 314, 320, 329, 330, 334
York Road, 109
Yorkshire Bridge, 34

467

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